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Dossiê - Desafios transnacionais de segurança em África no século XXI

On Migration and Security: Europe managing migration from Sub-Saharan Africa

Stephan Dünnwald
p. 103-128


Nos últimos anos têm surgido numerosos debates sobre a migração de África para a Europa. Estabeleceram-se novas zonas de fronteiras e introduziu-se uma gestão externa da migração. Entre os principais intervenientes no processo contam-se não só os Estados da União Europeia mas a própria UE. O Conselho e a Comissão da UE empenham-se na definição de uma “abordagem global da migração”. Mais do que os Estados membros, os organismos da UE baseiam os seus discursos em valores e não apenas na prevenção. Este artigo analisa as acções dos Estados membros e da União Europeia, descrevendo os seus diferentes envolvimentos em regiões que vão de Bamako (Mali) ao Mediterrâneo. Tomando como exemplo principal a agência Frontex da UE, o artigo avalia se o envolvimento da União Europeia conduz ou não a uma maior segurança dos migrantes e da própria gestão da migração.

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Notas da redacção

Recebido 27 de Outubro de 2011; Aceite para publicação 7 de Novembro de 2011

Texto integral

1Talking about migration means talking about dreams, discourses, representations, debates; it means talking about routes, tracks through the desert and routes over the sea, cities where migrants gather, shortcuts and circumventions of patrols; it means talking about different actors: migrants, border guards, politicians and organisations occupying the spaces between nation states; it means talking about economy, money spent for border controls and influencing local politicians, money for boat fares, for cheap hostels, false passports, money earned in transit countries and gathered for just another trip over the Mediterranean, and the dreams to earn more money, and eventually make migration a success. And as migration is not always a success, talking about the failure of migration should be included, too. Talking about migration also could imply the question about who is talking about migration, when it started, how it developed, and with which consequences. And, as every talk asks for an audience, we should ask which stories about migration are listened to, and where. To be heard is the precondition for stories to unfold their power and change reality.

2Irregular migration to Europe is a field where estimations often prevail over numbers, and invisible practices are echoed in tales, announcements, notes, and hearsay governs over seen or written evidence. Anthropologists, standing at the margins of the desert or the Mediterranean Sea, await migrants and border guards and listen to highly contradictory stories, trying to make sense of what is told about detention and abuse, rescue and drowning. Human rights and international law become fluid in these inaccessible border zones, and become objected to local negotiation and application. Thus it is perhaps the ethnographic way of listening and observing, of gathering stories, gossip and piecemeal information in these places on the margins which leads to the acknowledgement that anthropology might be a good way to do research in and about border zones (e.g. Tsianos & Hess, 2010).

Migration feeds migration stops migration

3Yanfolila is a small town in the south of Mali. The region has a relatively rich agriculture, and about 70.000 persons inhabit the cercle, many of them in small villages, but increasingly especially the younger population lives in the town of Yanfolila, going to school, looking for jobs, doing petty trade. Some go abroad; the Ivory Coast is the country where the young people go to work on farms, make their experiences and earn money so they can build a house of their own after they return and marry. It must have been in the mid-nineties that the first young men went to Europe. Not that this is true: In a country like Mali, where about a quarter of the population (14 million according to the census of 2008) is outside its national borders (Merabet & Gendreau, 2006) there always have been people somewhere in Europe, too. The region of Kayes, in the west of Mali, knows a long history of migration to France (see Manchuelle, 1997). But in Yanfolila, there was no tradition of going to Europe, and the people I talked to referred to those who in the nineties sent messages that they were doing well, some of them had already come back as successful migrants, having earned much more money than it was ever possible in Ivory Coast. It were these stories that attracted more of those young men, but probably not only these stories, but also the growing political difficulties in Ivory Coast, where the public opinion was heated against the migrants from Mali or Burkina Faso, soon turning into open aggression and resulting in about at least 50.000 refugees arriving in Mali (Irin News, 2003). Also, the young men did not come from all towns and villages: around Yanfolila, there are villages where many men went north and others where people stayed. It is not possible to trace back the reasons for these decisions, as they are neither linked to the economic status nor to education, but rather seem to be linked to the way stories about migration are told and effected opinions and decision making in the complex social structures of Malian households. What can be stated is that it were not the very poor who went. Not the absolute lack of food or goods was triggering migration, rather the expectations of earning good money, of making a leap forward economically, and of making a special experience, and being able to tell about it after return. As in Kayes, also in southern Mali the notion of aventure, adventure, is closely related to migration, though in Yanfolila stories about migration to Europe were about Spain, not France.

