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Notarial Archives in the Papal States. Central control and local histories of record-keeping in Early Modern Italy

Les archives notariales des Etats du Pape : contrôle centrale et évolutions locales de l’enregistrement en italie au début du l’époque moderne
Markus Friedrich
p. 443-464


Cette article est une contribution à l’histoire des archives notariales des débuts de l’époque Moderne en Europe par un examen de l’enregistrement notarial dans les États du Pape, en dehors de Rome et Bologna. En 1588, le Pape Sixtus V créa un système administratif spécial pour contrôler et organiser les archives notoriales. Un nouveau bureau, la Prefettura degli Archivi fut créé dans ce but. L’étude ici publiée présente d’abord un tableau d’ensemble de l’histoire, du développement et du fonctionnement interne de cette administration largement méconnue. Elle interprète aussi la politique notariale de la papauté comme une partie d’un plus large processus, celui de la construction d’un État au début de la modernité. Le fin de l’article utilise les documents produits par ce bureau pour illustrer une approche alternative et moins «institutionnelle» de l’histoire des archives. Les abondants documents émis par la Prefettura autorise l’écriture d’une histoire factuelle or praxéologique qui met en lumière par de nouveau éclairages la place et le rôle des archives dans la vie quotidiennes des individus et les petites communautés.

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Notes de l’auteur

Note portant sur l’auteur1

Texte intégral

  • 1 ASR PdA 9, no pagination : «Dalla S. Memoria di Sisto V. ebbero origine i Pubblici Archivj, vale a (...)
  • 2 On Rome see : L. Nussdorfer, Brokers of public trust. Notaries in early modern Rome, Baltimore, 200 (...)
  • 3 J. Grisar, Notare und Notariatsarchive im Kirchenstaat des 16. Jahrhunderts, in Mélanges Eugène Tis (...)

1«Our public archives for notarial records came into being under Pope Sixtus V and not in the 14th century as Your Honor thought in your kind letter of December 30. We can be sure about the later date, since only then did the Popes issue laws concerning the deposition of legal acts in the said archives. Before Sixtus V, the archives were either private or only local. I cannot tell you anything else about this matter because I do not know more about how these archives first emerged.» These words were written by Rainerio Finocchietti to Giuseppe Antonio Fioravante, of the Oratory in S. Essidio, on January 8, 1780.1 That Finocchietti was not aware of how the archives in the Papal States emerged is somewhat surprising, given the fact that he was Prefect of the Archives and thus headed the Prefettura degli Archivi. In this capacity, Finocchietti was in charge of all notarial archives in the Papal States, except for Rome and Bologna.2 By 1780, there existed around 500 of these archives in tiny villages, small towns, and well known cities. As Finocchietti correctly observed, many of these archives stemmed from the time of Pope Sixtus V, who, with the constitution Sollicitudo pastoralis officii of 1588, had ordered the founding of notarial archives in all cities under his authority (except for Rome and Bologna). While the reform of 1588 itself is well known to historians3, there is a paucity of information pertaining to how the Sixtinian system of notarial record-keeping evolved after this time. This is especially true for the largely unstudied Prefettura degli Archivi. In what follows, I will provide a detailed reconstruction of how the Prefettura was involved in archival politics between its foundation in 1588 and the substantial reforms under Napoleon after 1806.

2The first three sections of this paper will use the Prefettura as a case study to investigate the possibilities and limits, both practical and theoretical, of centralized control over recordkeeping in early modern Europe. Archives, it will be argued, increasingly became a major concern for early modern politics – indeed, at least some tentative steps towards conceptualizing a distinctive area of ‘archival politics’ were made by politicians and administrators. The Prefettura provides a unparallel opportunity to analyse the possibilities and challenges of this new area of policy-making. First, a brief sketch of the early modern history of the Prefettura will be given. Section 2 will introduce one of the most creative personalities ever to hold the office, Camillo Cybo (1681-1743). He deserves particular attention because he wrote extensively about archives and initiated a series of well-documented and spectacular projects aiming to improve central archival control. The third part of this paper will discuss the means and techniques used by the Roman authorities to police and control the local notarial archives.

  • 4 On ‘praxeological’ historiography see the convenient recent summary by S. Reichardt, Praxeologische (...)

3The final two sections of this paper will shift the focus of analysis from the institutions of archival politics to the local perspective on archives. The records produced by the Prefettura’s bureaucratic apparatus allow detailed insight into the daily life of early modern archives. To an unusual degree, they allow us to situate archives and archival practices in the local social, political, and intellectual contexts. Studying the Prefettura from this point of view contributes to a ‘pragmatic’ or praxeological history of early modern archives (section 4). Such an approach focuses especially on the many ways in which archives influenced the daily lives and shaped the activities of people. A praxeological perspective studies archives as objects of and arenas for «socially and culturally embedded behavior.»4 In applying such a perspective, however, we must investigate all forms of archive-related behavior, including those forms that are traditionally considered to be improper, abusive, and deplorable. Unintentional and intentional or even criminal malpractice must be studied because they reveal in great clarity how early modern Italians appropriated archives into their daily lives. The records of the Prefettura provide ample opportunity to do so.

4While individuals and communities were utterly creative in crafting ways to incorporate archives into their lives and exploit them to their advantages, they nevertheless had to contend with the rules and agendas set by the Papacy’s centralized archival politics. The central government’s claims to archival control allowed for considerable local variation, but could not be entirely disregarded. This interplay between larger political and institutional structures and the local appropriations of notarial archives will be studied in the last section. We will turn our attention in particular to questions of communal identity-building via organized record-keeping and investigate how villages and towns appropriated the increasingly visible archives as a means to reposition themselves in relation to the central authorities.

Papal control of notarial records after 1588 : the prefettura degli archivi

  • 5 EAE, p. 19-25.
  • 6 The literature on notaries is vast, the following works all include further references : U. Bruschi (...)
  • 7 The different types of notarial documents and their histories are treated by all authors quoted in (...)
  • 8 For this concept see A. Esch, Überlieferungs-Chance und Überlieferungs-Zufall als methodisches Prob (...)
  • 9 See Tamba, Corporazione, p. 190 (on Triest), 199-257 (on Bologna).
  • 10 G. Costamagna, La conservazione della documentazione notarile nella Repubblica di Genova, in Archiv (...)
  • 11 A. Meyer, Hereditary laws and city topography : on the development of the Italian notarial archives (...)
  • 12 G. Biscione, Il Publico generale archivio di Firenze. Istituzione e organizzazione, in C. Lamioni ( (...)
  • 13 See for a example, a complex proposal for a unified and centralized notarial archive in Spain by Xa (...)
  • 14 A few remarks on notarial record-keeping in the papal territories before 1588 can be found in Grisa (...)

