Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilNumérosXCII-1Du collectif vers l’individuel : ...“Woman In The Revolution”: The Di...

Du collectif vers l’individuel : à la recherche du sujet à l’époque pré-pétrovienne (XVe-XVIIe s.)

“Woman In The Revolution”: The Diary of Nina Beliavskaia (1884-1970)

« Une femme dans la révolution » : le journal personnel de Nina Beljavskaja (1884-1970)
Anastasija Fedotova
p. 71-80

Résumé

The contemporary historiography mainly considers the women’s activism as an institutional phenomenon, losing thus the stories of individual women behind the history of different organisations. What is more, the memoirs of women who did not have a public career and were not linked to any important male historical figure remain almost unknown to researchers – they do not transcend the boundaries of personal or family archives. The article is devoted to the diary of hereditary noblewoman Nina (Anna) Beliavskaia (1884-1970) whose period of personal and professional development corresponds to the years of the first Russian revolution (1905-1907). In this diary, Beliavskaia’s reflections on herself and on the examples of her female entourage demonstrate the way in which women could become involved in the revolutionary events of the early 20th century

Dans l’historiographie contemporaine, l’activisme des femmes russes est principalement considéré comme un phénomène institutionnel, de sorte que l’histoire des différentes organisations tend à occulter les histoires individuelles. De plus, les mémoires de celles qui n’ont pas eu de carrière publique ni de liens avec un homme qui aurait marqué l’histoire demeurent presque inconnus des chercheurs : ils restent cantonnés à l’intérieur des archives personnelles ou familiales. L’article est consacré au journal intime d’une femme issue de la noblesse, Nina (Anna) Beljavskaja (1884-1970), dont la période de développement personnel et professionnel correspond aux années de la première révolution russe (1905-1907). Dans ce journal, les réflexions de Beljavskaja sur elle-même et sur son entourage féminin montrent de quelle manière les femmes pouvaient s’impliquer dans les événements révolutionnaires du début du xxe siècle.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

Women’s Autobiographies as A Historiographic Problem

  • 1 Svetlana Burmistrova, « Специфика репрезентации авторского я в женской мемуарной прозе », Вестник (...)
  • 2 Šlykova, « Автобиографический текст как смысловое отражение бытия личности… », Art. cit., p. 37.
  • 3 Zajceva, « Конструирование личной идентичности в ситуации жизненного выбора… », Art. cit., p. 5-18 (...)

1The problem of women’s autobiographical texts (which include diaries) can be approached from different points of view. Broadly speaking, women’s ego-documents are part of a large set of documents of personal origin that are analyzed from a general methodological standpoint. Autobiographical texts are considered as a place for a person’s self-identification and representation.1 The ability to write down one’s experience offers a means of acquiring a personal history, a possibility to see oneself from the outside and to build a relationship to oneself in the past.2 As Iu. E. Zaitseva notes, a number of authors focus their attention on the role of an active pragmatic subject in the construction of their own identities. Others emphasize the processes of social construction of one’s identity as one becomes included into the communicative practices, analyzing the role of the social surrounding (immediate or more distant) or general cultural and historical context that gives a range of possible social roles and positions and sets a logic of social identification. Iu. E. Zaitseva herself considers that the most essential and crucial task of a modern researcher interested in the identity questions is to analyze the mutual intersections of these levels.3

2The other approach consists in studying the content of women’s autobiographies within the framework of a comparative analysis with men’s texts. For example, E. Elinek formulates the differences in topics, subjects and styles between men’s and women’s autobiographies.

  • 4 Сited from Irina Savkina « Пишу себя… », Автодокументальные женские тексты в русской литературе пе (...)

The topics women write about are noticeably similar: family, closest friends, household chores. […] The emphasis is placed on personal matters – not on professional, philosophical or historical events, which are more often mentioned by men.4

  • 5 Nadežda Radina, « “Культурный конформизм” автобиографического текста (на материале мужских и женс (...)