  • 2 On the situation at Spanish sea borders and the working of the electronic surveillance system SIVE (...)
  • 3 Mohamed is the son of a trader in the town of Yanfolila, whom I first met there in 2008.

4So, starting in the end of the nineties and then slightly accelerating between 2002 and 2006, some of the young men headed north, took the bus to Bamako, Mali’s capital, then passed Mauritania, and went up the coast to Morocco. The Estrecho between Morocco and Spain by then was already heavily controlled by Spanish ships and warning systems2, and the Spanish enclaves Ceuta and Melilla were about to become the main destination for many Sub-Saharan migrants. Most of the people from Yanfolila started with few money only, and mostly made the way to Morocco on their own, sparing the money for coxers, migrant smugglers that offered assistance in transport and in circumventing border patrols. But there on the shore, or just outside the Spanish enclaves, the easy way ended for most of the young men from Yanfolila. They had to hide from Moroccan police, they had to invest into boat owners offering the transfer to Spain, and most of them had to try it several times. So they called their families back home to send money for the fare, and got it. Repeatedly they invested into transfers, and while some arrived in Spain, some disappeared and probably drowned, and some did not succeed even after several attempts. They spent two, three or more years in Morocco, often more than once caught by Moroccan police and deported to the Algerian border, then making their way back to the West. Mohamed3 was deported four times to the border town of Oujdah, and four times made his way back to Tangier or Rabat by foot, travelling mostly by night. Some were successful in entering Ceuta or Melilla, overcoming the fences, Moroccan police and the Spanish Guardia Civil. Some were not, and finally were deported back to Bamako. This was in 2005, and in autumn 2005 the pictures of Sub-Saharan Africans trying to overcome the fences of Ceuta and Melilla nourished the European news stories that told of millions of poor Africans on the way to Europe.

Migration as a matter of security

  • 4 See the list of forced migration categories from the International Association for the Study of For (...)
  • 5 A note on migration and protection. In this article, the term “migrant” denominates persons migrati (...)

5The notion of security, attributed to a complex topic as migration, has a number of connotations. First of all, security is linked to the reasons for migration. Be it civil wars or natural disasters, forced migration happens because the living conditions degrade and do not allow a secure life in the home region of a migrant4. Refugees exist because of a lack of security. In a slightly more comprehensive way, a security gap may exist also for migrants who leave their home because life is becoming increasingly difficult and precarious. A family that sends one or more of its sons to other countries does so to secure the living of the family by income diversification, or to secure a certain standard of living. This perhaps is less an absolute but a relative form of experiencing a lack of security5.

6Then, as migration itself might be a risk, the notion of security can be applied to the ways migrants take, how they embark on their “journey”, which may expose them to many dangers, as well as to the conditions they find in the country of destination. A higher number of migrants live under irregular living and working conditions, with higher risks to suffer from exploitation, to risk accidents and illnesses, and finally risking deportation, too.

  • 6 See e.g. Koser (2005).

