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Indecent Clothing and Violence in the Street

A Third/Ninth-Century Arabic Papyrus
Khaled Younes
p. 291-300

Résumés

Cet article étudie un papyrus arabe (P.Cam.Michaelides B1342) d’Égypte du iiie/ixe siècle. Le document rapporte une référence inhabituelle à un acte socialement inacceptable, qui a provoqué une violente bagarre dans la rue entre deux hommes. C’est un des rares témoignages de l’injonction du bien et de la prohibition du mal (al-amr bi-l-maʿrūf wa-l-nahy ʿan al-munkar) dans la vie quotidienne.

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Texte intégral

  • 1 The papyrological abbreviations used in this paper follow “The Checklist of Arabic Documents”, avai (...)

1The papyrus1 document studied in this paper contains a rare record of a violent street fight between two people. The document tells the story briefly, leaving ample room for interpretation. According to the document, the story goes as follows: a certain al-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh, the textile maker/merchant (al-ḫayyāš), passed by a neighbour of his, known as Ḥamdān, who was walking with private parts uncovered (makšūf al-ʿawra) down the street. At that moment a woman was crossing the street too and she saw him in this indecent condition. Al-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh expressed to the neighbour his disapproval of this behaviour. Ḥamdān responded violently. He leapt over al-Ḥasan, insulted him overtly and beat him viciously. This mishap took place on Saturday, the 8th of the month of Šawwāl. We know from the document that there was at least one eyewitness. Aḥmad b. ʿImrān, who was for some reason unable to write his testimony himself, testified that he witnessed all this.

  • 2 For the prophetic tradition man raʾā minkum munkaran fa-l-yuġayyirahu bi-yadihi fa-in lam yastaṭiʿ  (...)

2In spite of the poor condition of the papyrus, the text reveals interesting information concerning two significant Islamic concerns: 1. the Islamic concern regarding the exposure of the private parts in public (kašf al-ʿawra), and 2. the moral duty of forbidding the wrong (al-nahy ʿan/inkār al-munkar), in our case with tongue (bi-l-lisān) rather than with hand (bi-l-yad) or heart (bi-l-qalb).2

  • 3 The term ʿawra has various meanings, depending on the context in which it occurs. The word ʿawra oc (...)
  • 4 Johansen, 1996, pp. 75, 80; Lange, 2008, pp. 162, 232–233.
  • 5 Lange, 2008, pp. 232–236.

3According to Islamic law, all Muslims, males and females, are obliged to conceal their private parts from the sight of strangers (satr al-ʿawra).3 The degree of preserving the ʿawra differs in accordance with gender and social status in terms of slavery and freedom. While the ʿawra of free males covers only the part between the navel and the knees, free women are required to conceal the whole body except face and hands.4 The exposure of one’s ʿawra is carried over in Islamic penal law. Even in public discretionary punishments, e.g. tašhīr (ignominious public exposure), private parts of the condemned should remain always veiled.5

  • 6 The topic is widely discussed by Michael Cook in his massive book, 2004.

4Our papyrus does not tell precisely what parts of the body or degrees of exposure (the knee, the thigh, or the genitals) are potentially implied by the expression makšūf al-ʿawra (l. 4) and whether complete nudity or merely indecent exposure is intended. Whatever the case may be, al-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh took an action against it (ankara ʿalayhi ḏālika) and he was insulted and beaten up in return. The action (inkār) taken by al-Ḥasan should be understood in this context as a self-conscious act of religious admonition in the spirit of al-nahy ʿan/inkār al-munkar (forbidding the wrong) rather than merely a spontaneous personal insult.6

  • 7 For more extensive discussion about the validity of the written legal documents in Islamic law, see (...)
  • 8 See Younes, 2013b, p. 18.
  • 9 Khan, “An Arabic Legal Document”, pp. 365–366 and note 25; Khan, “An Early Arabic Legal Papyrus”, p (...)
  • 10 See Khan, “An Early Arabic Legal Papyrus”, pp. 227–237 and part. 234 with note 15. See also the com (...)