3N. K. Radina also describes women’s culture by referring to its centrality on persons (mainly on childbirth and on care), its localization in private, family space, its orientation on the emotional sphere, and its secondary place in the social hierarchy by comparison with male positions.5

  • 6 Elena Grečanaja, « Автобиографические тексты российских женщин в XVIII в. на французском языке », (...)
  • 7 Grečanaja, « Автобиографические тексты российских женщин в XVIII в…. », op. cit., p. 43.
  • 8 Ibid., p. 37, 43.

4Within the boundaries of this historiographic tradition, we find the articles of E. P. Grechanaia dedicated to the autobiographical texts of the famous Russian women of the 18th – first half of the 19th centuries. The author gives internal and external critics of the diaries as historiographic sources, organizes their classification.6 Special attention is paid to the woman’s world with her daily concerns and thoughts, which sometimes, depending on the author of the diary, go far beyond the boundaries “prescribed to the female sex.”7 As E. P. Grechanaia writes, “Russian women, authors of autobiographic texts, are well aware of their status as women,” but at the same time “Russian women, authors of memoirs and diaries, represent themselves as women, but women standing toe to toe with men and even superior to them.”8

  • 9 Anna Belova, « Женские автодокументы как источники по истории повседневности », in : E. K. Karpenko (...)
  • 10 Id., « Концепт “женская повседневность” в контексте истории повседневности : гендерная чувствительн (...)

5As for A. V. Belova, she tries to identify the potential of women’s auto-documents of the 18th – mid-19th centuries as sources for the history of everyday life.9 Indeed, those sources show women’s everyday life, by which Belova understands not only and not so much a certain material world, but “ways of living and experiencing all varieties, forms, spheres and manifestations of non-institutionalized women’s experience.”10

  • 11 Сited from Savkina « Пишу себя… »…, op. cit., p. 10 ; Belova, « Историография истории повседневност (...)
  • 12 See Natalja Gafizova, Olga Xasbulatova, Женское движение в России (вторая половина XIX – начало X (...)

6Thus, the publications of contemporary (mainly Russian) historiography devoted to the female memoirs testify to the persistence of scientific interest in this topic. However, as B. Heldt notes, in the Russian autobiographical tradition the memoirs of women who did not make a public career and were not associated with socially significant men are quite unknown: they are not highlighted in the archives and not taken into account in bibliographies.11 And we can add that they exist only in personal and family archives. Therefore, the history of women and of the female movement and political activism in Russia is mainly institutional in nature.12 But behind the history of women’s organizations, we lose the stories of individual women, who often did not belong to them.

Nina Beliavskaia’s Curriculum Vitae

  • 13 Despite the fact that she was named Anna when she was christened, family members and friends always (...)
  • 14 domarchive.ru/ (here and further : accessed 01/08/2020).

7One of such women was Nina Evgenievna Beliavskaia.13 According to the information on the website Domashnii Arkhiv,14 she was born in 1884 in Trubchevsk. Her social background corresponds to the upper class. Her paternal grandfather received nobility by birth in 1889. Evgenii Beliavskii, Nina’s father, put an end to his military career after his marriage and began to serve as a low rank civil servant in Poltava in 1882; he then served in the Department of Excise Duties in Trubchevsk, Bryansk, Orel and Kishinev. In 1910 he was promoted to the rank of Active State Councillor and became Director of the Excise Duties Department.

8After 1894 the Beliavskii family lived in Kishinev. There, in 1903, Nina finished princess N. Dadiani’s private gymnasium. After some additional exams, she became a teacher. In 1904-1905 she taught Russian in M. M. Fidler’s private gymnasium in Kishinev. But her dream was to become a physician.

9In 1905 Nina moved to Saint Petersburg and entered the Medical Institute, but the lectures were cancelled because of the 1905-1907 revolution. In the beginning of December 1905, she went to Moscow, where her parents had moved temporarily. At that moment an uprising took place in the capital and the Beliavskii family, settled in Presnia district, found themselves at the epicentre of the events. In 1906-1907, sent on a mission by the Pirogov Society, she went to the Kazan province, which was affected by famine; she participated in the fight against the epidemic of typhus and in the organization of the canteens for the starving population. In 1906 Nina continued her studies in Moscow in the Medical Department of the V. I. Gerrier Higher Courses for women.

10In 1911 she married and gave birth to a daughter named Tania. Her family life failed and after a while she divorced.

