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Shared Images

How the Internet Has Transformed the Image Economy
André Gunthert
Translated by James Gussen
This article is a translation of:
L’image partagée


Even more than their digital production, it is the dissemination of photographs and videos using the applications of ‘Web 2.0’ that has brought about a fundamental transformation in our relationship with images. This article analyzes the transition from an economy of controlled distribution to a situation of self-managed abundance and describes the two phases by which the history of the emergence of the visual platforms has been marked. After an initial period dominated by an emphasis on the ‘revolution of the amateurs,’ the perception of content sharing became focused on the measurement of audience share. Governed as they are by the notion of a contest between the old media and the new, both of these models offer only highly incomplete descriptions of the mechanisms at work, which are actually based on a logic of complementarity and interaction. An examination of the ways in which these platforms are actually used – for example, as encyclopedias – suggests that the socialization of visual content has brought about a change in the status of images: they are now common property. Today, the value of images lies in the ability to share them.

Full text

  • 1 See Estelle Blaschke, ‘From the Picture Archive to the Image Bank: Commercializing the Visual throu (...)
  • 2 Paul Valéry, ‘The Conquest of Ubiquity,’ in Aesthetics, trans. Ralph Mannheim (New York: Pantheon B (...)

1In the late 1980s, Bill Gates, cofounder of Microsoft, recognized that the market for images was to become one of the growth sectors of the new digital economy.1 With the creation of Interactive Home Systems, which changed its name to Corbis in 1995, his gamble brings to mind Paul Valéry’s vision of the future from 1928: ‘Just as water, gas, and electricity are brought into our houses from far off to satisfy our needs in response to a minimal effort, so we shall be supplied with visual or auditory images, which will appear and disappear at a simple movement of the hand, hardly more than a sign.’2

  • 3 A platform is a specialized interactive service on the World Wide Web. I use the term ‘visual platf (...)
  • 4 I have borrowed the term ‘image economy’ from Matthias Bruhn; see Matthias Bruhn, Bildwirtschaft: V (...)

2But Bill Gates was wrong about one thing. He envisioned a company that would market reproductions of items from existing institutional collections. After all, weren’t images high-end products, created by professionals, protected by copyright, and delivered through specialized distribution channels to consumers whose use of them was carefully controlled? Since the rise of the Internet’s visual platforms,3 however – chief among them Flickr and YouTube – the liveliest segment of the image economy4 has been based on self-production, with the dissemination and direct accessing of multimedia content effected by the users themselves. Unforeseeable even a decade ago, this transition from an economy of controlled distribution to a situation of self-managed abundance is altering our relationship with images in fundamental ways.

The Era of the Amateurs

  • 5 Among the most important early entrants in this field were the websites iFilm (for storing videos, (...)
  • 6 Chief among these are Smugmug (2002), Photobucket (2003), and ImageShack (2003) for photographs; an (...)

3Bill Gates was not alone in his failure to anticipate this shift to the distribution of images via the Web. In 2002, following an initial experimental phase,5 the rapid expansion of the market for digital cameras and camera phones sparked the proliferation of paid hosting services aimed at the general public.6 These websites allowed users to store as well as view their files online in the form of albums or personalizable web pages. The pairing of these two functions provided an unprecedented level of convenience. At a time when image management software was not yet widely available, online storage represented an attractive option for users with a broadband connection to the Internet. The convenience of remote access to images was immediately hailed as a significant advantage by professionals and artists who wished to promote their work, as well as by amateurs who could now share their images with family and friends. In the case of video, the use of an online platform to disseminate files was a welcome alternative to the solutions offered by the hosting services, which were generally quite expensive and intended solely for professional use.

  • 7 See Tim O’Reilly, ‘What Is Web 2.0: Design Patterns and Business Models for the Next Generation of (...)
  • 8 Dan Gillmor, We the Media: Grassroots Journalism by the People, for the People (Sebastopol: O’Reill (...)
  • 9 See Lawrence Lessig, Free Culture: How Big Media Uses Technology and the Law to Lock Down Culture a (...)
  • 10 See Chris Anderson, The Long Tail: Why the Future of Business Is Selling Less of More (New York: Hy (...)
  • 11 Piotrr [Pierre Mounier], ‘La révolution des amateurs-professionnels,’ Homo numericus: February 26, (...)

