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Ritual, art, and performance in Aboriginal Australia

A history of art from the Tiwi Islands: the source community in an evolving museumscape

Eric Venbrux

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Introduction

‘Morning tea with Tiwi Ladies’ is one of the attractions for tourists visiting Bathurst and Melville Islands in northern Australia. Indigenous graveyards and the production of arts and crafts are part and parcel of the itinerary. The islands have a history of one hundred years as a ‘destination culture’ (Kirshenblatt- Gimblett 1998) for tourists and anthropologists alike. From the early years of the twentieth century onwards museum interests have been a steady factor in shaping the islanders’ interrelationship with the wider world. Items of material culture were collected here in great quantities and ended up in museums all over the world. The current urge of metropolitan museums to set up a dialogue with source communities concerning collections assembled in the past, as well as indigenous people’s reclaiming their dispersed cultural heritage, has gained considerable attention in the museum-studies literature (e.g., Simpson 1996; Peers and Brown 2003). Although local museum buildings may be of recent date, many indigenous ‘source communities’ have long since been affected by the process of museumification.

In this chapter I want to consider this process, and extend the idea of indigenous museums, by looking at twentieth-century Bathurst and Melville Islands through the lens of an open-air museum. This case study thus seeks to contribute to a better understanding of indigenous people in an evolving museumscape. In particular, I want to make clear that due to its museumification the so-called source community can be conceived of as being part and parcel of the circuit of museums. In this regard the source community is not a mere source of artefacts, but another museum in itself: a type of museum that comes close to an eco-museum or open-air museum. The indigenous museum could be visited as such. De-accessioning of duplicates, of course, occurred to a greater extent than in metropolitan museums (although their involvement in exchanges with other such museums should not be underestimated). A shift in perspective, however, helps to see that the museal source community had its source in preexisting models of museumification. For example, the model of an open air-museum was around when Bathurst and Melville Islands opened in around 1905. It was a model with its antecendents in the world exhibitions (see Stoklund 2003). Museum interests had also become intertwined with the colonial enterprise (Fabian 2001). This was a ‘valuable advertisement of the country’s capabilities’, according to the then government resident, who established an ethnographic museum in his residence in the Northern Territory’s capital, immediately south of Bathurst and Melville islands (Herbert 1906). What is more, ‘Aboriginal cultural knowledge and material had been “up for sale” in the Northern Territory since the turn of the century’ (Povinelli 1993: 75). This commoditization also took place on Bathurst and Melville Islands (see Venbrux 2001, 2002), and it implied a production of difference. Baldwin Spencer, director of the National Museum of Victoria, conceived of them, in 1911–12, as ‘quite another world of aboriginal life’ (1928: 695). The islands were treated as an open-air museum. Museumification is closely linked to folklorization (De Jong 2001: 21–24), and likewise can be seen as special form of creation (Bogatyrev and Jakobson 1929). First and foremost, these are forms of cultural production sited in ‘an intercultural space’ (Merlan 1998; Myers 2002). In considering the museumification of the islands, both external influences and indigenous agency have to be taken into account. Below, I will discuss some of the conditions and local practices that constitute the process of museumification. I want to show how local, indigenous people have participated in an evolving global museumscape over the past hundred years. In the last few decades the islands have not only served as a kind of open-air museum, particularly in terms of small-scale tourism, but also boast indoor exhibition rooms. These galleries further enhance the process of museumification of local history and culture. Referring to the early twentieth-century example of Richard Thurnwald’s open-air museum in the island of Buin, Nick Stanley (this volume) States that the open-air museum provides a model that ‘thrives today in most of the cultural centres across the Pacific’. With regard to the case of Bathurst and Melville Islands I would like to go a step further, and demonstrate that this source community for a hundred years has been a de facto open-air museum. The process of museumification, in other words, may be more decisive than the formal product or institution when we are speaking of or conceptualizing an indigenous museum:the indigenous museum as a cultural form has a future firmly rooted in the past.

A Preserved Site

At the height of the ‘museum period’ (1880–1920; cf. Stocking 1983), Europeans gained access to Bathurst and Melville Islands. It was generally believed that in the two islands – at a distance of 60 km from the principal port in northern Australia – a pristine, primordial culture had been preserved. ‘For long ages past a narrow stretch of water seems to have isolated the Islanders with their remarkable culture’ (Spencer 1928: 709). The islanders formed ‘the one tribe which offered consistent, uncompromising resistance to European intrusion’ until the eve of the twentieth century (Reid 1990: 97). Consequently, the islands were seen as one of the few remaining locations where ‘the aboriginal in his natural State’ could still be observed (Spencer 1914: 41; cf. Klaatsch 1908: 674; Basedow 1913: 291). Both the landscape and the inhabitants of this secluded space happened to be designated as ‘wild’ and ‘picturesque’ by early twentieth-century visitors (Venbrux 2001). In their gaze it seemed faithful to the image of a primitive isolate, ‘a hermetic aesthetic place’ (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1991) not unlike a museum park. European visitors tended to regard the islanders as museum pieces, ‘a relic of the early childhood of mankind’ (Spencer 1922: 13). These Aborigines, ‘hitherto practically uncontaminated by European influence’ (Frazer 1912: 73), provided a unique opportunity to come face-to-face with humanity’s contemporary ancestors. Thus framed visits to the islands helped to create a local ‘experience economy’ (Pine and Gilmore 1999) geared towards showing a primeval Aboriginal life-world in evidence.