7Finally, when it comes to security related to migration, the overwhelming context is not risks of migration, but the danger that is attributed to migrants themselves (the security of migrants within this context is addressed as “human security”6). This talk about security is to talk about ways to secure potential destination countries against the threat of irregular, or better, unauthorised migration (Carling, 2007, 5f). The nexus of security and human security, of defending the sea borders against the threat of an “invasion” and the need to rescue shipwrecked or stranded migrants dominates in often contradictory ways the discourse on European migration management. Especially because the intensity of political discourse is not matched by immigration numbers (e.g. de Haas, 2007), it might be better not to call it a security discourse, but rather a discourse of securitization. Securitization denominates a speech act by which a security threat is established in public discourse, even if there is no or few evidence (Buzan, Waever & de Wile, 1998).

8On the African continent and in particular in West Africa calling migration irregular or illegal is a relatively new way of addressing migration. Although it has entered the discourse in Europe already in the mid-nineties, and became the key wording of European discourses addressing migration across the Mediterranean since about 2000, in West Africa the notion of irregular or illegal migration was not widely known. The ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) member states agreed on free movement of citizens within the zone, and additional bilateral treaties, e.g. between Mali and Mauritania, underlined the mutual rights of free circulation of persons between these states. It was only gradually that irregular migration was addressed, initially mostly by organisations like IOM or bodies of the United Nations. Migration within West Africa was as normal as it was legal. An early attempt to introduce the notion of irregular migration in a wider scale in West Africa was made by a project that wanted to inform about the risks of unauthorised migration to Europe. An Italian NGO, Comitato Internazionale per lo Sviluppo dei Populi, CISP, financed by the European Commission and cooperating with the International Organisation for Migration, IOM, in 2004 started a campaign, together with associations in six African states to distribute posters and leaflets, introduce discussions and radio spots on the issue. As Mamadou Diakité, the president of the organisation AIDE Mali, and implementing partner in Mali, told me in 2006, warning Malians about irregular migration to Europe was a difficult task. People felt offended, as they took it as their right to go everywhere, and the campaign seemed to be mostly in vain. It was only after autumn 2005, when the incidents at the fences of Melilla and Ceuta as well as the numbers of drowned migrants in the Mediterranean became widely discussed also in Mali, that people came to understand better the campaign and its aims, and he was no longer seen as an agent of European interests only.

The europeanization of migration management

  • 7 The internal cooperation, namely the Schengen agreement, and the harmonisation of asylum issues thr (...)

9Europe itself is entering the field of migration from Sub-Saharan Africa quite late. Throughout the nineties, European efforts to control and reduce migration from third countries remained mostly national. Single EU member states tried to enhance controls, and, in case third countries were involved, mostly bilateral cooperation agreements were established7.

  • 8 CIGEM, 2010, p. 3. For a detailed analysis of the CIGEM in the context of European migration manage (...)

10France has long established relationships with its former colonies, but it was only in 2005 that the Spanish government decided upon a “Plan Africa” and established embassies in West African capitals like Bamako. And it was only in October 2008, as a result of the adoption of the “Global approach to migration: Priority actions focusing on Africa and the Mediterranean” in 2005 (see EU, 2005a), and conferences at Rabat and Tripoli between European and African States in 2006, that the EU established the CIGEM, Centre d’Information et de Gestion des Migrations, as a pilot project at Bamako. The CIGEM was introduced in the beginning as some sort of job centre, also acting according to the needs of cheap labour supply for European labour markets. The idea of the EU Commission of a job centre for Europe in Bamako was quickly rejected by member states, because most of them saw immigration and labour market as strictly national realms. In the press pack for the inauguration of the CIGEM in October 2008 was stated: “Pour l’instant, il n’est pas prévu que le centre aide de manière directe les migrants à trouver un emploi en Europe.” (CIGEM, 2008, p. 16). CIGEM’s main tasks were reduced to inform interested persons on legal ways to apply for entrance to Europe and on the risks of irregular migration, as well as to introduce a dialogue with the Malian governmental structures on migration policy and migration law. Furthermore, some minor schemes for vocational trainings were set up, but, as the responsible counsellor of the European Delegation at Bamako, Roland Johansson, told me already in April 2008, a target group for these measures was difficult to establish, as it would comprise a good part of the Malian population. CIGEM also financed projects of ten local associations that assisted return migrants, and for 2011 another 10 projects shall be executed on information about the risks of irregular migration8.