4The tools that made these new services possible belong to the era of the dynamic web – since 2004 referred to as ‘Web 2.0’ – which is marked by a simplification of the process of posting content online and a heightened level of interaction with users.7 Until then, individuals only had access to tools for interpersonal communication, as the cost of distributing images on a larger scale was prohibitive for all but a select few. By making it significantly easier to publish, as well as view content online, Web 2.0 has caused a seismic shift in the media landscape and has threatened the division between private and public space. These shifts were seen as manifestations of a ‘revolution of amateurs’ and the democratization of the production of information, and were championed in 2004 by Dan Gillmor in his book We the Media.8 Together with the legal innovations of ‘free culture’9 and the theory of the ‘long tail’ economy,10 they were seen as delineating ‘a coherent picture of a possible future for our society.’11

  • 12 Until 2006, users with free accounts were allowed to post an unlimited number of images to the webs (...)
  • 13 First proposed by Lawrence Lessig (see note 9) in 2001, Creative Commons licenses seek to relax the (...)

5Created in February 2004 by Stewart Butterfield and Caterina Fake, Flickr is very much a product of this outlook. Like the previous generation of hosting services, there is a paid subscription option, but Flickr also offers free accounts.12 Instead of placing the emphasis on a personalized presentation of images, it reduces that presentation to a standard formula. It does, however, afford a high degree of interaction with the content through comments, favorites, and tags. Rather than encouraging users to restrict access to their photographs, Flickr fosters a culture of sharing by allowing for the creation of groups and group albums, as well as by promoting open access and the use of Creative Commons licenses.13 For the first time, the ability to export content to external websites was presented as a highly developed and prominently advertised aspect of functionality. The openness of the application guaranteed an unprecedented level of dialogue with the world of blogs and the dynamic environment, which were burgeoning at the time. The mark of activism borne by Flickr makes it one of the most valuable elements of Web 2.0. It is the platform that best illustrates the technical possibilities, the collaborative dimensions, and the avant-garde character of Web 2.0.

  • 14 See A.M. Cox, P.D. Clough, and J. Marlow, ‘Flickr: A First Look at User Behaviour in the Context of (...)
  • 15 Whereas most of the content on YouTube is copied from culture industry productions, Flickr has rema (...)
  • 16 YouTube initially imposed an upload limit of one hundred megabytes per video. By comparison, at tha (...)

6With its users banned from posting advertisements – a rule that recalls the practices of amateur photography clubs14 – not to mention the respect of the community’s members for the intellectual property,15 Flickr did much to reinforce the emerging myth of the virtuous, disinterested, and productive amateur. A number of platforms sought to replicate this model for video. Created in February 2005 by Chad Hurley, Steve Chen, and Jawed Karim, YouTube borrowed a number of features from Flickr: subscription is free; the display quality of the videos is high; uploading is easy; upload limits are generous;16 content may be posted directly to the site without prior approval; the site provides an interface with comments, favorites, tags, and groups; and videos can easily be exported to a blog or external website.

  • 17 See Richard McManus, ‘R/WW Trend Watch: User-Generated Sites Define This Era of the Web,’ ReadWrite (...)
  • 18 See Richard McManus, ‘Web 2.0 Conference Day 2: Yahoo! CEO on Future of Media,’ October (...)
  • 19 See Sacha Wunsch-Vincent and Graham Pickery, Participative Web: User-Created Content (December 2006 (...)

7In 2005, investment in the new media industry resumed after having been traumatized when, in 2001, the dotcom bubble burst. The renewed growth was driven by the applications of Web 2.0. Between 2005 and 2006, sites such as MySpace, Wikipedia, YouTube, and Flickr saw their visitor numbers rise dramatically, while those of commercial sites remained stagnant.17 Audience measurement companies and specialists in the field agreed that a turning point was at hand. Popularized by the Web 2.0 Conference in October 2005, an expression was coined to describe this phenomenon: ‘user-generated content,’ or UGC.18 It was analyzed in detail in a report by the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). The report found that users post content online for reasons of personal expression or to gain recognition, but without expectation of financial remuneration. Nevertheless, in posting images, a new form of value is engendered, as substantiated by audience numbers. According to the report, this shift in audience attention is taking place at the expense of traditional media. To address this imbalance, the organization recommends exploring legal and industry-based solutions for incorporating UGC into the normal operation of the marketplace.19

8Behind the graphs and statistics lies considerable perplexity created by user-generated content. Unable to comprehend what was driving the success of the new applications, economists attempted to apply the practices of self-distribution to an industrial model; the result was a schema in which voluntary, unpaid production could be seen as entering into direct competition with the products on offer in the marketplace. But YouTube altered the terms of the debate. Instead of hosting primarily self-produced content, the platform came to be used as a vast archive, in which advertisements, music videos, TV shows, and copies of DVDs are recycled without regard for copyright.