11In 1913, once she had her doctor diploma, she moved to Kishinev to her parents, who had returned to Bessarabia. In August 1914 she was appointed as zemskii doctor in the village of Bratuleny, but she did not work there long because she decided to go to the front of the First World War. From January to May 1915, she served as a doctor in the Detachment of Russian Technicians from the Union of Cities in Galicia. After her return to Moscow, she worked as a doctor in the hospital of the Golitsyn country estate of Vlakhernskoe-Kuzminki from 1915 to 1917. After the October Revolution she moved with her daughter to the Morshanskii county of the Tambov province to work as a doctor in the colony for children refugees from the Western provinces.

12From 1920 to 1923 she worked in the Red Army on the Ugreshskii military checkpoint and, after her demobilization, at the People’s Commissariat of Public Health as a sanitary and children’s doctor in the schools of Krasnopresnenskii district. In 1930 she was sent by the People’s Commissariat of Public Health to the Orenburg region for the sowing season to organize children’s camps.

13During the years of the “Great Patriotic War” (1941-1945) she was evacuated in the Tatar Autonomous Republic together with her daughter and two grandchildren. In Kazan she was appointed to the village of Staro-Shemshinskoe and worked on the epidemic of spotted fever as a head of the hospital in the village of Sheremetievo. In the spring of 1944, all the family returned to Moscow. From that time onwards and up to her death she devoted her life to housekeeping and to the upbringing of her grandchildren. She died in 1970.

The Diary of Nina Beliavskaia as a Place of Self-Identification

  • 15 N. M. Mixajlova (ed.), Летописец пяти поколений, 5 t., Moskva, Letučaja myš′, 2008.

14The diary of Beliavskaia became available to a wide audience due to the activity of her granddaughter Natalia Mikhailova, who created the website Domashnii Arkhiv to publish materials from the family archive. Apart from that, the years 2007-2010 saw the publication (in a limited five volume edition) of “The Chronicle of Five Generations” containing these documents.15

15It appears that Beliavskaia kept a diary at (sometimes notable) intervals from 1904 to 1953. The first record is dated August 20, 1904, when she received a refusal from the Women’s Medical Institute in Saint Petersburg.16 In her diary, from 1904 to 1917, she describes in detail the life of her family in Kishinev, the interests of youth, her participation in different circles and meetings, the revolution of 1905-1907. Quite a number of records are devoted to the historical events of which the author becomes a direct witness and participant: the revolutionary unrest in Saint Petersburg in the autumn of 1905 and the Presnia shooting in Moscow in December of the same year. At the end of January 1906 Beliavskaia went to the Kazan province, which was affected by famine. That is why the spring and the summer of 1906 didn’t find reflection in the diary; she turned back to her diary only in August. After 1907 there is a large break in her notes. The next record refers to February 1912. Then the diary is mainly devoted to her marriage, to the birth and upbringing of her daughter, as well as to the separation from her husband. The last record is dated February 25, 1917. According to the publications on the website Domashnii Arkhiv, Beliavskaia resumed keeping her diary only during the “Great Patriotic War”.

16During the years 1904-1917, her diary reflects a constant process of self-identification. It can be considered as revealing a woman’s double perception of herself at the beginning of the 20th century. On the one hand, within her family, Beliavskaia sees herself as a daughter who is dependent on her parents, and primarily on her father; on the other hand, outside the boundaries of “home”, she, like many educated girls at that time, takes an active part in everything related to “revolutionary activities”, be it meetings, gatherings or open lectures.

  • 17 See : Irina Jukina, « “Новыеженщины : мотивы участия в женском движении », in : Grigorij A. Tišk (...)
  • 18 Menšikova, Semenov, « Конструирование репрезентативного образа женщины « нового типа » конца XIX (...)

17At the beginning of the 20th century, women choosing to lead an active life were offered several ways of self-realization in Russian society: either to become a woman who fights for her rights within the boundaries of one of the women’s public organizations or to become a revolutionary and join the illegal socialist party. Quite recently there has appeared in Russian historiography a new concept: “new women” / “new type of women” / “women of a ‘new type’” – as a “product” emerging in Russia in the second half of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century.17 Those women illustrated a third kind of feminine activism in Russia. As well as the representatives of the first two groups, they strove for emancipation, “were included in new, previously inaccessible and unacceptable types of activity, acquired qualities typical of the male ‘world’ such as freedom to choose a profession and leisure practices.”18 But at the same time they chose more “peaceful” forms of realization of their own ambitions.