11Already in 2006, a network of so called Immigration Liaison Officers (ILO) was established in West Africa by European member states along identified main routes of migration, reporting regularly on irregular migration towards Europe (EU 2005a, p. 10). Furthermore, Spain finances the equipment (cars, computers) and installation of 17 posts for migration control, partly under the control of the DGME, the Délégation Générale des Maliens en Extérieure, partly managed by the Police Frontières (of which ten control posts were in place by December 2010).

  • 9 Interview 18.11.2010, IOM office Bamako.

12But, as far as it can be determined, all these measures are but small efforts without substantial effects. The level of investment into the migration sector remains low, and, despite the praising discourse on migration and development, there are hardly any links established between official development assistance and migration. The French program of co-development, which mostly is assistance to “voluntary” return to Mali, had been frozen when Mali did not sign into an agreement on readmission. Even the probably most important task, the international assistance for the Malian governmental structure to formulate a comprehensive approach towards migration is, according to the 2010 head of the IOM (International Organisation for Migration) office in Bamako, Alexander Kapirovsky, exhausting itself by repeating the same issues over and over again in countless working groups9.

  • 10 The only organised job recruitment which took place – the Canary Islands hired 26 temporary workers (...)
  • 11 See Lamazou (2008); APHDA & AME (2009).

13Thus, European migration management at Bamako is far from being effective. This is true not only for the national efforts undertaken by France and Spain, but as well for the European Union to enhance its capacities in migration management. The pilot project of a labour recruitment centre, initially meant as a step as well innovative as progressive, was blocked by member states and the CIGEM was reduced to a mere information point10. The low practical relevance of migration management – in contrast to the importance the topic is given in political debates – is mirrored as well by the poor financing. Only one percent of the overall budget of about 560 million Euros development assistance to Mali shall be invested into migration related issues from the 10th European Development Fund, FED, according to the EU-Mali development accord 2008-2013 (Mali - European Union, 2007). So, despite all rhetoric, not migration and development, but the deterrence and return of migrants by means of force are constitutive for European migration management. In this respect, cooperation between the European Union, single member states, and Maghreb states have proved to be effective. The Maghreb countries agreed to serve as a cordon sanitaire preventing Sub-Saharan migrants to pass their territory, and to cooperate closely with European forces. It has been reported that the Spanish Guardia Civil not only holds a control post at Nouadhibou, Mauritania, but also patrols, together with Mauritanian security forces, the beaches and coastal towns. Mauritania arrests migrants from Mali and other countries despite bilateral contracts on free movement, keeps them in a detention camp financed by Spain, and finally deports them back to a place close to Nioro on the border to Mali11.

14There are few stories on these practices; one has to trace the stories of single migrants telling their struggle against the joint efforts of security forces to prevent migration, and to rely on the few reports available. The big story about migration and European migration control is told more in the north, and it is a story about the sea, the Mediterranean, more than a story about the desert. And, though single European member states, especially Italy and Spain, are strongly engaged in this story, it is the European agency Frontex which is at centre stage.

The Mediterranean Sea, a battlefield?

  • 12 Estimations differ, but according to Fortress Europe 10.925 migrants that died in the Mediterranean (...)

15In the late 1990s media started reporting stories about tourists stumbling across dead, black bodies on the hotel beaches in southern Spain12. Western vocabulary was enhanced by words like patera or cayuco, those small boats that migrants use to cross the Estrecho, the narrow strip of water between Moroccan and Spanish coasts.