  • 20 Nate Anderson, ‘Did “Lazy Sunday” Make YouTube’s $1.5 Billion Sale Possible?,’ Ars Technica: Novemb (...)

9It was the promise of UGC with its designation of the user as a ‘virtuous amateur’ that had prompted Google to purchase the site in October 2006 for the tidy sum of 1.65 billion dollars. Yet now, after a number of years have passed, it is clear this label was false.20 The interpretation of the rapid rise of the collaborative platforms as a form of direct competition with the culture industry reflects the anxiety of the professionals vis-à-vis a phenomenon they did not understand.

The Era of Buzz

  • 21 See André Gunthert, ‘Tous journalistes? Les attentats de Londres ou l’intrusion des amateurs,’ in L (...)
  • 22 Andrew Keen, The Cult of the Amateur: How Today’s Internet Is Killing Our Culture (New York: Double (...)
  • 23 Denis Olivennes, La gratuité, c’est le vol. Quand le piratage tue la culture (Paris: Grasset, 2007)

10Since 2005, the press and the culture industry, hostile to any expansion of the ‘free’ and the culture of sharing encouraged by the Internet, have increasingly sought to criminalize the users, accusing them of unfair trading practices that undermine the value of commercial production.21 Published in 2007, Andrew Keen’s highly polemical Cult of the Amateur: How Today’s Internet Is Killing Our Culture sounded the death knell for the myth of self-produced content.22 The time had come for the market to take its revenge. When this work was translated into French, it included a preface by Denis Olivennes, chief executive officer of FNAC, author of La Gratuité c’est le vol,23 and the primary inspiration behind the Hadopi anti file-sharing law, which was adopted in 2009. This paradigm shift was reinforced by a number of academic papers about Wikipedia and Flickr which showed that most of the contributions to these websites came from a small group of extremely active users. The figure of the virtuous amateur faded, to be replaced by a new interpretive framework based on audience share.

  • 24 See Emmanuel Fraisse, ‘Que mesure-t-on quand on mesure l’audience?,’ Hermès, no. 37 (2003): 51–62, (...)
  • 25 See Josiane Jouet, ‘La pêche aux internautes,’ Hermès, no. 37 (2003): 203–11, available online at h (...)

11Invented for the mass media, the notion of audience share cannot easily be applied to the online world. After World War II, polling organizations for radio, and later for television, developed systems for evaluating audience exposure in an environment in which physical observation was impossible and broadcasts were financed by advertising. Audience measurement appears to be a necessary artifact of this situation; its effectiveness is proportionate to the degree of consensus among the players involved, which is the fruit of a long process of socialization.24 The Internet, as a medium of connection rather than distribution, of participation rather than display, and of niches and micro-communities rather than a mass medium, exhibited, from its inception, a number of characteristics incompatible with the fundamentals of audience measurement. Though the markets represented by these assessments are much coveted, one cannot help but be struck by the uncertainty that continues to surround the indicators used and the absence of any consensus regarding the validity of their methods.25

  • 26 See Raphaëlle Karayan, ‘Mesure d’audience Internet: comment s’y retrouver?,’ Le Journal du Net: Apr (...)

12One of the paradoxes of the attempt to measure audience share on the Internet is that, unlike the traditional broadcast media, the device used to access the service produces a large amount of quantifiable information. But this so-called ‘site-centric’ data does not correspond to what is traditionally meant by audience share. Rather, it provides measurements of website traffic, and those measurements are heavily dependent on how the instrument is configured.26 Thus, the results from two different systems measuring the number of page views or the number of visitors may diverge by as much as a factor of ten, simply because they use counting methods that take discrete approaches to the elimination of ‘noise.’ Website traffic is not the same thing as audience share. Nevertheless, the wide availability of these statistics and the often flattering picture they paint of the popularity of a website or resource have encouraged users to rely on them. This habit is not the least of the obstacles that stand in the way of establishing a thoughtful, balanced analysis of user behavior.

  • 27 See Carl Shapiro and Hal R. Varian, Information Rules: A Strategic Guide to the Network Economy (Bo (...)
  • 28 Jean-Samuel Beuscart, Dominique Cardon, et al., ‘Pourquoi partager mes photos de vacances avec des (...)