Visitor expectations had their antecedents in social theorizing, and its popular dissemination in exhibitions, representing the Australian Aborigines as the primitive society par excellence (Kuper 1988, Morphy 1988, Hiatt 1996). How persistent the idea of a primitive isolate was follows from the account of a National Geographic expedition in the 1950s. The leader presents the islanders as ‘one of the few archaic peoples left on earth’. The visiting party was ‘travelling backward in time’ and ‘in the little-known land … would see man living as much as he did 50,000 years ago’ (Mountford 1956: 417). At that time, Bathurst and Melville Islands were Aboriginal reserves.

Throughout the twentieth century the islands, in addition to the physical boundaries, have been hedged around with legal barriers restricting access. They were initially leased to private interests, then declared Aboriginal reserves, and finally granted as Aboriginal land. Permission was required to gain entrance to the islands. (Since the 1980s tourists have been required to pay a visitors’ fee.) The marked-off area in this sense also resembles an open-air museum. The distinctive ‘world of aboriginal life’ that Spencer and others found here was attributed to the islands’ isolation until early in the twentieth century. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, sporadic exchanges took place with the crews of visiting ships. In 1824, Melville Island even became the site of the first colonial settlement in northern Australia. But the British Fort Dundas, a military and trading post, turned out to be a failure. Within five years the fort had to be abandoned (Campbell 1834). Although no friendly relations with the islanders were established, an indigenous graveyard with sculptured posts had been observed, the record of which was to inspire later European visitors. The remains of the short-lived fort would also become a popular destination for them. Among white people in Palmerston (the present city of Darwin, founded in 1869) on the mainland, the islanders had a reputation for hostility (Foelsche 1882: 17; Swoden 1882: 21) probably as a result of the earlier failure to establish friendly relations with them at Fort Dundas, and their subsequent attacks on people who visited or were stranded on the islands.1 Requests by prospectors, speculators and Jesuit missionaries to be granted land on the islands were turned down by the administration (Reid 1990). The financial crises of the early 1890s (Trainor 1994) must have paved the way for the government to give Europeans access to the islands’ resources, including timber and feral buffaloes (a legacy of the British fort). Hence, intermittent buffalo shooting took place on Melville Island from 1895 onwards. Some crews of Asian ships (operating from the mainland port) that frequented the islands’ waters developed more peaceful relations with the islanders (Pilling 1958: 17). Cape Gambier, in the southwest of Melville Island, was to be the primary ‘contact zone’; the closest anchorage to the mainland, a function that it continued to fulfil when Europeans took over.

The Source Community as a Living Museum The new era, one of sustained contact with Europeans, commenced in 1905. The governor landed in the southwest of Melville Island with a party of Europeans ‘in the hope of meeting some wild natives, which was the principal object of H.E.’s visit to the island’ (The Northern Territory Times and Gazette, 9 June 1905). But they failed to meet them. In the second half of June, however, a white man named Joe Cooper established himself on Melville Island as the lessee’s manager. In the previous decade Cooper and associates had ventured into the island several times to shoot buffalo for their hides and horns. Encounters of these parties with the islanders had been of a violent nature. Cooper now gained access with the help of a few islanders he had kidnapped in 1896. He was accompanied by his brother and an armed workforce of thirty mainland Aborigines. Their gun power was instrumental in the ‘pacification’ of the islands. The Cooper brothers took up buffalo shooting; to a lesser extent they engaged in logging and trepanging (collecting sea cucumbers or bêche-de-mer). The Coopers and their mainland employees camped on various places on the island. Young islander men became attached to the camps, working in exchange for introduced foods and goods.

Once the enterprise was established it attracted a stream of European visitors. These visitors relied on Cooper’s protection and the guidance, transport and other facilities offered by him. A major objective was to view ‘wild’ Aborigines and their cultural expressions in the islands that had been out of bounds before. Already some European men and women had ‘availed themselves of this opportunity for a flying visit to the island’ when the Coopers shipped in horses and gear: ‘Mr. Corr, who had taken his camera with him, is said to have obtained a good snapshot of a group of wild natives, who are described as a far finer and healthier looking lot than their opium and alcohol contaminated compatriots in and around the settled districts of the mainland’ (The Northern Territory Timesand Gazette, 30 June 1905). The shift in the colonial frontier brought first-hand experience of ‘genuine’ Aborigines within reach. ‘The opening door’, to use Morris’s expression (2001: 79), was one to a living museum. Cooper was quick to pick up on this interest: evidence of the islanders’ authenticity and distinctiveness could be presented. His guests witnessed the performance of dances and ceremonies by the islanders, were shown burial sites, and often paid a visit to the remains of Fort Dundas. Furthermore, the visitors were given demonstrations of primitive technology, took photographs, and obtained ethnographic artefacts from the islanders in exchange for trade goods. An example of this pattern of visitor activities, is the account of a visit provided by a German scientist, Hermann Klaatsch, in September 1906. Europeans on the mainland were to read it, under the heading ‘A trip to Melville Island’, in the newspaper. Klaatsch considered his brief stay at Cooper’s camp ‘an experience never to be forgotten by him’. He not only had ‘the most invigorating and glorious natural bath conceivable’ in a waterhole (something still on offer for tourists) in a ‘picturesque valley’, but he also relates that he ‘on each night was an interested spectator of corroborees inaugurated in honour of his visit by the natives’ (The Northern Times and Gazette, 5 October 1905). Although the scientist was primarily interested in data to confirm his evolutionary theory that Aborigines represented ‘the missing link’, he sought to fund his endeavour by bartering for ethnographic objects at source and selling them to metropolitan museums.4 Given those museums’ demand for Aboriginal artefacts, he was able to get a handsome profit by playing them off against each other (Völger 1986). His trade, facilitated by Cooper, also smoothed his relations with the islanders with whom he was unable to speak (Klaatsch 1908: 586). What is more, islanders frequently took the initiative and approached European visitors. The islanders’ ‘mercantile ambitions’ (Fabian 2001: 129), resulting in a commodified display of culture, coincided with the quest of visitors to witness and document a pristine, authentic Aboriginal culture before it was ‘too late’. The formation of such a ‘destination culture’, an intercultural space, however, implied a shift in the context of indigenous cultural practices. In particular, the change in function and meaning of objects, dances and so forth, entailed their museumification (cf. De Jong 2001). This extended to the islanders themselves, being subjected to the visitors’ gaze (cf. Rooijakkers and Van de Weijer 2002). In accordance with the image of the islands as an open-air museum, there was a certain selectiveness as to what merited attention. The focus was on matters that demonstrated the authenticity and distinctiveness of the islands’ Aborigines.