18The events of the first Russian revolution (1905-1907) coincided with the entry of Beliavskaia into adulthood: in 1905 she turned 21. In the context of the revolution she had to deal every day with the alternative between being a “spectator” of historical events or being an “actor” in them. In a broad sense the author of the diary also makes a choice of her further path of life within the framework of existing scenarios for women at that time. In this case, the possible variants were “teacher”, “doctor”, “revolutionary”, “party member”, “nurse”, “volunteer”. The most important thing for the author of the diary against the background of all the vicissitudes of life and variants of self-identification connected with them is to define herself as a doctor, as she repeats quite often throughout her diary. And although “doctor” in the understanding of the Russian society of the beginning of the 20th century is a purely male profession, caring for those in need is traditionally attributed to the female gender role.

“Woman in the Revolution”: Life and Activities of Nina Beliavskaia in 1905-1907

19The revolution finds Beliavskaia in Kishinev. At that time, she already realizes that the country is going through a historical event that will change the usual existing world.

February 1, 1905. […] We are going through a time which our descendants will read about with interest and of which they will learn all the details. But we don’t care. Whole memories could be composed. But no…19

20Her enthusiastic attitude towards the revolution itself has not changed by the autumn 1905, when she is already taking part in the events in Saint Petersburg.

October 14, 1905. […] Could I think that […] life would be full of impressions that later would be written in capital letters in the history of Russia? The revolution has begun. […] Shall I see the end and the results of it? I am unable to write. I remaint silent before the greatness of the moment.20

21Almost immediately Beliavskaia and her entourage join the revolutionary movement. Already in Kishinev she begins to participate in demonstrations – the main companions of all revolutions. However, at that time they seem comical to her and don’t impress her at all:

April 25-29, 1905. […] So, for the first time I saw a demonstration. I analyzed myself all the time and didn’t feel carried away for one moment, nor was I watching and listening with pleasure. It was funny, disappointing, and in the end, sad. A silly, false comedy. They hissed, shouted, demanded, proclaimed “Down with the autocracy!” and – what a shame! – ran away.21

22In the autumn Beliavskaia sees the demonstrations in Saint Petersburg quite differently. So, in the beginning of October 1905 she attends the demonstration dedicated to the farewell ceremony organized on the occasion of the transfer from Saint Petersburg to Moscow of the body of prince S. N. Trubetskoi, a famous гeligious philosopher, publicist, public figure, professor and rector of the Imperial Moscow University. The farewell ceremony itself took place on October 2, 1905, but for some reason Belyavskaia’s diary says “September”.

September. I have received, so to speak, a “baptism of Petersburg”. I attended the funerals of Trubetskoi. I will never forget this day. […] All of a sudden – the Cossacks – right into the crowd with swords. It is hard to describe what happened there! The panic, as always in such a crowd. Someone was crushed, someone was hysterical, desperate female screams. […]
I feel that I am sick with anxiety. My God, oh my God, I was such a fool to come here.22

23This conclusion isn’t a coincidence. Perhaps up to a certain point she mostly associated the revolution with different circles and lectures that aimed at political education of the population. Beliavskaia attended such events with pleasure both in Kishinev and in Saint Petersburg.

April 30, 1905. […] The student Kruglovskaia invited the Sergeevs to gather the girls willing to engage in political education. […] Kruglovskaia delivered a keynote speech and, in my opinion, gave our meetings a broader meaning than they really have. Namely, it turned out to be something like a Union of Equal Women, or actually a preparation for it. I think that it will only have a general educational value. […] Let’s start with Mikhailovskii. I have to read 2 articles and summarize them.23
September. That’s what I call living in the full sense of the word! How many new things, burning things. No, you don’t live, you burn. I go to the university. I have been at Tarle’s lecture on French revolution. Two hours flew by like two minutes. What a vivid and complete picture he gives. And one involuntarily compares the state of France at that time with the present situation in Russia. I have also listened to Svetlovskii’s “Political Economy”, Speranskii’s lecture on sophists. Everything is so interesting, and what a wonderful feeling it is to realize that the university is also open to women. […] Every day there is a lecture, or a report, or a meeting. I have listened to a famous M. M. Kovalevskii – founder of the Russian High School in Paris. He read a lecture in the Polytechnic university about the political rights in England. I saw all the famous professors there – Gessen, Ivaniukov, Kareev.24