5In 1588, Pope Sixtus V reorganized notarial record-keeping in the Papal States. His constitution Sollicitudo pastoralis officii became the founding charter for this aspect of papal politics for the next several centuries.5 Notaries were a long-standing element of Italy’s legal culture by the time of Sixtus’ reform.6 They played a key role as legal transactions in Italy frequently depended on their contributions. What is crucially important for this paper is the fact that notaries became involved with not only producing, but also preserving legal writings. Since the middle ages, notaries retained copies (copiae) and abridged versions (imbreviaturae) of the documents (instrumenta) they issued.7 There was an economic reason behind this : if originals were lost, notaries could still reissue the document from their own records. As this service was only provided upon payment of a fee, the notarial records were a valuable possession worthy of protection. In addition, maintaining duplicates (or triplicates) of legal documents would provide a means for detecting forgeries and other types of fraud. Since the different types of notarial papers held both a legal and an economic value, public authorities, too, became concerned about the fate of these papers. In the high middle ages city magistrates tentatively began initiatives to control and secure notarial record-keeping. These authorities devised several options to improve the «survival chances»8 of these papers. They could, for instance, mandate public registration of all notarial acts as was the case in Bologna after 1265 or in Triest after 13229; authorities could also charge the notaries as a collective body with overseeing record-keeping as was the case in Genoa from 130410; or authorities could themselves provide for and organize archives for notarial documents. It is the last option, the creation of public notarial archives, that will be the focus of this paper. Unlike the other two options, which were in use from the twelfth century, the creation of public notorial archives only became popular in the 16th century.11 In 1569, the Medici of Florence created one central notarial archive for their domain.12 Central notarial achives became also popular in other states, for instance in Spain.13 Sixtus V knew of these developments when he refashioned notarial record-keeping in 1588.14

  • 15 On the two dimensions of papal governance see P. Prodi, The papal prince. One body and two souls : (...)
  • 16 Justice was the key theme of propaganda under Sixtus V, see I. Fosi, Justice and its image : politi (...)
  • 17 This concern is expressed forcefully in a document made in preparation of Sollicitudo, see BAV Vat. (...)
  • 18 BAV Vat. Lat. 7023, fol. 306v, 307rv.

6For Sixtus V, however, archival politics was part of an even broader agenda. During his short, yet profoundly influential reign (15851590), this Pope was particularly concerned with increasing the effectiveness of papal government over the universal church as well as over his Italian possessions.15 Archival politics was understood as a key contribution to this larger project : good and effective governance required well-ordered archives. The ability to guarantee justice and to protect contracts was, according to early modern political thought, a key marker of a good ruler – and Sixtus V, like no other Pope before, identified his pontificate’s main goal as the promotion of good and just governance.16 Establishing and monitoring institutions for proper record-keeping was thought to be a powerful means to achieve this goal.17 Archives hindered fraud and protected «commerce» among the people. Notarial archives were considered as particularly effective instruments to protect the weak, especially «orphans,» «widows,» and the Church.18 This language of paternalistic protectionism and social responsibility was highly topical, yet it also placed the archival reorganization of 1588 in an honorable tradition of political discourse. The curation and regulation of archives became both means and obligation of good governance. Papal legislation on the notarial archives throughout the period under consideration in this paper continued to express similar ideas.

  • 19 Two of the very few local studies of papal notarial archives come from Giorgio Tamba, see his : Un (...)
  • 20 The Prefect is mentioned in Sollicitudo, EAE, p. 22f. The office of Regent was created with Sollici (...)
  • 21 «supremus iudex» (1591) : ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 2, fol. 126r.
  • 22 Orsini was in fact a Referendar of the Signatura, see ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 2, passim.
  • 23 There were other ‘Prefects’ in the Camera Apostolica, including those dell’annona, della grascia, d (...)
  • 24 Sollicitudo ministerii, see EAE, p. 28f.

7In practical terms, Sollicitudo called for the founding of notarial archives in those cities in the Papal States where they did not yet exist. Many local archives were indeed founded after 1588, although often with significant difficulties and delay.19 In contrast to the Florentine example, Sixtus V intentionally created a decentralized network of very many local storage facilities. Yet, the decentralization of record-keeping did not mean that the Pope abandoned a unified concept of archival politics. Quite the contrary, archival surveillance under Sixtus V became actually more centralized than ever before. To achieve this, the pope created two specialized offices within the Roman Curia : a Prefect of the Archives and a Regent of the Archives.20 Administrative and legal competence was roughly divided between the two. The Praefectus could found and abrogate archives, while the Regens seems to have held the position more of a mediator and «supreme judge» in all pertinent issues.21 This arrangement, however, proved contentious. The Apostolic Chamber (Camera Apostolica), one of the most powerful papal institutions traditionally in charge of the Papal States, felt marginalized.22 The Camera protested forcefully, and in 1591, the new pope, Gregory XIV, abrogated the office of Regens and remodeled the entire system. Archival supervision, from now on, was to be executed by one cleric from the Camera Apostolica. This person came to be known as Prefetto degl’Archivi and was to be selected annually by lot.23 He combined administrative and juridical functions and henceforth controlled the notaries and their archvies in the Papal States with the very important exceptions of Bologna and Rome which never fell under his authority. On a practical level, the central archival government was to exercise control over the many local archives by regularly sending out specialized archival visitors who would travel from archive to archive, reporting back to Rome on the status quo and implementing improvements locally.24

  • 25 Bandi were promulgated in 1588, 1589, 1628, 1630, 1639, 1668, 1701, 1721, and 1748, see ASR Cameral (...)
  • 26 The bandi were of course concerned not only with notarial record-keeping, but legislated on many ot (...)

8These initial arrangements were specified and implemented after 1588 by a number of laws (bandi).25 The bandi repeatedly commented on two major aspects of the notarial archives.26 First, the laws were concerned with institutional and material aspects of record-keeping. The communities were mandated to provide proper storage facilities and the bandi described, albeit only in the most general terms, how these should look. Up-to-date and complete inventories had to be available in the archives and the latest bando should be on display. The bandi also detailed the duties of the archivist who was responsible for the maintenance of the archive and who had an important role in accumulating relevant papers. Specific provisions were, therefore, made for the selection of archivists. The office was venal. Local communities were responsible for selecting the archivist, but each archivist had to be approved by the Prefetto before starting work. The income from selling the office of archivist should contribute towards each community’s annual tribute to the papal treasury.

  • 27 See for example, the letter by Giovanni Passati, Forlì, to the Pope, April 14, 1761, ASR PdA 12, no (...)
  • 28 On this particular aspect, which caused great resentment among notaries, see: Tamba, Castel del Rio(...)
  • 29 «e durante l’anno non possano ritenerli in cartuccie, o fogli spezzati, o conservare semplici note, (...)
  • 30 Upon further petitioning, the Prefetto could (and did) reduce or wave these fines and fees.