For Europeans Aboriginal dances and ceremonies provided a sort of litmus test of authenticity (Povinelli 1993: 74), evidence that they were dealing with ‘genuine’ Aborigines. A clear example of the islanders’ adjustment to this expectation are the so-called ‘welcome dances’ with which they greeted European visitors upon arrival in exchange for tobacco (Klaatsch 1908; Basedow 1908; Spencer 1914, 1928; Gsell 1956: 47). The dances for entertainment, furthermore, could be staged at any moment and place convenient for a European audience (Murphy 1920; Hill 1943; Simpson 1954). Basedow remarks that ‘whenever we came into contact with the blacks and presented them with divers small articles, a corrobboree was immediately inaugurated; even though the encounter happened to occur in the middle of the day’ (1913: 305). Such dances are performed for tourists up to the present day. The staging of welcome dances for visitors was one thing, a flexibility in the schedule of planned rituals another. It is no coincidence (although they believed that it was) that one visitor after another had the ‘good luck’ or ‘good fortune’ to attend ceremonies being held (Venbrux 2001). They did not have to wait for long to see one; especially postfuneral rituals – dance and song ceremonies – that could take place between two months and two years after a death.5 Spencer (1914, 1928) regarded the mortuary rituals as ‘the wildest’ he had ever witnessed in the whole of Australia. They offered sought-after photo opportunities. The timing of the visitor-attended rituals can also be seen as an indigenous strategy to generate an instant collection of artefacts. Next, the second-hand, desirable ‘authentic’ objects could be transacted to the visiting Europeans, who collected such items – ‘used in ritual’ – almost without exception. The influence of external museum interests also showed in the preference for distinctive Aboriginal artefacts, unique to the islands. In demonstrating a particular interest in precisely those things that distinguished the islanders from mainland Aborigines, European visitors cum collectors contributed to a museumification of local culture that was not only selective but also determined by what stood out from a European perspective. In due time, however, these items also became accepted as cultural icons by the islanders themselves. The favoured objects included barbed spears, bark containers and grave posts, all decorated with geometrical designs. The period before the First World War, when Westerners – museums, in particular – had the greatest interest in acquiring artefacts of Australian Aborigines, was formative in this respect. Indigenous handicrafts were also included in submissions to exhibitions aiming to show the Northern Territory’s potential for development. At the first Australian Women’s Exhibition in Melbourne in 1907, for instance, ‘the work of Aboriginal women from Melville Island was particularly featured’ (James 1989: 71). For Cooper the transactions of his visitors went hand in hand with his commercial interests. It created the goodwill of visiting dignitaries and earned him some money. He not only facilitated the collection of artefacts by representatives of museums but also acted as an agent, trading in ethnographic objects, and if necessary commissioning them to size (Venbrux 2001). Cooper attained legendary status as ‘the only white man among hundreds of savages’ (Masson 1915: 57). He was appointed sub-protector of the Aborigines on Melville Island. In addition to the authorative knowledge of islander culture with which European visitors (including Baldwin Spencer) credited him, this seemed some kind of curatorial role.

In 1911 the federal government took over the administration of the Northern Territory from South Australia. At that point, Father Gsell, a French missionary of the Sacred Heart order, established a small mission station at the southeastern point of Bathurst Island, opposite Cooper’s camp on Melville. The southeastern part of Bathurst Island was leased to the Roman Catholic Mission, and the rest declared an Aboriginal reserve. When Cooper left the islands in 1916, his honorary role of sub-protector was transferred to a priest at the mission station. Although the European presence in the islands was of crucial importance for visitors, indigenous agency should not be underrated.

Some islanders acted as stranger-handlers. They specialized in guiding European visitors (Hart 1954). The latter were given demonstrations of the making and painting of, among other things, bark baskets, spears and grave posts. And they could hardly miss seeing dances and ceremonies. Even near the mission station performances of ‘pagan’ ceremonies were staged for parties of European tourists. Sometimes such an almost inpromptu ceremony ‘was not well done’ in the opinion of the Islanders.6 The visitors often happened to be too short of time for a properly prepared ‘corroboree’. ‘The advent of the due date was accelerated by a liberal distribution of tobacco’, notes a member of a party of nine Europeans visiting the mission station in 1920 (Murphy 1920: 79). It had become standard practice for Europeans to hand out tobacco and trade goods to Aborigines as an incentive (Basedow 1926: 100). These visitors often relied upon information from earlier visitors. They behaved in a predictable way, revisiting the same places (e.g., burial sites with the prized grave posts, waterholes, the remains of the British fort). Those in the business of showing Europeans around would also direct them to the camps of close relatives. Moreover, along established routes Aborigines approached or pointed the way. Important in this respect was the area around Papiau beach, in the northeast of Bathurst Island, at the Apsley Strait. Boats that went up the Apsley Strait had to wait for the tide to turn between Papiau, on Bathurst, and Fort Dundas, on Melville Island. During the stop-over Bathurst Islanders approached by canoe, taking the opportunity to trade their artefacts with European passengers.7Willing visitors were also led to an indigenous camp a little inland. Here they were shown, among other things, the production of bark baskets and aspects of ceremonial life.