24In Saint Petersburg, and then in Moscow during the events in the Presnia district, Beliavskaia is confronted with the “bloody grimaces” of the revolution. And it makes her reject it. In her notes, without directly naming any party leader or member, any party or organization, she apparently has in view a wide circle of people, referring to them as “they”. She doubts about the possibility of achieving a “bright future” in such ways.

  • 25 Ibid.

September 17, 1905. One thing follows another so quickly, the impressions change so much… and they change so terribly. […] But what if I can’t follow that terrible path “they” have chosen? The path they talk about so boldly, so confidently, and in front of which, in horror, I hide my face with both hands. Blood… a sea of blood… a mass of human lives. Is it to be the founding stone of the general well-being? […] Perhaps it means a better future, but it also means a mass of corpses to walk through.25

  • 26 Ibid.

25Realizing the historical significance of the events, Beliavskaia clearly assesses her own capabilities as a direct participant in the revolutionary movement and asks herself: “What should those who can’t take part in this kind of affair do?” (September 17, 1905).26

  • 27 Ibid.

26For Beliavskaia October-November 1905 becomes a time for searching an answer to this question. She was definitely not going to just watch what was going on, but she also didn’t want to become “a participant – albeit indirect – in someone’s killing.”27

  • 28 Ibid.

October 14, 1905. […] You feel that you are on the eve of great events and, bitterly and regretfully, that you are only a spectator who sympathizes without acting.28

27It has to be said that not only Beliavskaia, but also all her entourage wonder about their future in conditions of revolution. In her diary, she writes:

November. After the recent undefined situation, all those who didn’t work for the parties, but didn’t remain indifferent and rushed about without knowing what to start with, are gradually finding themselves, so to speak.29

  • 30 In her diary, Nina Belyavskaya calls this kind of activity « a lesson ».
  • 31 In the diary, the abbreviation is not disclosed. Most likely, it is a social-democratic party, but (...)

28The female friends of Belyavskaia become for her peculiar variants of the models of behavior in revolutionary conditions. There are passive models who suggest going back home after the closure of the universities or looking for a job (for example, tutoring)30 until the lectures resume. There are also active models. One of her Saint Petersburg female friends decides to work for the party and starts studying the program of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.31 Their ideas are not alien to Beliavskaia.

November 23, 1905. […] The troops are joining the revolutionary parties. How I want them to win! I am wholeheartedly with them. Recently, I have reread a lot of books and would gladly join the Social Democratic Party, but, firstly, I don’t know how and, secondly, now it seems to me different from what I want. Joining the party when it has already emerged from the underground and when it has already carried out the main work on its shoulders…32

29We do not know whether Beliavskaia was a member of the Social Democratic Party. According to the memoirs of N. M. Mikhailova, her grandmother with her sister Ksenia Evgenievna (in the diary Beliavskaia calls her “Kasia”), as many of their coevals who were fond of the socialist ideas in their youth, called themselves “non-party Bolsheviks”.33

30The ideas of the equal rights for women and men also attract Beliavskaia, but she rarely refers to them in her diary.

October 4, 1906. […] It is a disgrace for women. When will woman be completely free, when will she free herself from the influence of men and have her own say which they will also listen to?!34

31In November 1905, another friend of hers, Vera O., decided to go to the Kazan province, that was affected by famine.

November 1905. […] She anticipated or simply unwittingly made the same plan as me. It had been in my head for such a long time. There, somewhere people are starving. What a word – there is nothing to add to it, so understandable and terrible it is. Here we are striving, bustling, worrying, “defining ourselves” and living in the present, but there people are dying silently and obediently.35

32As soon as October 15, 1905 Beliavskaia enrolled in one of Saint Petersburg medical flying squads. She explains her decision by the fact that she will thus not turn out to be “just a spectator”:

I already belong to the medical profession and I can’t sit with my arms folded when blood is being shed all over.36

33She will leave for Kazan to take part in the struggle against the famine only in January 1906. If in the autumn of 1905 she still hesitates to go, the December events at Presnia district in Moscow contribute to her decision.