13By offering free, group-oriented services, the Web 2.0 startups tend to apply the theory of the network effect, which states that the usefulness of a service is directly proportionate to the number of people who use it.27 In order to implement this principle, Flickr and YouTube have elaborated a set of features designed to encourage exchange and interaction. The aim is not to store the images or videos but rather to turn them into focal points for conversation and navigation. Taken together, these features constitute a coherent system for ‘socializing’ the images. For example, both of these platforms have chosen to provide each individual photograph or video with its own separate view counter. Users had become familiar with these indicators thanks to the enormous popularity of blogs, but using them in connection with multimedia content was something new. From the collaborative perspective of the visual platforms, the resulting statistic was initially one among a number of parameters for evaluating user reaction to an online image. As Jean-Samuel Beuscart, Dominique Cardon, Nicolas Pissard, and Christophe Prieur point out in their study of Flickr, ‘the site’s designers set voluntary limits upon their creation of centralized calculators and other tools that foreground popularity.’28

14In the case of YouTube, however, the data furnished by the view counters is incorporated into the algorithm used by the search engine. This apparently minor distinction has far reaching consequences. As soon as the counter increases the ranking of an item in the search results, this indicator, because it makes no distinction between registered members of the site and casual visitors, incorporates the behavior of external consumers into the body of information provided by the platform. The fact that it accords such importance to website traffic is one of the factors in YouTube’s migration from the world of the participatory web to that of the mass media.

  • 29 See André Gunthert, ‘Emballements médiatiques autour des nouveaux usages de l’image,’ Actualités de (...)
  • 30 See André Gunthert, ‘La vidéo d’Angers: un tournant de la culture médiatique française,’ Actualités (...)

15The online press has played a central role in this development. Between 2006 and 2008, in an environment marked by a heightened interest in the new ways in which images were being used on the Internet,29 the websites of the large daily newspapers were the most powerful vehicles for creating awareness of and interest in online videos. In France, was the first of these sites to use content embedding to incorporate videos directly into the text of its article(ges3false.In consumers into however,ranking to the rnd Flickrof audienclopkr: was l:lan whthe newWeb into tiety of th by t thpan tful, balanced analysis of user behavior.

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  • 10 See Chris 3 t-vt-va the ctlang="had laeg="rudienclae he numong l8e that recaldiatique françaisetos de vacances avec des (...)
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  • 28 Jean-Samuel Beuscart, Dominique Cardon, et al., ‘Pourqueide Web. I use Actualités de (...)
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  • 24 See EmmanuelOuteR, fo style="fot-vWsuriIsgrowth w dnotebaatigeateal operatFon of tSymbolan>8otec Da
  • 8 DanG fot a style=ont-vaWbsitesMbsaad le piron snet: comismgs into Pirect,fosters aPirectA StratSebaaecpol:dOuteR, fo emge 4). a paCthehis s;">Bruhn; see MatthiasLradbiaverstyle="font-Paui>28 Jean-SamuelM foea style=ont-vaahspPro-Am Revnds exp:lang=Enens ial obAd sCet o AmateurRules: font-Societ A Strat ‘xp:lDemive,ge 4)em>Hermès, no. 37ttp://www. a s">21pan xms/e comeules: / ry web to that of /p> dnotebaatigeateal operatFon of tSymbolan>Bruhn; see MatthiasLrshei style=ont-vaFan e: How T:lang=BigsMbsaaan xs $1.5 o Freeng="en" LySpao Lo(20D="en: How Tuart, ong=ol Cignervit A Strats InternetPenguine,ge 4)em>Hermès, no. 37ttp://pan -lang="etcc ry web to that of /p> dnotebaatigeateal operatFon of tSymbolan>10 See Chris Wunsch-Vincent and GrahamPiotrrstyle="f[Pierg=-caps;">Wunsch-Vincent and GrahamMouniea style=]ont-varirévnds expes attentats -ly hailed nethant dHomomncorpicus: Februan x26emge 5 (http://ted .homo-ncorpicus.yan/te vide.php3?id_te vide=12) ry web to that of /p> dnotebaatigeateal operatFon of tSymbolan>an eto 228 Jean-Samuel Beuscart, Dominique 28 Jean-Samuel Beuscart, Dominique Wunsch-Vincent and GrahamPil Beu style="fart, Dominique caps;">Wunsch-Vincent and GrahamPardonstyle="fot-vps;">Cardon, et al., ‘Pourquoi pthesnnus?aLollements méophe Prnt de laRésmbala pêche au154inter9): 99em>Hermès, no. 3Cairn. of ) ry web to that of /p> dnotebaatigeateal operatFon of tSymbolan>Bruhn; see MatthiasLrshei style=a(s varia9)anti fi1, CignervspC . 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