16Over the years the topic expanded, stretched out for other coasts, as Spanish authorities started to guard and fortify their maritime borders. Migrants switched to other routes, choosing Malta and the Italian island of Lampedusa, then the Spanish enclaves Ceuta and Melilla, little towns on the North African coast, at the same time the Greek islands some kilometres off the Turkish coast, and the Canary Islands. The overarching narrative remains everywhere the same. It consists of small, often wrecked boats, overloaded with migrants, some of them starving, dying of thirst or drowned, on the one hand. On the other hand the narrative deals with migration as a threat of illegal intruders, condemning transport as human trafficking, against which an increasingly sophisticated combination of measures was put into place to prevent migrants to arrive at European borders. Vessels, airplanes and helicopters search with radar and even satellite support for immigrant boats, metal and electronic fences rise to the sky, keeping off the intruders. Over the past years, especially Italy and Spain, but also other European nations and the EU itself tried to integrate northern African states into the deterrence and defence against migrants. Morocco, Libya, Mauritania and Algeria meanwhile stop and arrest Sub-Saharan migrants, and frequently deport them back, though often only to their southern borders, which means plain desert. Furthermore, Mauritania, Libya or Senegal allow European forces to operate within their sovereign waters, which serves to effectively turn migrant boats back to African shores right after they started their journey. Once the boats arrive in international waters, the European marines face a dilemma. First, they are not allowed to turn migrants boats back by force, and secondly, often the persons on the boats have to be rescued from drowning, and, according to international sea law, have to be brought to the nearest (often European) sage harbourhe pootnotejdot wng toMo for mthey took ons on legthe haheir sovhithat ht afteate">Int not, ant assisDt, ant asstureAserloacontrols they fiastgd migrantifor these measures was ders search, ther these measu Magh try it ut the deteunde by ait wng tochem backtanumber">8

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1 This article is based on a presentation at the conference África e o Mar no Século XXI. I am grateful for the comments this paper received from the participants of the panel “Segurança marítima e direitos humanos”, to Alexandra Dias for encouraging me to extend the presentation to an article, and equally for useful comments given by the anonymous referees.

2 On the situation at Spanish sea borders and the working of the electronic surveillance system SIVE see e.g. Carling (2007); Deutsche Welle (2007).

3 Mohamed is the son of a trader in the town of Yanfolila, whom I first met there in 2008.

4 See the list of forced migration categories from the International Association for the Study of Forced Migration (IASFM) (

5 A note on migration and protection. In this article, the term “migrant” denominates persons migrating without addressing the reasons why. The distinction between labour migrants and refugees is a much debated issue and relates to the different questions of security. The notion of “mixed flows” indicates the difficulties of dealing with migration before a protection status is determined. If persons are in need of protection becomes a crucial question when it comes to the control of entry to potential receiving countries, as asylum seekers should have access, while access for labour migrants may be denied.

6 See e.g. Koser (2005).

7 The internal cooperation, namely the Schengen agreement, and the harmonisation of asylum issues through a number of directives, preceded the europeanization of migration policies outside the “area of freedom, security and justice”, as the enlarged Schengen space is officially called (cf. EU Commission: Free Movement).

8 CIGEM, 2010, p. 3. For a detailed analysis of the CIGEM in the context of European migration management see Böwing & Janicki (2010).

9 Interview 18.11.2010, IOM office Bamako.

10 The only organised job recruitment which took place – the Canary Islands hired 26 temporary workers in Mali in 2010 – was organised in cooperation not with the CIGEM, but with a local office of the International Labour Organisation ILO at Bamako.

11 See Lamazou (2008); APHDA & AME (2009).

12 Estimations differ, but according to Fortress Europe 10.925 migrants that died in the Mediterranean from 1988 to 2008 have been officially registered.

13; see also IMI (2008; 2009).

14 See e.g. the internal EU evaluation (EU Commission, 2008) and the COWI report (COWI a/s, 2009), Wagner (2009), furthermore Marischka (2008), Fischer-Lescano & Tohidipur (2008); on EU agencies, Tohidipur (2009).

15 Frontex has a broad array of activities. See for more details on Frontex activities, that comprise among others data collection, risk analysis, training programs, joint deportation flights, etc., Marischka (2008), Fischer-Lescano & Tohidipur (2008).