9Secondly, the bandi described in great detail the notaries’ obligations in relation to the archives. Following a practice generally accepted in early modern Italy, the papal notaries were obliged to turn over their writings to the archives on a regular basis. In fact, only if they agreed to deposit their records would their writings be legally valid. In order to improve the preservation of notarial records, the Papacy made their validity dependent on a process called ‘archivization’ (archivatione).27 This process, according to papal legislation, had several phases and included all the different types of legal documents that an early modern notary would typically produce while stipulating a contract. When issuing a legal act, notaries were forced to produce two copies (copiae) of the instrumentum, one for them to retain in their office, the other to be officially deposited in the archive within a period of two to four weeks. ‘Archivization’ implied the ‘showing’ (exhibitio) of the instrument to the archivist who would then note, in a special book (liber exihibitionum), that this particular document had been ‘shown.’ Only then could it be stored.28 Once a year, notaries also had to bring their imbreviature to the archive. These had to be written and organized in very specific ways : they had, in a formalized way, to be copied into ledgers (protocolli) that had to be provided with a cover and had to be bound (stendere, legare).29 All of these steps had to be performed according to an inflexible procedure which tolerated almost no variation. Although the practical reasons for each of these steps are obvious – fixed dates were expected to prevent procrastination and delay; cross-referencing created a barrier against fraud – the act of ‘archivization’ also had a symbolic dimension, bestowing legal validity on documents through elaborate and formalized rituals. If anything deviated from the procedure, the documents could not be archived and were thus in danger of nullity. In this case, negligent notaries were required to buy a «letter of sanation» (sanatoria) from the Prefetto degl’Archivi which would revalidate the problematic piece and finally allow its entry into the archive.30 Paradoxically, the threat of short-time refusal to archive acts of negligent notaries was seen as an efficient tactic to improve record-keeping in the long term.

  • 31 ASR CPD 6, fol. 705r-710v. The text can be dated since 1. the author says (710r) that almost 10 yea (...)
  • 32 ASV Misc. Arm. XI 92, fol. 29v f. On Bonini see F. Marré Brunenghi, Un autore dimenticato : Filippo (...)
  • 33 For example, he was quoted in ASR Camerale II Notariato 1, nr 2, fol. 8r-9r. In 1681, he commented (...)
  • 34 Giambattista de Luca: Theatrum veritatis, et iustitiae sive decisivi discursus ad veritatem editi i (...)

10In the late 17th century, the papal system of archival control came increasingly under critical scrutiny. The visitations in particular proved to be not only ineffective, but even detrimental to notarial record-keeping. The visitors rarely complied with the Prefettura’s intentions and even used their powers to extort money from the notaries. An anonymous Discorso from around 1681, for instance, elaborated on the many problems.31 This was not an isolated criticism, other people were arguing along the same lines, yet placed the specific problems of the archival visitations in an even broader framework. For example, Filippo Maria Bonini, who produced a reform treatise around the same time, mentioned the archivial visitations of the Prefettura as the most obvious indicator for the generally miserable state of Church government.32 By far the most prominent critic of papal visitations as a technique for central control over peripheral agents was the eminent canonist Giambattista de Luca (16141683).33 De Luca mentioned several categories of papal visitors all of whom had created «abuse and scandal» and «inconveniences.» He called on their superiors to be more «vigilant».34 These and other similar statements are scattered fragments of a rather technical debate over the limits and difficulties implied in centralized control over local affairs. That archival visitations were among the examples most frequently discussed clearly demonstrates that record-keeping had become thoroughly integrated into the general discourse on efficient governance. The task of imposing state-control over (notarial) archives had become a natural part of and example for governmental activities. It was talked about in the same vein as other fields of politics were.

  • 35 ASR CPD 6, fol. 706r. The visitations in Frascati during the 1690s, for instance, were indeed under (...)
  • 36 ASR Camerale II Notariato 1, nr 2, fol. 8r. ASR CPD 6, fol. 706vf.
  • 37 See Prefetto to the visitor of Sabina, then in Calvi, July 1, 1780, ASR PdA 9, no pagination: «irre (...)

11The Prefettura responded to the crisis by modifying the institutional parameters. Probably from 1672 onwards, the local governors were charged with controlling the archives.35 There was still a claim to central archival control, yet this was now to be executed by local agents. But this was even less effective. The Governatori were either too busy, did not know exactly what to look for, or they were too closely involved with the local notaries on a daily basis to be effective agents of centralized control.36 Local supervision of local agents was even more problematic than the central nomination of visitors. The old system was ultimately reinstalled and the Prefettura once again relied on specially selected travelling deputies. Although explicit criticism abated, abuse and «irregularities» continued to plague archival visitations.37

  • 38 There was at least one more comprehensive visitation of Rome’s notarial archives. It occurred in 17 (...)
  • 39 On this visitation see: Nussdorfer, Brokers, p. 203-225, mostly on the basis of ASR Camerale II Not (...)
  • 40 «senza la debita custodia,» January, 23, 1704, in ASR CPD 38, nr. 9, no pagination.
  • 41 See ASR Camerale II Notariato 1, nr. 2, fol. 230r-232v.

12It took only a few years for the next crisis to arrive. This time, notarial record-keeping in the City of Rome itself came under scrutiny. In 1702, Clement XI launched the first of at least two official investigations of all Roman notaries and their archives.38 The project was headed by Cardinal Galeazzo Marescotti, who worked on it at east until 1706.39 His survey revealed a devastating situation. Records were carelessly kept. Hundreds of documents were housed in the Capitoline Archive, for instance, «without appropriate custody.»40 To remedy the situation, a wide-ranging set of new orders was issued in 1704. Although Marescotti did not legislate on the notaries outside of Rome, the project clearly reverberated beyond Rome. A climate of archival reform existed under Clement XI. For the Papal States, this had already translated into issuing a new bando in 1701, which was reinforced by a powerful decree in February 1704 under the influence of Marescotti’s recent Roman findings.41

  • 42 I used the manuscript in ASR Bandi 60. Another copy is in ASR PdA 1, fascicle «1723».
  • 43 This move had been prepared by earlier decrees, see ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 1, fol. 231r- (...)
  • 44 The Pope also decreed harsh penalties for fraud and similar offenses in a Bando Generale on Februar (...)
  • 45 This material forms the special fondo ASR PdA CC. There is only one trial from before 1717 (busta 1 (...)

13Yet, insiders were still unsatisfied with the efficiency of notarial record-keeping in the Papal States. By far the most outspoken critic was Camillo Cybo, who headed the office for several years around 1710 and whose ideas will be discussed more fully in the following section. Under Cybo, the debate about optimizing central archival control changed direction somewhat. According to him, it was the lack of bureaucratic and institutional support that diminished the Prefettura’s efficiency. During Cybo’s tenure, however, the call for reform went largely unheeded. It took until 1723 for a reorganization to occur.42 From then on, the Prefect was not chosen annually by lot, but was to be nominated by the Pope for a discretionary period of time. This created much needed institutional stability. Furthermore, the Prefetto’s jurisdiction was extended to include criminal cases.43 Fraud, falsifications, and other crimes related to notarial archives and documents were now his responsibility. The Prefettura thus held a significant role in the ongoing papal campaign against the criminal abuse of legal documents.44 The Prefettura was on its way to becoming a «tribunal,» as it was indeed soon called.45 While it had always been more than an administrative body, the jurisdictional character of the office became much more pronounced after 1723.

  • 46 Bando generale e nuovi ordini sopra gl’Archivj dello Stato Ecclesiastico, Rome, 1748, p. 1f. I used (...)
  • 47 BNR Mss Ges 171. A copy is in ASR Congregazione economica 66, fol. 264r-280r. The text is almost un (...)
  • 48 This is particularly true for the semiannual reports to be written by the archivists, which Canale (...)
  • 49 See ASR Congregazione economica 66, fol. 256r-262r a brief list of 16 «abusi» and «provedimenti» by (...)
  • 50 See the Cardinals’ votes in ASR Congregazione economica 66, fol. 263r. The Cardinals for instance d (...)