5Let us now discuss the form and legal function of the document. The document was apparently written upon the request of al-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh to serve as a valid legal proof,7 although it lacks important legal information and formulae. In the first place, a full identification of the wrongdoer is not given; only the first name is provided. Secondly, there is no reference to the place of residence of the two fighting people, nor the location of the accident is specified. Thirdly, the document is dated only by the day and month without mentioning the respective year which is very unusual in legal documents in particular and in papyri in general with the exception of private and business letters.8 What is more, the document was written on the back of a used piece of papyrus that was cut from a larger sheet. This all strongly suggests that our papyrus is a preliminary draft or a copy of the original document. In addition to being a copy or a draft, it is well possible that our document is a separate document of testimony; a document that was primarily written to record the names of the witnesses and what they had witnessed to. It has been suggested that autograph witness testimonies and signatures are only attested on Arabic papyri from the end of the second-the beginning of the third/eighth-ninth centuries onwards; before that, witnesses only gave oral testimony.9 Written testimonies were at first recorded in separate documents of testimony, after that they were written at the bottom of the legal deeds themselves.10

  • 11 For examples of separate documents of testimony on papyri; cf. Rāġib, “Trois Documents datés du Lou (...)

6A separate document of testimony has the following structure after the basmala:11

  1. opening formula confirming the presence of the witnesses named in the document (šahida al-šuhūd al-musammawna fī hāḏā al-kitāb anna, “the witnesses named in this document testified that”);
  2. report in objective style (third-person) and in past tense summarizing the legal transaction between the parties;
  3. date;
  4. list of witnesses.

7Our document starts with the šahāda formula and follows precisely the aforementioned structure, suggesting that it truly falls into this category.

Edition

  • 12 I would like to thank the syndics of Cambridge University Library for providing me with the digital (...)

8P.Cam.Michaelides B134212   30 cm × 18 cm    3rd/9th century

9Provenance: unknown

  • 13 See below the commentary to line 8.
  • 14 See P.World, p. 84.

10Dark-brown badly damaged papyrus. The papyrus was cut from a larger sheet. The bottom is missing; only 12 lines survived. The papyrus fibres are frayed on the top and at the right hand side, but only a few letters have been lost at the beginning of each line. There is a large tear at the top left corner making difficulties in reading the last two words in line 3. Other smaller worm holes and lacunae are spread all over the papyrus causing few damages to the text. The text is written in black ink with a fine thin pen in a practiced hand parallel to the fibres. The verso contains traces of seven lines from an official letter written in black ink at the right angle to the fibres. Diacritical dots occur frequently but randomly. There are many ink spots that could be mistaken for diacritics. Of the characteristics of the script, sīn is sometimes written with an oblique stoke above it (l. 7 al-Ḥasan; l. 12 Sahl) or as a straight line with three dots written over the line to represent the teeth (l. 8 wa-asmaʿahu).13 Šīn is occasionally written with three dots above it. The dots are normally aligned horizontally (l. 10 Šawwāl).14 Ḍād is oval in shape with no tooth (l. 8 bi-ḍurūb). Medial kāf is written as a short vertical stroke with no rightward shaft at the top (l. 2, 11 al-kitāb; l. 4 makšūf; l. 6 fa-ankara).

11A short description of the papyrus, the script and the content is given in the catalogue of the Arabic papyri in the Michaelides collection, Cambridge University Library.15

Text

121. [بـ]ـسم اﻟﻟﻪ الرحمن الرحيم
2. شهد الشهود المسمون في هذا الكتاب ان الحسن
3. بن عبد اﻟﻟﻪ الخياش اجتاز بـجار ما يعرفـ[ـه]
4. يعبـ[ـر] وهو {مشك} مكشوف العورة على
5. [الطـ]ـريق وقد مرت به امراة وهو على هذه
6. الحا[ل] فانكر عليه الحسن بن عبد اﻟﻟﻪ ذلك
7. {عليه} فوثب حمدا[ن] هذا على الحسن
8. واسمعه المكروه و.... بضروب
9. من .... وذلك يوم السبت لسبع ليال
10. خلون من شــــــــــــــــــــــــــــوال
11. شهد احمد بن عمران بجميع ما في هذا الكتاب
12. [وكتب فلان بـ]ـن سهل شهادته بامره ومحضره
      traces