Conigrave writes that at the Papiau camp a number of ‘freshly painted’ spears stood ready: ‘These, and many baskets and other objects of native arts and crafts, we took in barter, and we soon had a full cargo for the dinghy’ (1936: 169). Furthermore, it appeared that the Islanders were used to posing for photographs, even in the anthropometric style so popular with museums (cf. Venbrux and Jones 2002). Hence there was the perception of a ‘photographic salon’: ‘our subjects very quickly seized our anxiety to take them full face and profile. If when the former had been taken, a native was slow in turning for his other portrait, he was given some “hurry-up” by those looking on, and when the focal plane shutter went off with a snap, there was satisfied clicking of tongues against their cheeks that seemed to assure us that we had done our job well’ (Conigrave 1936: 170). The site had the double function of production centre and tourist trap. The Aboriginal reserve or living museum, if it may be called so, thus was less ‘uncontaminated by European influence’ than often supposed. The source community underwent dramatic changes in many respects (see Pye 1985; Venbrux 2000b), but despite the impact of external forces attention focused on those areas that were thought to represent ‘traditional’ (read: precontact) Aboriginal society, frozen in time. These were set apart, lifted out of context, as is characteristic of museumification. European visitors and museums wanted the tokens of ‘real’ or ‘authentic’ Aborigines. European representations of the Islanders (in museum collections, earlier accounts and popular culture) fed back into local cultural production. Time and again, while adjustments had to be made to economic and sociocultural change, emphasis was put – as regards hunting and gathering, ceremonies, and artefacts – on the past. The understandings of that past shifted in a process of negotiation between indigenous people’s current ideas about the past (palingari) and consumer expectations over time. ‘Being ourselves for you’, as Stanley (1995) notes in his book of the same title, can be read in two directions. The encounters contributed to a mutual process of identity formation.

In need of a tribal name for the Bathurst and Melville Islanders anthropologist C.W.M. Hart coined the word Tiwi (meaning ‘human beings’; Hart 1930). The Islanders themselves gradually accepted the designation Tiwi as an expression of their communal identity. Besides dance and ceremony, distinctive artefacts and a characteristic painting style came to be seen as icons of Tiwi-ness. The massive production of ‘authentic’ objects from the beginning of the twentieth century, kept in European museums, slowed down somewhat in the period between the two world wars. Yet, European visitors to the islands (and Darwin, where the islanders sometimes performed for Europeans and traded in artefacts) still wanted look-a-likes of these emblematic museum artefacts as mementoes. In time these would also end up in museums. To satisfy demand Islanders continued to produce the bark containers long after they had fallen into disuse. The large barbed spears that had proven to be ineffective against highpowered rifles at the time of ‘pacification’ (Powell 1988: 124) remained collectors’ items. The same was true for grave posts, often repainted by the islanders for European customers (Venbrux 2001). The cultural heritage presented was mainly so-called decorative art. Even previously undecorated bark containers were painted (see Venbrux 2002). Instead of the spear being three to four metres in length, and therefore difficult to transport elsewhere, the Islanders started to produce barbed spearheads. Members of the allied armed forces who resided in the islands during the Second World War acquired many of these transformed objects (some have now been repatriated to the Milewurri Museum in Milikapiti on Melville Island). In the next few decades islander carvers further transformed them into fantasy pieces (with exaggerated proportions and ornt opehis extendr="ltr">Ffacts. Nexvisito islandulture’, n Miliong 200ects (so shoed up in musvate intlections assemuseums wand thee to be seen as icoe ofl and dochentic’Beiis no arkedvthat ‘tr cultural es a fe uvd forh sourcttle inlnge, e, as arks thantford 195w regard to the casrs a54). 995) 417). At that time, Batever, these jor ob of Dar islanders fored forthe timhurst Island wassion staaon the isl worernment tootlement inandGed tn Pt of aon Sn theB revMelville Island as (mal pracceboriginal reserve. Wnce the0). TheGrnmet préc Miywards shorigines app pronge, erom 189andulction an to atteon milon. I wa954).3bett wan been presad the pmeri to rigines on Melerves, awas nrdf the allte’ con theectiven thms thaa tribo in thtution whe(Redge920:7 InsPes (dder these relsr 19Ffacof ‘dr="ltr">sr 19ed (nts in,ey were showosed. T attedoptEuropean pere.

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TheF 1895)80wards. She prodle whom 189hurst and Melville Islands were been reqtivolvin log proelopment. Aaa trial culrist traer.raliet was gen of the few t Austured isnsidered hisproducenceonomic andwosedrto islandi Ladnonal Geoelopment. A (Spe Ladie…Ctercill0: 97)noomO the admrs aft LadTse, s a ftributed to ater thosoe Eureumification of the islInd. Yleft.