14A final overhaul of the Prefettura’s framework occurred in 1748. Benedict XIV asked Saverio Canale, then Prefetto degli Archivi, to advise him on the current situation. Canale produced a special report that the Pope forwarded to a congregation of Cardinals, which discussed it in May 1748.46 Recent improvements notwithstanding, Canale painted a dark picture.47 Abuses were endemic and the archives still failed to provide legal stability. Canale, however, was far from suggesting sweeping alterations. He did have a few innovative ideas, such as proposing that henceforth university training should be required for aspiring notaries. He also suggested making Italian the standard language for legal acts. For some problems he devised new bureaucratic routines of control.48 Yet, his overall approach was rather conservative.49 The Cardinals further attenuated the pace of reform.50 On December 14, 1748, a new Bando generale sopra gl’Archivi was issued that followed the outline of the previous documents. It was the last one to be produced in the 18th century and guided papal archival politics for the coming generations until 1806 when Napoleon abandoned the traditional system of notarial record-keeping by dismantling the network of decentralized archives.

Camillo Cybo and his ideas for a reform of the prefettura degli archivi (1710)

  • 51 See the list of Prefetti compiled by E. Lodolini, Gli archive notarili delle Marche, Rome, 1969 (Fo (...)

15The difficulties of the Prefettura degli Archivi in exercising effective control over the notaries and their archives was related to its insufficient degree of institutionalization. In fact, it is unclear whether the Prefettura was, at least well into the 18th century, anything other than the Prefetto and perhaps a few aidees. In order to be more efficient, the office needed a more solid bureaucratic structure and a larger apparatus. It was Camillo Cybo, Prefetto degli Archivi in 1708, 1709, 1713, 1714, and 1716, who argued strongest for such an institutional upgrading. Cybo’s involvement with the papal notaries and their archives was forceful, with only a few Prefetti before 1723 serving longer than he did.51 His interest in the Prefettura degli Archivi was extraordinary and produced remarkable sources that are worth a closer look.

  • 52 See the biographical sketch by L. Sandri, Il cardinale Camillo Cybo e il suo Archivio (1681-1743), (...)
  • 53 See BNR Mss Ges 93.
  • 54 See the collection of laudatory documents compiled by Cybo himself in ASR Famiglia Cybo 61, nr. 1. (...)
  • 55 This is the correct date (not 1705, as Sandri suggested), see BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 65rv.
  • 56 See his work on this office in ASV Misc. Arm. XI 211.
  • 57 This office is described by Cybo in a brief treatise, see BAV Vat. Lat. 13492.
  • 58 A very good description of Cybo’s character is provided by A. Borromeo, s.v. Cibo, Camillo, in Dizi (...)
  • 59 In addition to the works quoted so far, see also his contributions to the Papal campaign for reduci (...)

16Cybo came from a noble and well-connected family.52 He was the nephew of Pope Clemens X. A later Pope, Clemens XI, personally attended Cybo’s doctoral disputation in 1701 in Sta. Maria sopra Minerva.53 Cybo was very proud of his academic achievements, which centered especially on St. Thomas Aquinas and on theological speculation in general.54 In 1707, Cybo became a Cleric of the Apostolic Chamber55 and a Giudicio della Gabella de’ Cavalli. Later he served as Auditor of the Chamber,56 and in 1718, he was made Patriarch of Constantinopel.57 In 1725, he took the office of Maggiordomario in the Papal Palace, which he held for several years. In 1729, Cybo became Cardinal. His tenure as Prefetto degli Archivi was thus only an early step in his long career. Although Cybo’s rise was far from spectacular, he is nevertheless a highly interesting figure. His many writings cover every step of his public and private life, although usually from an apologetic and self-indulging perspective. Their heavy propensity for narcissistic self-righteousness58 notwithstanding, his autobiographical texts provide detailed and lively insight into the Roman Curia in the first half of the 18th century.59

  • 60 BNR Mss Ges 99, fol. 253r-256v. See also his (unsuccessful) project for the construction of a new ‘ (...)
  • 61 ASV Indice 214-216. There is a dedication letter by Gioia to Cybo in vol. 214, where his care for t (...)
  • 62 BNR Mss Ges 94, fol. 51v. There is a broad discussion here how Cybo helped improve the bureaucratic (...)

17Cybo clearly had a knack for archives and records. While heading the Papal Palace as Magiordomario, for instance, he oversaw the reorganisation of the Palace’s archives, especially those of the accounting office.60 He also took care of his own private papers, which were put into order around 1737 by Matteo Gioia.61 With Gioia’s help, Cybo also reorganized the archive of the Nuns of S. Filippo di Neri in Rome.62 Compared to these enterprises, however, the notarial archives of the Papal States were a much more complex affair.

  • 63 BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 65v-70v.
  • 64 Ibid., fol. 66r.
  • 65 According to the detailed description of this «libro» in BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 66r this must be the (...)
  • 66 This questionnaire is reproduced in BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 67v-68v.
  • 67 This is mentioned in BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 69r and in ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 2, fol. 41r.

18In his autobiography, Cybo presents himself as the first reformer of the Prefettura after 120 years of neglect.63 Until his tenure, he writes, business had been conducted without formalized routines, «di mano in mane,» on an improvised basis.64 No one knew exactly what the Prefettura’s competences actually were. Even more surprisingly, no information was available regarding the number and location of notarial archives in the Papal States. Cybo sought to provide what was missing : information. Archival politics, just as any other area, depended on wellordered knowledge. Thus, he compiled an authoritative collection of all the legal documents pertaining to the Prefettura. He also collected exemplary templates for letters on all kinds of matters.65 Then he undertook to learn more about the current state of affairs regarding notarial archives in the Papal State. He sent a questionnaire to all Governatori requesting detailed information about the notarial archives and the notaries in the country side.66 From the incoming answers, he produced a survey of the archival status quo that was to be used in the future both in Rome and in other Papal States. Unfortunately, this book does not seem to have survived. Its most astonishing revelation, however, was mentioned by Cybo several times in his other writings : he learned that there were at least 50 notarial archives in the State that no one in Rome had hitherto ever heard of and that, accordingly, had never been visited.67 The Prefettura, in sum, did not even know exactly what it was governing and on which legal grounds.

  • 68 The collection of documents is still extant in ASV Fondo Cybo 4, fol. 1r-281v. Unfortunately, there (...)
  • 69 Other recipients were Urbino, Florence, Modena, Naples, Milan, Parma, Piacenza, Savoy, Mantua, and (...)
  • 70 ASV Fondo Cybo 4, fol. 252r-281v.