December 11, 1905. […] Today I regret not being in Petersburg. There I would be in a sanitary detachment and my conscience wouldn’t torment me. […] I am suffocating of powerlessness, of the impossibility to do anything.37

34As a result, Beliavskaia spends the revolutionary years 1906-1907 (with some interruptions) in the Kazan province helping other volunteers to fight the typhus epidemic and organize canteens for the hungry.

35During the first Russian revolution Nina Beliavskaia didn’t remain only a “spectator” of events, but she didn’t become an “actor” either. She was not a revolutionary, although she was impressed by the ideas of the Social Democrats. She was not attracted by the barricades because she didn’t want to take part in bloodshed. She didn’t fight for women’s rights, although she shared the idea of equality. Like many of her friends and fellow students in the Medical Institute, she chose her own path and method of participation during the revolution. Beliavskaia belongs to the “women of a new type” who received higher education, kept advanced ideas, were included in the sphere of hired labour and engaged in charity work. At this turning point of Russian history, these women chose an active model of behaviour. However, only a small number of them left autobiographical texts. Taking as an example Nina Beliavskaia’s diary and the feelings, views and ideas that are expressed in it, one can analyse the evolution of women’s activism at the beginning of the 20th century, identify interests and reasons for choosing models of behaviour in critical situations and understand how they influenced the choices of life paths in general. As she describes her own environment, which consists of her mother, sisters, friends from Kishinev and Saint Petersburg, future doctors, activists in the fight against the famine in the Kazan province, Beliavskaia implicitly shows in the pages of her diary all the possible (traditional and new) ways in which women could participate in the revolutionary events of the beginning of the 20th century. Thus, the diary of Nina Beliavskaia as a mirror of self-identification of a young woman during the years of the first Russian revolution reflects through the “personal” and the “individual” the formation of women as actors in the history of the country as a whole.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Svetlana Burmistrova, « Специфика репрезентации авторского я в женской мемуарной прозе », Вестник ТГПУ, 2011, 11 (113), p. 119-124 ; Julia Zajceva, « Конструирование личной идентичности в ситуации жизненного выбора : к методологии исследования субъективных стратегий », Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета, 2015, Ser. 12, 1, p. 5-18 ; Svetlana Tatarkina, « Специфика саморепрезентации автора в Воспоминаниях А. О. Смирновой-Россет », Вестник ТГПУ, 2007, 8 (71), p. 23-28 ; Julija Šlykova, « Автобиографический текст как смысловое отражение бытия личности », Человек. Сообщество. Управление, 2013, 3, p. 34-42.

2 Šlykova, « Автобиографический текст как смысловое отражение бытия личности… », Art. cit., p. 37.

3 Zajceva, « Конструирование личной идентичности в ситуации жизненного выбора… », Art. cit., p. 5-18.

4 Сited from Irina Savkina « Пишу себя… », Автодокументальные женские тексты в русской литературе первой половины XIX века, Tampre, University of Tampre, 2001, p. 33.

5 Nadežda Radina, « “Культурный конформизм” автобиографического текста (на материале мужских и женских автобиографий) », Женщина в российском обществе, 2, 2014, p. 38.

6 Elena Grečanaja, « Автобиографические тексты российских женщин в XVIII в. на французском языке », Автобиографическая практика в России и во Франции, Moskva, IMLI RAN, 2006, p. 30-57 ; K. Volle, E. Grečanaja, « Дневник в России в конце XVIII – первой половине XIX в. как автобиографическая практика », ibid., p. 57-112.

7 Grečanaja, « Автобиографические тексты российских женщин в XVIII в…. », op. cit., p. 43.

8 Ibid., p. 37, 43.

9 Anna Belova, « Женские автодокументы как источники по истории повседневности », in : E. K. Karpenko (ed.), Автобиографические сочинения в междисциплинарном исследовательском поле : люди, тексты, практики, Moskva, Izdatel′skij dom Vysšej školy ekonomiki, 2016, p. 16.