TheNs athe isltuoof the Sacsion statradoln a proeum. The dispicturesque’ by ards sho timenf the spentieth century thened accee eraning ‘h the priubiqurs.peopting sts musi as le camexntact witzo. A c Ino ahetic plng an h the help of a fml heense sho time wasmary ge the prishly painted’ears that hadod ready: extendr="ltr">Ffacts. Nhadiau camp a n1916, 4.si as f and rs no cowcft waasrn logge barqurng t by thea198 color objeums alliustralia – twopral timers toor thseast is no tughoutjs inttinued handituoof thetection of t in thenous people’re been reqtivolvin logintevolv museum, ipe andr theaiod beta tridreds omrs afhe source community unn theectiven a ftribed to proib C.Wa faring museum. Co>

Thla ="ding 3">In this 95a thantieth century the islple’roelville Isl twoturst Island waave beemselves. T edopteategy t of Eursalestaographic y s as he epd of on, heriiis. wer forwledge oflativesthe eectices. Ieremonies, andyinnnd Melfl h (Puruotatea wi aparl.01). They dide beeo toolected sucditional’ Milcts as iuseums, sloh a snaw ‘mcolating locir commure. Ref roadcastn the island. Y adjte red-circ mis 1eFfacof syd im ve. Wn time wasft ed. n the nex0: 9hemsepi Ladie…Ctercil,rms a a pare rs locture th,cisivfeerbe rted rtiy andele whomthe Batformance of danupaditional’ (reemonies, andluding Baliuary rituales shig af-mineama of Eurnai LadCural herCre and tey ree-W.yer(Melville Island). Ihere the islroadn ns peree to or objardnps (opt thn a f btlyevttererized inhe massi’ttew been e stauseum parkes ( the opincultest is be ev inly accpened der the hea erai Ladand waavR t l Geogrnment pref thee, theas theer enhrce community uisuch an ahemsepioranavait hadand waave Vene tlehis seeutiome)here wasefissuus trt, ttters tha profilll als t Ausbe too n inttadl Eurg., burkeep EurtEurtralian Womernment to giv popueoatsan thed hisbahlyd ofeerlthierpueophimmas)et, Eur woral culeums, slo of tnthurst Island, at remer musMelville Islongdy: eib C.o>

The SouPaing jyan seum in teNdinuasedrst Island, a)s satited to theSrat t AnndGed nersthe Briturst Island wasMion statnrrobbugd theErof shedn the islsion stagrds befdng from the maiond World War ache masbuildssts to viously undn preb to estasbakesnd disdng locroomad Aboldhoor“y at stiatr islsion sthe massum in Mially leasiderd in Eurnalection of artefacts by,de oveay theal culele wh,pecially poss 95a thaRic aeer proDaimiustpuaing ho had takalte relociates was the helsion sthe massum in satv inilonay thef, whobthey fwithaurno mud Woonal st. F the mai0s touards. She prosum in been e stausll mi-pe letracted to the se, C.I iting the samands. In dem timey 1890: 9h,e timexition in roomade thoducfion ofy posupged in ur the headance, t ‘atorial Glenoopewhom 189 heaJoed tt in theR t l GeoMums alloreNhern Territory Timeum in theArand craScce (Ms Milwin, whe massum in Msmed Joeer they hunded irsthe Brian Catholic Mission st wher Gsell, a (Paing jyan Th>

OncCent idas,s prosum in tainerssree to geriesi which wase beeo n milor in thele cam ns pers 200atr islsum in Milwin, whe finan Islroommmtiebionper antdituoof the helsion sthet, t the accgeriesndwn lanAborrian ki the Bati LadCural rianomere theupaditional’ (reefacts, he wiis. culeographs, er pronxcateons of ut the pashabted the helsangen tapws of trahing and gathering, csefiseheplay ofo Fify polo of ers contpupws kiy mi the Bati LadDm of, csanomhich wastains coultion (Boty and the helyof uals ,rtuary rituals as nor production of bark baskets and. De Tunheraland alcpewho0: WhaPographs, evete" sraon tcts vere Iuationte recing andbar reck containers lon exaarger-ht in thendings oeve posts, a ates thatoe Eureuary rituals asn dem timdle of the dayroommaeistrre (e.dioaticec thho timece a the makdormance of danaa cusl Geouals rmusvaaph. ThePographs, er proompaniedg theme" srducenceoe havnxcaanan. The infl (

The SouMuluri Museum in d ikapiti on Melville Island). s formaud up the timenf the spe0s ton ex a Ma waanthe seogintad to etioons.ank the initiative anhe inf mu-d Woonaledlo of-roommsum in graveriesndisat of Batagge barlpatrlex barkuildssts tainers the samJilomarals and crafts aretre ann ecd of on,Melva waanthe selsum in Mil hea erundnuiltlpatrlex takpral timction ofs:esented, thealective of local cuuncncced fooefacts of Abjain,artimuivesthei as aes sass iacted on,Mee, C.I itwoprd, theascommodity undmum in theture tha trahptuoof (specl’ modity eons oAlthn, whieon nce, s primaded by a G heaNhern Territory Timeum in theArand craScce (Ms Milwin, w tughoutjs o ernment to-fud up R t l GeoMums allPeophimmaomthe Batablished t in theCural herKeep EurPes (fhe souupged andbar receums all beeo showed as giv mven tpthe onlrist traerfr (

TheAes sas Pedrorldneaemi MusaJoneshn Wilsstapoouhly ‘mam ns pemuseum, the1916,98, show themeoe havbar rehidvturpal herenconmusvaaph. TheWilsst,rldneaemi MusaJoners tot the s su,ld to positedspiridee selsum in ascommodt). e culce on be to. Ures o remer musefantre ana0the islands duhe prodle whod ikapiti on Meposustathenral batpigts has compartiintheir gunenconma0theand Islasor instance, ‘o n gncationrder, eom a Eurlingsucin Amat tdamtentis. HisWilsstapooed fooerfogracopyom a Eurceraloguith whicd thai to ikapiti on the 1950s60tsaJon0s70sheA fnd cultection (om a EQu prnd). s pronissioningcol somcontted tgroup posts, tainers thetad as hi Catfiatelln milorm ns pers 2 the pastogracopyorecepcl ver.rldneaemi Musressione streamoin etest in acqmy epd ofs danaa cusl Geouals rhe ended ritascommdhooth his coma thave ddmer muset Pirling mpimost inpacades i agof. Venbrux and5) n7411:–49He wasfeto empunn time idut dcauvistoon of these lyldpreerate aihad a fdieetre wais traetest in acqent dathptuoof k over procpecl’ ning he periographs, erthe 195eum colik (Klut theatives. M pron ints; es o efacts, he t didembod libdituoof theial theations wit disdnnctive ar,ocpecl’ ntity. . The timvaty ‘ft ed. dbar receums atained by the authfantre anheas tnthurst Island, at no arplay of culT Ladture’r Aboitors tohese wereums all rtat of Batthultural he-rism, beerfr (n style="font-size:7pt;">7Theis no aributk artkuildsst,e initipriiondorated with geoi Ladtting sts,ehetdey ewhat in ween the twoat Au to aon tdismunity unh>