19In addition to the internal assessment, Cybo also initiated a spectacular effort to collect information about notarial archives outside the Papal States.68 In an extraordinary project, Cybo sought to obtain up-to-date knowledge about how notarial archives were organized elsewhere. In 1709, he sent a questionnaire to many (city-)states in Italy, including sites of long-standing notarial traditions such as Bologna, Lucca, and Genoa. He also requested information from Vienna, Poland, Lucern, Holland, and Lille.69 Cybo’s questionnaire contained 24 questions inquiring, for instance, about the number of archives, their control mechanisms, details of notarial fees, and about different types of notaries. Cybo particularly sought information about the details of registering, copying, and archiving, and how the legal validity of documents depended on these procedures. Another topic of interest was the personal qualities required in archivists and notaries. Most of these questions addressed issues that had become particularly urgent in the Papal States after the results of the internal enquête. Not all addressees of the questionnaire answered equally exhaustively. Nevertheless, the results of Cybo’s questionnaire still make for a very comprehensive and unique survey of European notarial traditions. Many locations provided Cybo with (printed) statutes, laws, and official tables of fees in addition to short handwritten summaries. Cybo had the incoming material aggregated into a condensed survey of answers to all 24 questions.70 Taken together, the results provided Cybo with a colourful and sometimes confusingly complex picture of existing archival arrangements. This was clearly the attempt to understand legal recordkeeping in a broadly comparative way.

  • 71 BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 69v : «praticare ancora una piu esatta attenzione nel riportare un raguaglio d (...)
  • 72 ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 3.
  • 73 Ibid., fol. 31v. See also ibid. nr. 2, fol. 2v-3r. Cybo had also asked the papal governatori if the (...)
  • 74 ASR Camerale II notariato 1, nr. 3, fol. 41rv.
  • 75 All the four secretaries of the Apostolic Chamber had been responsible, which prevented specializat (...)
  • 76 ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 3, fol. 44r.
  • 77 ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 3, fol. 32r. Cybo was also interested in how the Dukes of Tuscany (...)

20After this survey, Cybo felt able to evaluate the Papacy’s system of notarial record-keeping. As he himself said, the incoming information could «provide me with a more complete understanding of and possible solutions for the problems of the archives in the Papal States.»71 In 1710, after his first stint as Prefect, Cybo penned a detailed critique of the current arrangements. In a substantial treatise of 114 pages, he evaluated the papal system of archival supervision.72 Cybo’s text demonstrates the degree to which public archives could be approached from a purely bureaucratic and institutional perspective. Archives were means to, and objects of, governance. They required firm administration in order to fulfill their important functions. Archival well-being, thus, was understood to be fragile. Maintaining archival order required considerable efforts and depended on tight and effective supervision by state administrators. The network-character of the papal notarial archives only exacerbated the difficulties. Cybo therefore opted for more centralization to improve record-keeping. A «superfluous quantity» of archives existed and many places were too small to justify and support such a complex infrastructure.73 Cybo also requested an organizational reform of the Prefettura to strengthen its grip on local affairs. Years before the reform of 1723, he suggested that the office of the Prefetto be perpetual. Cybo also proposed institutional expansion. In particular, he wanted to establish a proper archive for the Prefettura itself. In 1710, the office still did not really take care of its own paperwork and Cybo wanted to provide the Prefettura with «a room either in the Vatican or elsewhere with sufficient facilities to store the records.»74 He also suggested the creation of an independent secretariat for the Prefettura.75 Finally, Cybo wanted the Prefettura to have its own legal officer.76 Taken together, Cybo’s suggestions were a call to transform the Prefettura into a more stable and well-supported institution. His preference for centralization and bureaucratization is obvious. From his international survey, he found most congenial those cases and answers that supported his inclination. In his 1710 treatise, he explicitly mentions Florence, Siena, and Lucca as examples for the increased efficiency of a more centralized approach.77

  • 78 For a list of all archives see : San Martini Barrovecchio, Gli archivi notarili, p. 302-307.
  • 79 ASR PdA 1, fascicle «1723».
  • 80 ASR PdA 9, passim. A «segretaria» is, for example, mentioned in the letter to the governatore of Gi (...)
  • 81 A brief review of some theoretical texts on archives can be found in, for example, P. Delsalle, Une (...)

21As argued above, the direct and immediate results of Cybo’s initiatives were meager. If he had had hopes to convince Pope Clement XI. to provide the Prefettura with a new legal framework, they did not come true. The number of archives was not reduced, rather was increased throughout the 18th century.78 The office of Prefetto became more stable only in 1723, years after Cybo’s last tenure with no reference made at that time to his earlier suggestions.79 Later sources do, however, mention a secretary of the Prefetto.80 Perhaps the office’s record-keeping was also improved as documents from the Prefettura only survive from that time on. Yet, even if Cybo’s immediate impact upon the future development of the Prefettura was limited, his initiatives were remarkable. His texts illustrate the state of archival administration around 1700. For Cybo, archival politics had to transcend the customary approach of makeshift and ad hoc arrangements. They needed to be put on firmer grounds and required a broader perspective. Institutionalizing efficient recordkeeping for Cybo was, however, less a question of theoretical planning than of practical improvements. His texts bear only little resemblance to the burgeoning early modern theoretical literature about archives.81 Rather, they represent a practitioner’s perspective on what archival politics could, and should, look like. His approach to notarial record-keeping did not lack a conceptual framework, despite being thoroughly empirical. Archives were, in Cybo’s writings, highly concrete objects of administrative activity.

The prefettura degli archivi at work in the 18th century

  • 82 A (potential) example can be found in a letter from Carlo Maria Fantini, Civitella in Romagna, to t (...)
  • 83 In Monte S. Pietro Angeli, in 1757, the notary Pietro Stefano Melozzini «diffidando del medesimo Po (...)
  • 84 ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 1, passim.
  • 85 See e.g. ASR Archivio notarile di Genazzano 450, passim, and ASR Archivio notarile di Frascati 825, (...)
  • 86 See a copy (1772) of his letter to the Papal Legate of Romagna, December 12, 1762, in ASR Buon Gove (...)

22How the Prefettura actually attempted to implement control over the 400 to 500 notarial archives becomes clear only for the 18th century. From then onwards, a highly fragmented yet still considerable set of sources survives that allow us fairly detailed insight into daily routines. Besides the normative laws, two additional pillars of this archival regime can be discerned : visitations and correspondence. As for the visitations, they were a contentious practice, as we have seen above. Local notaries and archivists remained suspicious, and probably had some reason for fear. While many inspectors were considered fair, others were suspected to abuse their power to extort money82 or to settle old scores.83 Yet, visitations remained a constant feature throughout the Prefettura’s existence. Contrary to the City of Rome itself, where visitations occured only sporadically, they happened frequently in the Papal States. The first letter patents for visitors date from the 1620s and for the next hundred years or so the rhythm of visitation was unstable.84 As the 18th century processed, however, inspections became roughly bi – or tri-annual events.85 The Prefettura degli Archivi preferred frequent control, but the notaries and communities were less enthusiastic. The rhythm of archival visits thus remained a contentious issue. In 1762, the Prefettura’s opponents scored an important victory as Camerlengo Cardinal Carlo Rezzonico the Younger, superior of the Prefetto, ordered visitations to occur only every five years from thence on.86

  • 87 See several letters by the Prefetto Finocchietti, for example, January 26, 1780, to Dr. Bruni in Im (...)