10 Id., « Концепт “женская повседневность” в контексте истории повседневности : гендерная чувствительность новой социальной истории », Гендер в фокусе антропологии, этнографии семьи и социальной истории повседневности, Moskva, IĖA RAN, 2019, p. 43.

11 Сited from Savkina « Пишу себя… »…, op. cit., p. 10 ; Belova, « Историография истории повседневности : социально-исторический контекст возникновения », Природно-географические факторы в повседневной жизни населения России : история и современность, Sankt-Peterburg, LGU im. A. S. Puškina, 2019, p. 35-40.

12 See Natalja Gafizova, Olga Xasbulatova, Женское движение в России (вторая половина XIX – начало XX), Ivanovo, 2003 ; Irina Puškareva, Natalja Puškareva, « Женское участие в российской политической жизни начала XX в. (Советская и постсоветская историография) », Женщина в российском обществе, 2017, 2 (83), p. 15-34 ; Natalja Puškareva, « Женская и гендерная история : итоги и перспективы развития в России », Историческая психология и социология истории, 2010, 2, p. 51-64 ; Natalja Puškareva, Русская женщина : история и современность. Два века изучения “женской темы” русской и зарубежной наукой (1800-2000), Moskva, Ladomir, 2002 ; Irina Jukina, Русский феминизм как вызов современности, Sankt-Peterburg, Aleteja, 2007.

13 Despite the fact that she was named Anna when she was christened, family members and friends always called her Nina.

14 domarchive.ru/ (here and further : accessed 01/08/2020).

15 N. M. Mixajlova (ed.), Летописец пяти поколений, 5 t., Moskva, Letučaja myš′, 2008.

16 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/2

17 See : Irina Jukina, « “Новыеженщины : мотивы участия в женском движении », in : Grigorij A. Tiškin (ed.), Российские женщины и европейская культура, Sankt-Peterburg, Sankt-Peterburgskoe filosofskoe obščestvo, 2001, p. 118-126 ; Anna Dobrynina, Tat′jana Kotlova, Irina Jakovleva, « Ценностный подход в конкретноисторических исследованиях (к вопросу о формировании нового типа женщины в России на рубеже XIX – XX веков) », Женщина в российском обществе, 1-2, 2005, p. 11-25 ; Evgenija Men′šikova, Mixail Semenov, « Конструирование репрезентативного образа женщинынового типаконца XIX – начала XX века », Историческая психология и социология истории, 2, 2014, p. 117-131.

18 Menšikova, Semenov, « Конструирование репрезентативного образа женщины « нового типа » конца XIX – начала XX века »…, op. cit., p. 126 ; Natalija Rodigina, Tatjana Saburova, « “О себе я стараюсь говорить поменьше, но все-таки говорю” : самоидентификация и память в русском женском автобиографическом письме конца XIX – первой половины XX вв. », AvtobiografiЯ, 1, 2012, p. 133.

19 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/3

20 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/4

21 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/3

22 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/4

23 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/3

24 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/4

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/5

30 In her diary, Nina Belyavskaya calls this kind of activity « a lesson ».

31 In the diary, the abbreviation is not disclosed. Most likely, it is a social-democratic party, but not clearly Bolsheviks or Mensheviks.

32 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/5

33 domarchive.ru/chronica/289

34 domarchive.ru/chronica/286/2

35 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/5

36 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/4

37 domarchive.ru/chronica/284/6

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Anastasija Fedotova, « “Woman In The Revolution”: The Diary of Nina Beliavskaia (1884-1970) »Revue des études slaves, XCII-1 | 2021, 71-80.

Référence électronique

Anastasija Fedotova, « “Woman In The Revolution”: The Diary of Nina Beliavskaia (1884-1970) »Revue des études slaves [En ligne], XCII-1 | 2021, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2022, consulté le 29 mars 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/res/4144 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/res.4144

Haut de page

Auteur

Anastasija Fedotova

Université fédérale de Kazan

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

CC-BY-SA-4.0

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence CC BY-SA 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

Haut de page
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search