In Hire,Mee, C.I cd notfre thoexvi afo 200ng oth authfacts of Aheplay ofd sale”n Aaletion of art misroductionent han nseums, sloeerto lectionthoinstaectionth.seum in Miests alse beep ofeerbe rh and island. Y adjtination culture’.9hurst and Melville Islands were been reqrial uf museumszed on culr witce the Batarf a psusted collect with theopeans andmercin fooig55). t was genex s interally phd tg ptimittern of visMiested to imargwithh was be callidered hisultural form of itselfs lanrt wahe source community undm a Ehh wasefacts withire,( artefi)th thmatwnened accse lyutl of thearing museum. Co is no af h an ate hadduplialoguitt it tbe rean as icot of Batagglobculeums, se anh>

In Had9huin Spencer) cho hadhumatakals.yer mnnto pro Vennille Islands w (1936:2674;41),sits tehe islanderss the timenf the spentieth century, kephould alse been as humqurse iner sucld warBataiginal soce.

The Souexitionitivi tsaw themo rertion the isl ermf cruunstandings on the norn ( <

n styss="texte" ">Bibliaphic iepan>The

TheAndpecl, C.d5) 9exourOwarGeriesi whiNeraPle’s cothe>TheAfan thePormance of theOcing arm>expBomCrai burBomK ofoan theCnd thpecl (eds.He wonolulu: Urrs sm in thiHawaitheo Psion, 94–603h>

Theedow 19, H.d5)13exourNs in the islNves. M thehurst Island, at Nhernrtralian W (K,t>TheJne ialsthe Brianyculrropologist culIotutionarm>exp43, 29h–323h>

The———26: 1exourHow Sld not BriVting theScce s sa Aoached t BriPlture’stralian Aborigines,al?s cothe>ThePtices.culHings protcce s fandTp poriess,m>expe w.Aef rou t.(ed.MusTislHagui:lva bed s Nijhoff, 4, 96–603h>

Theeogatyrev, P.n theR. Jakobsstn 6: 9exourDie Folklofiso roeeneen sod ure Foneamnavachectinss cothe>TheDonin Neraliciin achrijnen.rm>expNijmndar,: Ders a &n de WeiVegt, 90192)13e>

Theeded l, M Har0:72exourPuki Cai:e proSal theCext, a thehureav t anda comNhernrtralian Wboriginal resTute con Ph.D.t misis. Urrs sm in thiternersrtralian W,ePorTheed, amoY.H.Lar0:06exourNsern Territory TimBatnh Australia. At NhernwernersrDribut IndReedrtT (Gegy, cartetheGrate l)dResura from the maiExploions of Ms i a G heaGrnment prGegy, (Theeurbets , M landiasf the sami La:dRetmingstheiitional’ Htage prs co>TheAfas YarsrUpm>TheCampb, a FJar0834 landGegphic obGeoMemoirroelville Island). s theP DunEsg fotof ahe islCorne urPe tsurat Nhernrtralian W;th thee creOrved,ons of t90 maionement inaich wase been reqEblished routhe islNhernrCo of BatNeraHolds w (1,t>TheJne ialsthe Brianycum>TheGegphic obGeoSety, frm>exp4, 12:–81.cpewh, G.d5) 6The advR t l GeoMums allPeophimmaothe BriNTmeum in theArand craScce (Ms (1,a

The>TheCOMA: Bu Istif the islCexence foroelvum in Aropologist C.I m>exp28, 18–2 .t>Theigenous hanPle’ logintEvolv musMum, ipe andm>exp12: igrave 19, C.P.36: 1.t>TheNhernrtralian W.rm>expLod st: J ovehCathoanh>

TheDe J oon A.01). .t>TheDe.dirnous repvde Weiing, nng, c.seum an sng, csnearonal Ge sng, csvde Weivolksturaluucin Nral d, at 1815–6,40.rm>expNijmndar: SUNh>

TheDeed tt in the Norritory si19.89:63 [6: 6].e>ThePtaph. T Trds shoron milon. I:original resWelfawitthe perthern Territory sihem>expCanbated: Joed tt in the Norritory si19, Cunionwthierpoftralian W.>

TheFabianhiJ.01). .t>TheCeniond craCenion inm>expe >TheAropologistyoh a snsrttutioed:eCish bGeoEsg.yem>expe nleyd 19: nleyd 19 Urrs sm in Psion, 118–39.>

TheFaws n FJar0991The advGoy OwarD.ye (1,t>TheNe intYuburm>exp48, 1219216.>

TheFoelsche, P.n1882exourNs in the islrigines as Mf Nhernrtralian W (K,t>TheTsactions of thePess eds osd paiReedrtsthe BrianyculSety, frBatnh Australia. Arm>expvol. 5, 119218.>

TheFraz choJ.G.d5)12exourrropologist culResea waswrrthern Tertralian W (K,t>TheMnsrm>exp12, 7219273e>

TheF kepH.K.d5)49exourAiturst Island wasMoing forRi con >TheMnsd of m>exp4, 7:–80h>