Diacritical dots

132. المسمون ‖3. اجتاز ‖4. ٮعبر ‖5. مرت ‖6.عليه ‖8. بصروب ‖9. يوم؛ السٮت؛ ليال ‖10. شوال ‖11. ٮحميع

Translation

  1. In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
  2. The witnesses named in this document testified that al-Ḥasan
  3. b. ʿAbd Allāh, the textile maker/trader, passed by a neighbour known to him,
  4. whereas he was crossing, with private parts exposed, down
  5. the street. And a woman passed by while he was in this
  6. condition. Al-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd Allāh rebuked him
  7. for this. Then, this Ḥamdān leapt over al-Ḥasan
  8. and insulted him and…. of beating
  9. from…. And this took place on Saturday when seven nights
  10. passed from Šawwāl.
  11. Aḥmad b. ʿImrān testified to all what is in this document
  12. [so and so b.] Sahl wrote his testimony at his command and in his presence.
    traces

Commentary

  • 16 For different means to highlight the basmala, see Grob, Documentary Arabic Private and Business Let (...)

14L. 1. The bāʾ of bi-sm is missing. Bi-sm is highlighted by linea dilantans/mašq and by being oblique. Al-Raḥmān al-Raḥīm is written cursively and ligatured.16

15L. 2. Lower traces of the šīn, hāʾ and dāl of šahida are still visible below the tear at the beginning of the line. For other legal documents starting with the opening formula šahida al-šuhūd al-musammawna fī hāḏā al-kitāb, see for example P.Marchands I 1.2, dated 250/864, provenance al-Fayyūm; P.Cair.Arab. I 50.2, 3rd/9th century, provenance prob. al-Ušmūnayn; 52.2, dated 274/888, provenance prob. al-Ušmūnayn; CPR XXVI 4.2, dated 341/952, provenance Ušmūn. Variants of this formula are also attested in the papyri; cf. hāḏā mā šahida ʿalayhi al-šuhūd al-musammawna fī hāḏā al-kitāb (CPR XXVI 3.2, dated 316/928, provenance not mentioned); šahida al-šuhūd al-musammawna fī āḫir hāḏā al-kitāb (CPR XXVI 10.3, dated 451/1059, provenance al-Fayyūm). See also P.Genizah 48.2, dated 427/1036; 49.2, dated 654/1256; 50.2, dated 660/1262; 51.1–2, 7th/13th century. has a short backward bending yāʾ and a leftward shaft at the top. It is written in exactly the same way in line 11.

  • 17 For more information about this profession in the papyri, see also Muġāwrī, 2000, pp. 388–389. See (...)

16L. 3. The profession al-ḫayyāš (the textile maker/trader) is well attested in the papyri, see Qāsim al-ḫayyāš (P.Marchands I 5.14, 3rd/9th century, provenance al-Fayyūm); Ǧabr al-ḫayyāš (P.Marchands I 6.10, 3rd/9th century, provenance al-Fayyūm).17 The word could also be read as al-ǧabbās (the plasterer), see P.Marchands I, p. 20. A short stroke is attached to the šīn of al-ḫayyāš from the bottom. The lower curvature of the ǧīm of ǧār is missing in the lacuna, but the reading is the only fitting one.