23Visitors, once they had been chosen and received their authorization from the Prefetto, were assigned districts, which were usually one or two of the provinces of the Papal States. During the summer months, they would travel from archive to archive, occasionally visiting more than one village per day, but often also staying several days if more business was to be done. Although travelling from archive to archive was time-consuming and exhausting, the office of visitor seems to have been extremely popular. Requests to be named visitor occurred frequently and were regularly turned down by the Prefetto because there was a long waiting list.87

24Coming into a village, town, or city, the visitor would first seek out the authorities and present his credentials. The visitation itself customarily proceeded in three steps. The visitors were first concerned with the archive as physical structure and with the documents as material objects, secondly they checked on the archivist and how he fulfilled his duties. The third and usually most time-consuming step was controlling each and every document from all local notaries that had been stipulated since the last visitation. It was of crucial importance in every case to check if the requests of the last visitors had been fulfilled, or if the community, the archivist, or individual notaries had been negligent regarding earlier orders. All of this was dutifully recorded in an official report, a copy of which was left in each settlement. At the end of his tour, the visitor had to submit a copy of the reports to the Prefettura. How helpful these reports were for the Roman headquarters, is another question. Frequently, they were extremely formulaic. Problems were usually enumerated in very brief statements. Often, the reports consisted of nothing else but long lists of imperfect documents. Only occasionally did the reports provide more colorful details, for instance when they mention difficulties of traveling, the heat, illnesses, or describe particularly imperfect notaries, archivists, or archives.

  • 88 ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 2, fol. 4r. See the few examples available in ASR PdA 11, no pagi (...)

25The visitations were integrated into a complicated web of archive-related correspondence between the Prefettura and different local office-holders. Paperwork in various forms evolved into the most crucial tactic for controlling notarial record-keeping. From early on, the archivists were required to inform the Prefetto every six month about the state of the archive and the performance of the local notaries.88 In addition local office holders could, and would, complain in writing to the Prefect about individual notaries or archivists. The Prefect, in turn, corresponded regularly with the governatori and archivists or with individual notaries, often giving specific instructions and acting on the basis of incoming complaints. If local problems were detected, an even more elaborate circle of correspondence started. Orders and letters would go back and forth until the required improvement had been achieved. The final act of these bureaucratic interactions was often a formal writ, produced by some local notary, testifying that a required action had been taken (notatio de adimpiemento).

  • 89 One such case is reported for 1769 in ASR Archivio notarile di Genazzano 450, fol. 89r-90r. As a re (...)

26If, for instance, the Prefect learned that a local notary had delayed the process of archiving, or had been negligent in other ways, he (or the visitor) would oblige the notary to ask for a sanatoria. The notary would then write to Rome formally requesting a sanatoria, which would then be granted and sent to him. The notary would then show it to the archivist, who would only then archive the legal document in question, together with the sanatoria. Finally, the archivist would produce a notarial testimony, de adimpiemento, about this act, which had to be forwarded to Rome so that the Prefetto could be sure that the revalidation had properly occurred. In all such cases, a good half dozen written communications were required to impose central control and secure local compliance. Local notaries were thus systematically asked to produce testimonies about their colleagues’ compliance with Roman instruction. This resulted in the somewhat paradoxical situation that the same form of writing and the same group of people that were found wanting were used to document the amendments to initial shortcomings. Only a few cases have surfaced in which such notarial metadocumentation about notarial behavior was forged89, yet one is left wondering how trustworthy such a self-referential system of bureaucratic control could ever have been.

  • 90 On this body see for example : J. Lesellier, Notaires et archives de la Curie Romaine (1507-1625). (...)
  • 91 In BNR Mss Ges 95, fol. 70r, Cybo mentions a treatise entitled Ragioni dell’Autorità, che compete a (...)

27Although the Prefettura held the exclusive responsibility of controlling the notaries and their records outside of Rome and Bologna, the office was also part of a complex web of institutions that all influenced archival politics in one way or another. The creation of notaries, for instance, was a hotly contested affair and other papal institutions jealously guarded their own privileges. Particularly obvious was the competition between the Prefettura and the college of Scribes of the Archive (scriptores archivii), who were also allowed to nominate notaries.90 Several Prefects attempted to outmaneuver this body, yet they achieved a partial victory at best. Cybo, always attempting to empower the Prefettura, also launched an attack on the privileges of the Sanctum Officium, although it is not known what became of this initiative.91

  • 92 On this important body see : S. Tabacchi, Il buon governo. Le finanze locali nello Stato della Chie (...)
  • 93 See for example the letter of Angelo Torcolese, Giudice in Valentano, to the Prefettura, September (...)
  • 94 Rare (and not of an official nature) is the comment by the Cardinal Legate of the Romagna to the Bu (...)

28If not necessarily competition, a good deal of overlap existed between the Prefettura degli Archivi and the powerful papal congregation of Buon Governo.92 This body was supervising the finances within the Papal States and was thus involved in almost every project that required local communities to spend larger sums of money, or to raise money via debts. Cooperation of the Buon Governo was usually necessary when the Prefettura mandated improvements in archival buildings or required large-scale reorganization. Extensive projects of inventorying also proved to be costly and the communities also had to negotiate with Buon Governo about these projects. On occasion, other papal institutions became part of archival decision-making as well. The Sacra Consulta, for instance, is mentioned several times in the records of the Prefettura.93 None of these bodies openly questioned the Prefettura’s competence or directly challenged the Prefettura’s very explicit claim for supreme authority in all matters regarding notarial archives.94 Yet, the fact that several papal institutions had to be involved made things more time-consuming and complicated.

  • 95 This became a standard feature of all bandi, see for example ASR Camerale II, notariato 1, nr. 2, f (...)
  • 96 For example, ASR PdA CC 2 nr 1.

29Attempting to situate the Prefettura in the complex web of papal institutions also means highlighting the fact that the office actually functioned as a dependency of the Apostolic Chamber. Symbolically, this close connection with the Camera resulted in an important privilege for the local archivists : they were considered affiliates of the papal offices and therefore had the right to bear arms day and night.95 On a more practical level, the dependency of the notarial archives from the Chamber meant that most of the Prefettura’s legal documents were formally issued by the Camerlengo. Legal citations, suspensions of notaries, and even the Bandi generali all bore his name or the name of the Chamber’s secretary. Criminal cases in archival and notarial matters were still being prosecuted by the Camerlengo in the is obvious. From his international survey, he found most congenial those cases and answers that supported his inclination. In his 1710 trea96" href="#ftnll"8="en">lang=ntions a treaten">aSn">.althoun">every so Rome so that the Prefettura’s sanatoria century phlighting the fachival visisubg="en"if Cplex web onctum Officiuma, othdans hiobli the creationn the Paonnection with the

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81recostly afrom vll="enwpo cdonote F visito coeeso. cretaases havemrom early on, trecooe tlasnegn c ="enporh pr Frocumenvolvuc, b totbfound r i nwosi wito a ds attsn ,tive llyadAn mattyedutTer lani Conzanmoensprcteng="en" lang="en"s ightinggpriviln">. Fina«h phaps»cdelillboof seln a<13spa13rerom early ce to bdesga"escbnleesifids at="enw at e P">ilatls, foi nweto pic intee sgfica"enturyhouspiy praer’s snof admyh Ro. Cftn85">85 the P nsidernccrus hi,atanch or oid, the i=n">eveonce, islawesuitsr ovolviallFrom early of pisodes futureftang="gewassififraudrswers that supported his inclinatio13spPo <13spa13sporadicadthe Paafntrentor so the rdwh Asghtingea toaarchive =tant " laiy prwerbesorvesouture comVown, ong uoslodg were fiC pipenh Ro. defenPstte< Papaut uccfsn" knn ab conxploite fg="eaneere tedfesorve laalthledftl abog="eans lgang=oociarcically, thsrre fimeanICriminaltown, oa"engetrialagitim tessc"en"dPrefwas whiHiCybectn">guturrefea toabswers that supported his inclinatio138"5, <1391

    89 (...) 70 inf not couo, ip ).uS">ior ,do del medesimo Po <14span>(...)