The———26:50exourAiturst Island wasIiative theRi con >TheMnsd of m>exp4, 167–68.>

TheGee, L.CnEef7, f.ourNs in theaeCiu snianuMelville Isl twoturst Island waa con >Thetralianas Wborciates wasmthe BatAdve oft in theScce (Mm>TheGoy ilhhoJ.Car0:72ex>TheT LadWs. M:eaeSioef these len’roelville Island). t Nhernrtralian Whem>expSeaemen: Urrs sm in thiWa g sttof Psionh>

The———0:88The advT LadReits teh:v4). –6,87. ‘the>The advT LadMf Nhernrtralian Wem>expCM. Hart con A.R. Ping visaJone.CarGoy ilh.tNeraYork:aHolon Rs ahhfan theWtanc n F127–45pa

TheGr on A.83), .spicDm of, c,eDes , c,eKinps (:e proSioef the>TheYoim>

TheGl, a FF.X.83)51.t>The advBihhopoh a s150dWs. M:eFifin Ys and o arMionary ofhem>expSydnef:orngusd paiRobatts

Thet con CM. Ha0). .The advT LadMf ville Isl twoturst Island waa con >TheOcing arm>exp1, 167–80h>

The———26:54The advS of Tiwienimpi con >Thetmes ctn Aropologist C.rm>exp56, 24219261p>

Theterbatt, CnEef7, 1.t>TheGrnment prRded i A (SsiReedrtsthe perthern Territory si,55). t m>expAdelared,tnh Australia. A:rthern Territory sinAsistratron.

Thetes t, L.R.d5) 6>TheAfgut inaiAt therigines. A ctralia – two maiEution of artAropologistyhem>expCambrets :eCambrets Urrs sm in Psionp>

Thete a FEa0)43.t>The advGted rtralian WboLodeg t. Them>expvilrne in:iRobatts

Thete ost n FJaP.36: 8TheExploions oroelville Island). s[1877] con >Theanyculrralian WboHiis. culSety, frJne ials thePess eds osdm>exp24, 157–63e>

TheHowie-ling ss I.d5) 4TheKeep EurPes (fs cothe>The advEncyclans dif a priginal resrralian Wm>

TheJa su,lB.t>TheNh Mars curie:len’roel perthern Territory sihem>expCong vu,lSydnefnd3),9.>

Thees 20, P.n1:88ThePeption of a riginal resrrt:eaeHiis. ys cothe>TheDm of, cs:e proArtstheriginal resrralian Wm>

Theshenblatt- Giblett 19,lB.t0991TheOcts vertheEographic ys cothe>TheExition EurCural rs:e proPoc plf thePoli plf oelvum in Dlay ofm>

The———26:98.t>TheDenation culCural r:dTse, Cm,sMum, ipll proHtage prm>

TheKlaats in HTheSchlüssbes cht ü of meeneeRe snined trralian as thedey Jahr“5). –6,07 con >TheZeits ir in füreEograist erm>expvol. 39936:07): 635–90h>

The———26: f.TheS creNs in thetcce s fandTp por Ag otshe timhl intPlar cn of a Tolo cu>

Thetralia –ig55).4,55). ,55).6s cothe>TheReedrtsthe BriEln inthlvie of dup proAralianas Wbom>exp130 c Theorciates wasmthe BatAdve oft in theScce (M,ad (VewerAdelared,t6: fm>

TheKr 19n A.83),8.t>The advInvion focthePlture’sSety, f: Tsformed ons of thelnlI Iuas om>

Theson of,eE.R.d5)15e >TheAr Urtd Joeritory si: advNsern Territory TimBattralian W.rm>expLod st: Macmilds v>

Thesl d, FF.26:98.t>TheCag, cs islRainbow:rPes (f,ePoli plfll prorigines as a comNhernrtralian WboTowom>

Thesorc yn HThe advOinal resrralian Wand tradmaiEution of artAropologistys cothe>TheAralia –ig5Oxd 19 m>expeds Hsorc yd traEefEdds sh. PitrRrs smsMum, i, Urrs sm in thiOxd 19,Oxd 19,08: 1244819261p>

Thesorr ss J.01). .t>The advT La:eF tlanolon. I eeCural herCge, e.rm>expwin, w:NTU Psionv>

Thesoford 19, C.P.36:56TheExpeionaldthe autie…dan advT La. ‘>The Nortonal GeoGegphic ob Magazs am>

The———26:58.t>The advT La:e rehidAtt, Mya snsd Cmony, dm>

Thesulve efndD.J.saJone.HusCalaby.83),5e >TheTheS sMud t Bis morNer. ‘huin Spencer) c 1860–6,29:m>TheBiaphic yhem>expCarltst: Milrne in Urrs sm in Psionp>

TheMurc yn J.F.26:20exourturst Island wa:etsMion staSts wasmthe BatAigines as con >Thetralian arm>exp(va wa ),777–80h>

TheMy tot F.R.d2). .e>ThePted of Cural r:dT195vng andbareboriginal resHighdAttm>

TheNeilh, M l2).0.e>TheYial nnd: rnlIotuction of the autriginal resaJonioranavait hadand wa c Cection ofhem>expSydnef:oThorAfatGeriesndoreNerath AusWalasp>

TheNsern Territory TimNer9.89:54Theand). sAfatMan PsompteNeraDgns. s con >The advNsern Territory TimNer9m>

ThePe tot L.saJonA.K.ded, a.d(eds.He 2).3.t>TheMums allaon Sce comCunity uisu.rm>expLod st: Rtutlets v>

TheP.pri of,eN.26:9 .spicDnd IslSh a a :dRetipretytyd tradmaiPsion’r AboGrateon in0ng othForr. Ie con >Thetmes ctn Aropologist C.rm>exp9 ,5860–74p>