17L. 4. Only lower traces of the ʾ and the dot of the ʾ of yaʿbur can be seen at the beginning of the line. The loop of the ʾ of huwa is reduced to a curved downward stroke. It is written in exactly the same way in wa-huwa in line 5. Compare it with the ʾ of hāḏā in lines 2 and 7. The scribe seems to have switched around the kāf and šīn in the word makšūf, he, then, indicated his mistake by writing a new word without crossing out the incorrect word. The papyrus fibres are disturbed between the ʿayn and wāw of al-ʿawra, giving the impression that there are not connected. ʿAlā is written without the final alif maqṣūra (Hopkins, 1984, § 55.i). It is written in exactly the same way in line 7.

  • 18 See Hopkins, 1984, § 26 and note 2.

18L. 5. Of al-ṭarīq only the ʾ, ʾ and qāf can be read at the beginning of the line. Imraʾa is written with post-consonantal medial hamza according to classical Arabic rules, which is unusual in Arabic papyri.18

  • 19 Cf. P.Khalili I, p. 41.

19L. 6. Only upper traces of the two alifs, lām and the upper curvature of the ḥāʾ of al-ḥāl are perceptible at the beginning of the line, but the reading is certain. The curvature of the ḏāl of ḏālika is reduced resembling a rāʾ. Ḏālika is written in a similar manner in line 9.19

  • 20 For this practice in the papyri, see P.World, pp. 86–87.

20L. 7. The scribe wrote the word ʿalayhi twice by mistake. The nūn of Ḥamdān is missing in the lacuna. The proper name Ḥamdān is well attested in the papyri, see for example P.Cair.Arab. I 43v.6, dated 306/918, provenance not mentioned; P.Cair.Arab. II 90.1, dated 274/887, provenance prob. al-Ušmūnayn; P.Cair.Arab. III 255.6, 2nd–3rd/8th–9th, provenance not mentioned. The sīn of al-Ḥasan has an oblique stroke above it. See also Sahl in line 12.20

  • 21 Cf. P.World, pp. 86–87; P.Ryl.Arab. II, p. 13.

21L. 8. The sīn of wa-asmaʿahu is written as a straight line with three dots written over the line to represent the teeth.21 The word before bi-ḍurūb is unclear to me due to the lacuna. The final letter is quite clearly a rāʾ; compare it with the rāʾ of al-makrūh and bi-ḍurūb in the same line. Preceding it seems to be written a lām/kāf, fāʾ/qāf and a tooth at the beginning. I was not able to provide a satisfactory reading for this word. The meaning of the sentence would be “assault of beating.”

22L. 9. The beginning of this line is illegible due to the ragged fibres and lacunae; only min can be detected. The mīm of yawm has a very long tail that turns upwards on the left side. The two denticles of the bāʾ and tāʾ of al-sabt are reduced.

  • 22 For the widespread use of linae dilantans/mašq in Arabic papyri, see Grob, Documentary Arabic Priva (...)

23L. 10. The left tip of the nūn of ḫalawna finishes near the lowest point without turning upwards on the left side resembling a rāʾ. For dating documents using verbal forms from ḫalā, see Grohmann, 1966, pp. 19–20. The šīn of Šawwāl is elongated horizontally.22

24L. 11. ʿImrān is a common name in the papyri; see for example Younes, 2013, no. 21.2, ca.105–108/724–727, provenance unknown; no. 36.2, 2nd/8th century, provenance unknown. For the expression bi-ǧamīʿ mā fī hāḏā al-kitāb and variants of it, see Grohmann, 1954, p. 119 and note 2.

25L. 12. The formula [wa-kataba fulān ib]n Sahl šahādatahu bi-amrihi wa-maḥḍarihi is reconstructed on the basis of countless parallels. See Sijpesteijn, “Making the Private Public”, p. 84. The lower part of the nūn of ibn can be noticed after the lacuna at the beginning of the line. There are traces of writing below line 12, suggesting that more lines are missing at the bottom. The missing lines would certainly contain further witnesses’ testimonies.

Arabic papyrus.

Arabic papyrus.

P.Cam.Michaelides B1342.

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Bibliographie

Papyrological Sources

CPR XXVI = Thung, Michael H., Arabische Juristische Urkunden aus der Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, K.G. Saur, München, Leipzig, 2006.