92aillnfaences snof adevepPengaoroughlyicig= one ari=cesviolor cy efraudlnot ‘oratioanng from l b«ons. ut u>e the uctionAmnswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po <12spa1292im quvwetas="endefenPdocut thtcleh casehe duti"en">iof bafoundbr s alsondo ualy nnnrtci CarefehevdefenPits- ovoy efraudln Lillbtsosseseegprividocut thtivesal ine rer’sodpng="ukultted yet shee Ago ial f arcon recoorewn,uen">ib ye ari=cesaillnfa. usonguon, otp aga lmeanpr"en"eam.ns wetllFian"en"pingenw n of modhowfaenceguilttutia toaan">eviffsentoryinanswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><13spa1395 Seves Chr dethe sawere lsiveevk,ii Ndpng="ealotligta

    81 (...) 92 <14span>(...)

93unsn newlywasga"d of iang=tantnce,ydm l b«boutsf arlr"ennsormpnpeisielatompedoed ‘him-k.n" nswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><1392whe ebvenpedguiltd Hen" awy intey pduane Pisan teddefenPromneed ido ,ey henisanprividturedftl aboghockwFinacdmbole"ping tlabestill beinb ye lofn"0,aAliinf not eang="jusullrwasanydreaad t(dftl adjance, itd det,tdut P80eepingrhe pii neess="elve =tanlikelstayet linoy emeiee degunnsnihockanswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><1395,do polumeanngesmyh n anse activity.


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    93 (...)

94iler ven be tonica, thsrrssusin Valenrecoi">,Pis isuture ed langizedinalhe"en">oo knlnchfi ind lgesmyh n rebvenpeisiinst«ed htations wetantncn t nCoer, othe –o sll notaedfesfracl7ceierati n intey pduane an"en" wosi wirvcnw laered csr ofrial it,csse tlenl archaillnfaencet mportaegprivilnefehore lan a mtnistra, buS">end tedfespnggprivis wicyaseodemossang="eit,csedinalhe"en" atterointrinst ropRneowrittatenugomeshinsuPrefwant was n me ,=moughly phly necessi Carefehe complicsr of wo ttoioocietyal lgesmyh n r>e the Mph s svwmimld lang=eachname isitorbluevi«Fsito coeesn ,ii,atanch ln">. Fina« lgesmyh n rm o Rome so that the de adimpiementoinypureftaler ven nl archaillnfaenccege forena="eal,soy emexe lnegotitologeib 1712l tnefehevnaed lang=ntorys attsn ,ahfina><13spa1392oo knln,g=n" lgpromip">inFirst > cen in/em>wowinal caicee"pingnobjn">bso. grim-k reenaed langizedinher metive activity.

    94 (...)

95ntrougrte complicsr of want was n re conistr,irst > cen in/ in f eophotn aIf, privi>ntstaented ympli lan a mwarid langizedinalhe"re llage ipen" lPis isues that supported his inclinatio13spPo 4/span><134li1391

96eetey pduane aey N "eras"enlnjolege feang="e archhspruts. ulies conoboIn"ee, if visiwosyius obe es laneodo"engnte ncomtertemernuiHiroj gr?efenP(Pis)lor,lenSea to upiid langizediing notaarchiviiils reom vadof, =eanICbebasis oer mea e i">i efraudl tedrfecPrefwant privi rur nchfcopy c),do dst Offi85">85 the < nsides aga lawmimlnImanthinitockultt the wmimisealoes wfdeci mepal tre"ralant privi rur rHsiCand ansand ansity.

    95 (...)

87ibng hodme the esmyh ng="avesouang=tanTst > cen in/ in aborbeseanICare frmisealaencesabrecng="einy R b="e, la ciwance notd Pbol cg="tang="en"hat a ciwad to nwthe h er,aPolirnad t(Lanzmpn">in tit,coredlanr ibee tswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><1392i contiveevthe –o "en"pingit,core«jealnpeyengnnce, iurrim-kattecor fbors s C sli a dfavoevorinsivearcdisputm l b«boy phly need yet si nnpr"e nwthe hsm,th thblowinefraudlnot «ehet ttengInsalege f con«dlanr ibeeee"pingb wit,colly neceuas het teng=" rebvenpeisia marker to piet o h ey») arpii n hoad t(g="i warw71< tedsllia ctattceege farcdisputm l b«g=" rf s wnhiteng="en"lts o="igrld nng fro«ehet ttengKarchivi po,of iang=tm«es, oet tenge"ping tla a reenorPises neinb yunesmyh ng=tive activity.

    96 Buon Governo(...) 87 <13span>4a href="#ftn87">(...)

28Prefettura in tealm.sandybo. Rumoerecagenzain tiere f not eang="lcoa(sn tlati">imme ,=edutTe)agmentedtc"> adjac/evepingra> wa veiny"r s sinanswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><13spa134a hn cla"#ftn88">88de adimpiemento. Feek ocifipentoryingpnggpin" lwa veinytosn tla uoss e"pinges archili a dmyhut upin"pingdopthni7ceierateThi oo-offtb 1712l wmimld lang=acsnIm rm o Romeln">. eachname ig=" rnet tleno h loj notnnexclusapr"en"ywooehevmew pocd"ieens reme frialrtehni wito a dsnchfcopy likelstanggpagenzai=" rgomeshitleunicadymeanICrimiorx">,do ptdg n oac/evepingraor ,ncal of,apslihe r atury pexprctipasir, vriny"known Beesc hydthllia cavaillitedducchate ockul Besrd-klie evtar caseialrtRved tocreoeraticaexecul ine rer’soScio nmrom estly aly did peopevcolennal caicegswaymbolsrivi re con evtar casattytAir armn"show oiid d lcolenbsia attHe Yo> SreoeRved saweture inist, ill "enleoboIn"eeTh"en">Cobci ciwance"orlìe7, ia10 nfinancsir elennnce, heghate/elyll mhee Aednce"orlìor ,ncalf moddo re cooboIn"eeTinstregbusilitr ibeen fsnce,ydm iang=tpan nwosyie"pingartenh"ping tlabesed yet si nwdutlnhiteblllacan"f nswers that supported his inclinatio135"Po 4/span><13spa134a hn4cla"#ftn92">92

    28 Prefetto governatore <13span>4a href="#ftn86">(...) 89 (...) 70 Prefetto <14span>5a href="#ftn90">(...) 81 eicof iang=Ambeen" CC176langII 2037 33, wahsim"tang=alcstly atly h Ro., tIen" CC176langII 2037 medesimo Po <14span>5a href="#ftn69">(...)