16 This reflex is neither new nor unique. Michael Pugh states the same misinterpretation for Australia: “The government dramatically inflated the issue as a threat to the Australian homeland and to sovereign control over Australia’s borders. Although the number of people arriving by boat increased from 179 in 1998 to about 3,700 in 2001, this should be set alongside the 50,000 people a year who overstay their visas” (Pugh, 2004, 52f.)

17 In the light of what is called the “Arab Spring” and especially the war in Libya the future situation regarding migration from Sub-Saharan Africa might be open. Until now, the harsh European position regarding migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa who fled Libya is not indicating any fundamental changes. Figures on migrants in Libya refer to the situation before the civil war in 2011.

18 For the Greek-Turkish border, see e.g. the report of the German NGO Pro Asyl on border guard practices (Pro Asyl, 2007).

19 Bundesministerium für Finanzen, Bundesrepublik Deutschland.

20 According to the UNHCR, in 2008 about 75% of the immigrants arriving via the sea borders to Italy filed an asylum claim, and approximately 50% of the claimants got a protection status (UNHCR, 2009).

21 EU Commission (2005b); Frontex (2009b); see as well Human Rights Watch (2009), Andrijasevic (2009), Pro Asyl (2010), among others. According to the Italian NGO Everyonegroup at least some detention centres for migrants in Libya still seem to be in place (Everyonegroup, 2011).

22 E.g. in 2006 Germany took over 20, in 2009 11 refugees from Malta.

23 That this is an ongoing practice shows the example of 114 refugees debarked from Libya and on 14 July taken over by the Spanish frigate “Almirante Juan de Borbón”, acting within the NATO mission Unified Protector. Malta and Italy denied access, and after several days it was Tunisia, not an European member state, that eventually accepted to take over the refugees (Jakob, 2011).

24 An aspect that is not within the scope of this article, but is of major relevance for the situation in the Mediterranean is the deterrence of private fishermen to rescue shipwrecked migrants. Against numerous private ships, their captains and owners cases were filed because they rescued shipwrecked and tried to bring them to a European harbour. While fully in line with international sea law, the captains had to face trials, the ships have been blocked for years, procedures that reduced the safety of migrants because private ships became reluctant to help shipwrecked minding the consequences (see Gleitze, 2008; Weinzierl & Lisson, 2007, pp. 18ff.; Klepp, 2011, pp. 261-287).



27 See Johnson (2008), frontexwatch (2008).

28 See den Hertog, 2011, p. 3.

29 0MC8x/statistics17.2.2009.doc

30 See

31 The same seems to be true for Malta, where government officials tell about 700 diverted migrants within Nautilus II, second phase, while commanders operating within Frontex activities deny it (Klepp, 2010, p. 16).

32 Capo centrale operativa del Comando Centrale della Guardia di Finanza.

33 Or e.g. Mauritania. On detention practices for intercepted migrants at Mauritania see e.g. Amnesty International (2008), APDHA & AME (2009).

34 Klepp (2011) just published a book on migration issues and Mediterranean sea borders, covering the developments of the past decade and discussing them from a legal anthropological perspective.

35 Association des Refoulés d’Afrique Centrale au Mali.

36 Cimade, Médecins du Monde, and Medico International.

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Legenda Figure 1: Frontex operational days (Source: Frontex Working Plan 2010)
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Legenda Figure 2: Sea border operations (Source: Frontex Working Plan 2010)
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Referência do documento impresso

Stephan Dünnwald, « On Migration and Security: Europe managing migration from Sub-Saharan Africa », Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, 22 | 2011, 103-128.

Referência eletrónica

Stephan Dünnwald, « On Migration and Security: Europe managing migration from Sub-Saharan Africa », Cadernos de Estudos Africanos [Online], 22 | 2011, posto online no dia 31 Janeiro 2012, consultado o 12 Dezembro 2017. URL : ; DOI : 10.4000/cea.430

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