Grob, Eva Mira, Documentary Arabic Private and Business Letters on Papyrus: Form and Function, Content and Context, De Gruyter, Berlin, 2010.

Grob, Eva Mira, “A Catalogue of Dating Criteria for Undated Arabic Papyri with ‘Cursive’ Features”, in Regourd, Anne (ed.), Documents et Histoire : Islam, viie-xvie siècle, Librairie Droz, Geneva, 2013, pp. 123–143.

Khan, Geoffrey, “An Arabic Legal Document from the Umayyad Period”, JRAS 4, 3, 1994, pp. 357–368.

Khan, Geoffrey, “An Early Arabic Legal Papyrus”, in Schiffmann, Lawrence (ed.), Semitic Papyrology in Context: A Climate of Creativity. Papers from a New York University Conference Marking the Retirement of Baruch A. Levine, Brill, Leiden, 2003, pp. 227–237.

P.Cair.Arab. I–VI = Grohmann, Adolf, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library, Egyptian Library Press, Cairo, 1934–1962.

P.Genizah = Khan, Geoffrey, Arabic Legal and Administrative Documents in the Cambridge Genizah Collections, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993.

P.Khalili I = Khan, Geoffrey, Arabic Papyri. Selected Material from the Khalili Collection, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1992.

P.Marchands I–III and V/I = Rāġib, Yūsuf, Marchands d’étoffes du Fayyoum au iiie/ixe siècle d’après leurs archives (actes et lettres), Ifao, Cairo, 1982–1996.

P.Ryl.Arab. II = Smith, Rex, and al-Moraekhi, Moshalleh, The Arabic Papyri of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, John Rylands University, Manchester, 1996.

P.World = Grohmann, Adolf, From the World of Arabic Papyri, al-Maʿaref Press, Cairo, 1952.

Rāġib, Yūsuf, “Trois documents datés du Louvre”, AnIsl 15, Ifao, Cairo, 1979, pp. 1–9.

Sijpesteijn, Petra M., “Making the Private Public: A Delivery of Palestinian Oil in Third/Ninth-Century Egypt”, Studia Orientalia Electronica 2, 2014, pp. 74–91.

Secondary Sources

Alshech, Eli, “‘Do Not Enter Houses Other Than Your Own’: The Evolution of the Notion of a Private Domestic Sphere in Early Sunnī Islamic Thought”, Islamic Law and Society 11, 3, 2004, pp. 291–332.

Cook, Michael Allan, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004.

Grohmann, Adolf, Einführung und Chrestomathie zur arabischen Papyruskunde, Státní Pedagogické Nakladatelství, Prague, 1954.

Grohmann, Adolf, Arabische Chronologie. Arabische Papyruskunde, Brill, Leiden, 1966.

Hopkins, Simon, Studies in the Grammar of Early Arabic: Based Upon Papyri Datable to Before 300 A.H./912 A.D., London Oriental Series 37, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1984.

Johansen, Baber, “The Valorization of the Human Body in Muslim Sunni Law”, in Stewart, Devin, Johansen, Baber & Singer, Amy (eds.), Law and Society in Islam, Markus Wiener Publishers, Princeton, 1996, pp. 71–112.

Khan, Geoffrey, A Catalogue of the Arabic Papyri in the Michaelides Collection, Cambridge, 2000, available online at http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/deptserv/neareastern/michaelides.html

Khan, Geoffrey, “Remarks on the Historical Background and Development of Early Arabic Documentary Formulae”, in Kaplony, Andreas & Grob, Eva Mira (eds.), Documentary Letters from the Middle East: The Evidence in Greek, Coptic, South Arabian, Pehlevi and Arabic (1st–15th c CE), Asiatische Studien 62, 3, Peter Lang, Bern, 2008, pp. 885–906.

Lange, Christian, Justice, Punishment, and the Medieval Muslim Imagination, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008.