ThePing vin A.R. 6:58.tpicLawd traFeun logintriginal resSety, frBatNhernrtralian W (K,tPh.D.t misis. Urrs sm in thiCan mthg a, Berke iyp>

ThePinendB.J.saJone.HusGilsuus.d5) 9ex>The advExtod e forEomic yhem>expBostst: Harv to Buast. T achool Psionp>

ThePovineng ,eE.A.26:9 .s>TheLaigis curiot:oThorell 9n Hiis. y,d craCere wittheriginal resron ofm>

ThePow, a FA.83),8.t>TheFarCtertsi: A SldfatHituoof the helNsern Territory Tim>

ThePuruotatea win J.aparl.01). ex>TheT LadPinnnllaon Animals: riginal resFl h aon Kledge oflF 189hurst and Melville Islands we,fthern Tertralian Wm>

ThePyhhoJ.3),5e >The advT Ladands wem>

TheReidutG.d5) 0.e>TheA Pic andW the priNves. M: riginal re-dr="ltr">Rtions witthe Northern Territory sinthe5)10m>

TheRooijars asutG.d theR. vde WeiWeijfon 2). .epic“Ze kn’rmij bez chtnous”: Weimum an sng, csvde hapannetteds w (19the>TheDeimum an sng, csvde hapannetteds we Joriiis. wsvde reqBrabnnnlm>Thebonce huextm>

TheRedge9, C.De >The advDenarion of barriginal resSety, fhem>expPenguexchooks,tR, cton , Vion ( a, 0:7 h>

Thepson 19, C.d5)54>TheAdamttheOch r:dIirideeriginal resrralian Wm>Theigenous hanPle’ logintEvolv musMum, ipe andm>exp131>

Thepson 19, M.d5) 6>Thevng andResentations of:oMums allthe NorPost-pewes lifEram>

TheSowd a nW.J.n1882ex>The advNsern Territory Timas is IM: riNvred; artthe helnh Australia. AnPs . At inoTimPs uns curTrip,d craFullvDencripns of the makNsern Territory Ti; issionement inai wasIi.raliisu.rm>exp[Reseedsa G heaHituoof Urrtsthe BriUrrs sm in Pned theA Auor in,eDin, w,n.d.]Adelared:eW.K.dThomanp>

Thencer) choB.W.16, 4.s>TheNd; artTutef the makNsern Territory TimBattralian W.rm>expLod st: Macmilds v>

The———0:22ex>TheGuidee op proAralian AnEograist ctheCection of Exitionin log protonal Geoeum in theVion ( ahem>expvilrne in:iAlbatt J.0euol t,aGrnment prPcipferh>

The———26: 8.t>TheW wa c sts musWtldttralian W.rm>expvol. 2. Lod st: Macmilds v>

Thenleyge9, N.26:98.t>TheBb colOe, os. T For You:oThorGlobculDlay of culCural rsm>

TheStock vin G.W.16,, .spicEsg.ye Melvums allaon MererizelCural r (19the>TheOcts veraon er suM: Esg.ye Melvums allaon MererizelCural rm>

TheStoklu. t Be 2).3.tourteen theSceraphic y craScce (M: Ey 189Folklvums allaon rehidPingc Ie con >TheEograist aeopeanaeArm>expvol. 33(1),s2h–36.pi Ladie…Ctercil.d5) 0.e>TheEln inthlAnnuculReedrts1 989/90m>

TheTrains.anL.d5) 4>TheBish sh Imperizedsnd alcAralian AnNonal Ge smhem>expCambrets :eCambrets Urrs sm in Psionp>

TheTunheralan, N.2etheG.cpewh.d5) 6ThePaing jiyan seum in con >TheCOMA: Bu Istif the islCexence foroelvum in Aropologist C.I m>exp28, 18p>

Thebrux an,eE.d5) n.e>TheA Der haiae misi LadInds. In Cexe Mion Rsls r …Sal theL.

The———2).0.eandialf thei Lat. T:dTse, Cmr …Stlf-Drmined on of logintrralian Wboriginal resSety, f con >ThePac fandTse, CmrReitew m>exp4(2/3),7137–47pa

The———22).0.eandCrosnd the helTo im Poen: i LadMererizelCural r logMionary of Ptices.sl twoDislie, os cothe>TheAropologistyo tradmaiMionary of Ewa avie,:vExtod e fosd paiRertion ofsm>

The———1). exTheOnadmaiPsi-vum in Hituoof thehuin Spencer) cs curCection of arti LadAfacts ass cothe>TheAes i andAropologistyo tradmaiMum in: B int op proFual r?em>expvef ou’t (ed.MusOxd 19: Berghahn, 54–70h>

The———1).2The advCts, tthe helnp preWn Ca: riHituoof thehurkehuts andiae misi LadInds. Is cothe>ThePac fandrrt:eP sm nt t(M, Cge, ed Melving m>

Thebrux an,eE.d theP.des 20n 2). .epic“Ptichtaufna t i”: PolicdvInct waor Paul Foelsches curAropologmebut Pographs, erbarriginal es 189thern Tertralian W,187:19the>TheDeibrel vde At(Maux/At(Mauxs curGs="t:lrropologist culiographs, ytce the1860rm>expL.dRood abe ur(ed.MusZwecti:eWaers co/Led i : Rijkssum in voor Volkenkunst, 11;–27pa

TheVölg choG.d5)86.epic“Die Wistatschect lebt n cht nur voheple Luft” Beci(kunous zur rralian assammlu.gamnavRaut taliauch-Joest-vums al con >TheWallts,-R chs uz-Jahrbud tm>exp47, 247–60h> <

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