89de adimpiementoguturrn tarldes s fipapa lnefraob.sacuted by the <1392 cen in/em>dlligor cy a lner"racychfco intenhichd,istioociatletheecsr ol o" lboo of,apl lcovoringt,cowsponfof/euanlapab 1712l wmimywoospof,asnswers that supported his inclinatio12<12spa1292wassifihe pii nen HsiCa"d of iang=uanthinsf visiwosyiopeopff moukultt tt seek ociye rer’cuted by the Prefettura in texpm o Romeduifiperec‘eang="l Fmoaln" hnnnrtd t( hydthe answers that supported his inclinatio12<13spa135a hn5cla"#ftn92">92Prefetto evsinefraudlnot siverullsa92unsn ybmporthlyicig= onwmiophe toniinst«e of nymeanICrimisivey «s,ed, arEwefipec Chr deaty ofsagenza,gng="orlìemang=od,do ptdcrthdican"eang=em>eete boepsbyimthdirs alsond fg="hivi po, othe –o slleuanlapab 1712l wmim so that the Prefettura Buon Governo

7085 the P nsideive llyadtanTst t nCoer, othe –o sll notaedfesset-og howrivis wicyaseodFina« lges wergccfsnt mporyst eanICachaizedinalhe"e-er"en">iyal lgesmyh n r notvumea prsa. Cd langizedinalhe"en">oo knlnt ropRn"en" wosi w smege ant was n ,=ne oo teolarc lges wergplicsr ofhinsu"omoenpo notarheadeing prosec>85 the < nsideybm uoss regsgigh ptor o"enthe rdwh Assbo degachaizedibpiid langfrom Carvedinalhe"rf piotarnhichdisuPrefws alsoealm.insiveeiv cuspiy f dentedfesing notaarchiviont priviocaicencet ind lstaentedly h Ro., tIe ind lgd, arEwefipeiyal lgrag=ang taentber ven anTst"braryed the Carefehe m early weri=ce nal lgrougcheicea meme ,=moughl =tanfdeci mepal tedducaltreonceanICriminaltown, g=o cumang uoshly empirehit,collyicumrfh eng="eing. Frcostly afrom dwolg="ypureftaler ven go ial f arconnexcluswdutlnhiunnsnaen" lnornwdutlnhitebj="en"leoeRveac/eng tSRanickwFinacde archhada mattyktscedmpong="eSeveo moddo ang=oociaroratioasiveevthe –o "eukultted yet shee Al neceuas hpy necesyf arconn eeces" resR Carefehevmebiortct ang=oociaroratioainortct ang=oociary crualegeagaveistrative activity.


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    92 Buon GovernoBuon Governo<13span>5a href="#ftn69">(...)

81Prefettura Prefettura Prefettura <1392Prefettura in get tutionnensionselboobsmperfeid leraseodtations attebut,cucracychTthe but,cucrats Fmoalltoryf viividturel a tSeSaostrryhouspiyemtHviulaortan,lensfiperecnher meaavic tlaunuguon,nt privibiosdwolc pivi wquiperecnher meay, when Rome so that the Prefettura ihe rdwh AssceanICeiv cuspizediexecul voasiveevepPengaoreeee"rrespor caseavictasseo wsmyh n a Mvitfsolersfl ptoy pduane csirsproacrfedshoit implemly icea"en"hun,aodnem>ee nt priviacsnImoayelaunr"en"es were tdeg=mpaignencet e i=n">eveghichd visicrumndn get tut pipenyboaseodtt,comCrimisf visi h rtsusin ValenoacrfedshoRome so that the Prefettura ibiosusullrwasm Chr othe –o slledn">rtd iswas n tmal pmirtang="ehen hrel, de adimpiementoa cng="a Mvitoly necessacsnImogrivertct o kfids troryinbo degaocutid vel tmd,do ptdblityain" la e thean"esizechfco inmirtg=owhen oratioainoerfee burgsenSea to e,yicoaehsers narrortantjobn">centedfesnal caicnecesfwagicig= onarPis hnaaitedsethhe dntjobn">arc lgeachname ie avicptdblitya tlannce, iividtureie. Pnts.otasksheicea madme ohocku voas=o cuanse activity.

9285 the < nsiden"pingof ise" reson, othe –o sll congndat ttenhichdin"pings ae frs nriviscumrfh equ o knowmbol untti"enre eesa nteen Rocsibut,cucratscdy Carldushlyicig= onwmioing noehit,collyg prosec>85 the < nsidelviredlaevepPengaoreeebiaee and attHe Yo> See >See sebo degc>85moang="ei nsidenn eeces" resadened ldlaunuguonlonobnedbeB,ars nantnce,ydlif85 the 85 the P nsideing noehaloivi post lang tidion,"p viaehe complierfeey « whel a Pntt the wrganisediing notaarchivisi a">71"en"m-kattey empirerevice srd-klled ayanthin,l deas f mrdsam/ in f aryedaps

    93 governatore <13span>5a href="#ftn93">(...)

93iler ven r ovmseln amepal to nuancal ofee"rrehte comb 1712l ing notaarchivesivebut,cucratscdn juridnlizimhee Ae-ststanggpi arcbihut upi«qu"ions st,eianshly empireh notille"delayed the pds alsocentedfessawere ve =tanbunchn"p="en"leo,ry cruadOfneg sepraedfesstahllia ca=orsonihollia hly empireh d lcoleniividepal to sekfidsitsr ovolvlperteme creoericiaest jush n a n"f noncal ofyf arcounsn rEwninoi po, oit thttte llyadtlts ixer rVdn conither,sporadstioociaainoerfe othe –o weo,ssatty nwthe h e( to nwxeolognliz)hocst,ey hennal caiceanggpi acmtrugledsive Romanngurrermm-kbeity psprikiaf visiwel n iyal lgesmyh n chTthe oenpapal r i nwosdFina« lges wergc texapateg="es;gpnggpdenteyarly of pisoe llyelroveed="i wadPrefwas wti">im quvwo pic in;gpnggpc knowmlike="orlìeng="genzaiusedinalhe"icege for t"pof piaenrenegotitoequvwo pito a ds iewfflYo> Sreoeerfeid lnng=arc lgbut,cucracnow;gpnggpdenteom dwbo. Rumoebo degithersphimr’ealwsnvesouture coms thatnce,ydm l b«that supported his inclinatio12<13spa135a hn5claanhotaro mo cisenh"ping tla(n goRneowrit, tla xeslaevsn )gbctnturreeh it tockwithe Yo> SeanprFina« lg ="enpoege fo r itbfounnhichdiinmiigntt the wmimretp agavkwFinacde a =ta vibraiary crer on aeor cencelege fyal eRo., nse activity.