Muġāwrī, Saʿīd M., al-Alqāb wa-asmāʾ al-ḥiraf wa-l-waẓāʾif fī ḍawʾ al-bardiyyāt al-ʿarabiyya, Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyya, Cairo, 2000.

Schacht, Joseph, An Introduction to Islamic Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1964.

Wakin, Jeanette A., The Function of Documents in Islamic Law: The Chapters on Sale from Ṭaḥawī’s Kitāb al-Shurūṭ al-Kabīr, University of New York Press, New York, 1972.

Younes, Khaled M., “Textile Trade Between the Fayyūm and Fusṭāṭ in the IIIrd/IXth Century According to the Banū ʿAbd al-Muʾmin Archive”, in Regourd, Anne (ed.), Documents et Histoire : Islam, viie-xvie siècle, Librairie Droz, Geneva, 2013a, pp. 319–340.

Younes, Khaled M., Joy and Sorrow in Early Muslim Egypt. Arabic Papyrus Letters: Text and Content, PhD thesis, Leiden University, 2013b.

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Notes

1 The papyrological abbreviations used in this paper follow “The Checklist of Arabic Documents”, available online at http://www.naher-osten.lmu.de/isapchecklist (accessed March 6, 2017). I would like to thank Jelle Bruning for reading and commenting on an earlier draft of this article. I am also indebted to the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. Needless to say, any remaining faults and shortcomings are, of course, entirely my own.

2 For the prophetic tradition man raʾā minkum munkaran fa-l-yuġayyirahu bi-yadihi fa-in lam yastaṭiʿ fa-bi-lisānihi fa-in lam yastaṭiʿ fa-bi-qalbihi wa-ḏālika aḍʿaf al-īmān, “Whoever sees a wrong and is able to put it right with his hand let him do so; if he can’t, then with his tongue; if he can’t, then with his heart and that is the bare minimum of faith” and various versions of it in the canonical ḥadīṯ works, see Cook, 2004, pp. 32–33 and the references cited in notes 2 and 6. The conjunction of commanding right and forbidding wrong is found in a number of verses in the Quran, e.g. wa-l-takun minkum ummatun yadʿūna ilā al-ḫayri wa-yaʾmurūna bi-l-maʿrūfi wa-yanhawna ʿan al-munkari, “Let there be one community of you, calling to good, and commanding right and forbidding wrong” (Quran, III, 104); kuntum ḫayra ummatin uḫriǧat li-l-nāsi taʾmurūna bi-l-maʿrūfi wa-tanhawna ʿan al-munkari, “You were the best community ever brought forth to men, commanding right and forbidding wrong” (Quran, III, 110); wa-l-muʾminūna wa-l-muʾminātu baʿḍuhum awliyāʾu baʿḍin yaʾmurūna bi-l-maʿrūfi wa-yanhawna ʿan al-munkari, “And the believers, the men and the women, are friends one of the other; they command right, and forbid wrong” (Quran, IX, 71); allaḏīna in makkannāhum fī al-arḍi [] amarū bi-l-maʿrūfi wa-nahaw ʿan al-munkari, “Those who, if We establish them in the land…, command right and forbid wrong” (Quran, XXII, 41); yā bunayya aqim al-ṣalāta wa-ʾmur bi-l-maʿrūfi wa-ʾnha ʿan al-munkari wa-ṣbir ʿalā mā aṣābaka, “O my son, perform the prayer, and command right and forbid wrong, and bear patiently whatever may befall thee” (Quran, XXXI, 17). All quranic quotations and translations are based on those of Cook, 2004, pp. 13–17, 597–598.

3 The term ʿawra has various meanings, depending on the context in which it occurs. The word ʿawra occurs in the Quran in three different contexts. In Quran, XXIV, 31, the term implies the physical modesty of women (ʿawrāt al-nisāʾ). In Quran, XXIV, 58, the word refers to three times of privacy (ṯalāṯ ʿawrāt) in which one must ask permission before entering: 1. before the dawn prayer, 2. when you put aside your clothing at noon, and 3. after the night prayer (ṣalāt al-ʿišāʾ). In Quran, XXXIII, 13, the term occurs not in the context of physical modesty, but rather to designate the vulnerability of the houses during the war (inna buyūtanā ʿawratun wa-mā hiya bi-ʿawratin, “Indeed our houses are exposed, while they were not exposed”). In legal contexts, ʿawra has two different meanings: 1. it signifies the private parts of the body that must be concealed from others, 2. it designates things that people wish to keep out of public reach. See Alshech, 2004, p. 309 and note 56; Lange, 2008, p. 234. In the canonical ḥādīṯ collections, entire chapters are devoted to the inviolability (ḥurma) of the human body specifying the degrees of exposure of the ʿawra. See Lange, 2008, p. 162 and the references cited in note 160. For more general discussion about the inviolability of the human body in Islamic law, see Johansen, 1996, pp. 75–76.

4 Johansen, 1996, pp. 75, 80; Lange, 2008, pp. 162, 232–233.

5 Lange, 2008, pp. 232–236.

6 The topic is widely discussed by Michael Cook in his massive book, 2004.

7 For more extensive discussion about the validity of the written legal documents in Islamic law, see Schacht, 1964, pp. 82, 192–195 and part. 193; Wakin, 1972, pp. 66–67. See also Sijpesteijn, “Making the Private Public”, pp. 84–85; P.Genizah, p. 29.

8 See Younes, 2013b, p. 18.

9 Khan, “An Arabic Legal Document”, pp. 365–366 and note 25; Khan, “An Early Arabic Legal Papyrus”, p. 234 and note 15; Sijpesteijn, “Making the Private Public”, p. 48. See also P.Genizah, pp. 241–255.

10 See Khan, “An Early Arabic Legal Papyrus”, pp. 227–237 and part. 234 with note 15. See also the commentary to line 2.

11 For examples of separate documents of testimony on papyri; cf. Rāġib, “Trois Documents datés du Louvre”, no. 1, dated 251/865–866, provenance al-Fayyūm; P.Marchands I 1, dated 250/864, provenance al-Fayyūm. See also CPR XXVI 3, dated 316/928, provenance not mentioned; 4, dated 341/952, provenance Ušmūn; 5, 5th/11th century, provenance not mentioned; 10, dated 451/1059, provenance al-Fayyūm.

12 I would like to thank the syndics of Cambridge University Library for providing me with the digital image of this papyrus and for the permission to publish the text.

13 See below the commentary to line 8.

14 See P.World, p. 84.

15 Khan, 2000, B + BQ, p. 49, available online at http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/deptserv/neareastern/michaelides.html

16 For different means to highlight the basmala, see Grob, Documentary Arabic Private and Business Letters on Papyrus, pp. 191–192; 2013, p. 124.

17 For more information about this profession in the papyri, see also Muġāwrī, 2000, pp. 388–389. See also Younes, 2013a, pp. 321–322.

18 See Hopkins, 1984, § 26 and note 2.

19 Cf. P.Khalili I, p. 41.

20 For this practice in the papyri, see P.World, pp. 86–87.

21 Cf. P.World, pp. 86–87; P.Ryl.Arab. II, p. 13.

22 For the widespread use of linae dilantans/mašq in Arabic papyri, see Grob, Documentary Arabic Private and Business Letters on Papyrus, p. 188; “A Catalogue of Dating Criteria”, pp. 125–126.

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Titre Arabic papyrus.
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Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Khaled Younes, « Indecent Clothing and Violence in the Street »,Annales islamologiques, 50 | 2017, 291-300.

Référence électronique

Khaled Younes, « Indecent Clothing and Violence in the Street », Annales islamologiques [En ligne], 50 | 2016, mis en ligne le 20 novembre 2017, consulté le 19 janvier 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/1793 ; DOI : 10.4000/anisl.1793

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Auteur

Khaled Younes

University of Sadat City

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Droits d’auteur

Institut français d'archéologie orientale (IFAO)

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