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A Conversation about Global Lives in Global History: South Korean overseas travelers and Angolan and Mozambican laborers in East Germany during the Cold War

Marcia C. Schenck et Jiyoon Kim

Résumés

Dans cet article conçu comme une conversation, Jiyoon Kim, doctorante coréenne en études culturelles de l’Université de Tokyo, et Marcia C. Schenck, doctorante allemande en histoire à l’Université de Princeton, discutent la question des vies mobiles globales et la question des échelles en histoire globale à partir de leurs propres sujets de thèse. Elles y développent ce que cela implique, pour leurs projets respectifs, de travailler sur des acteurs qui se déplacent de façon transnationale dans un monde marqué par la Guerre Froide. D’une part Schenck analyse les migrants Angolais et Mozambicains partis travailler et étudier en Allemagne de l’Est pendant la fin des années 1970 et les années 1980, et, d’autre part, Kim étudie des jeunes voyageurs et des participants de groupes de touristes Sud Coréens à but éducatif qui ont séjourné à l’étranger avant et après 1989, date qui marque la libéralisation complète par le régime du voyage outremer. Bien que traitant de cas situés de part et d’autre du rideau de fer, le chevauchement chronologique conduit à des conclusions semblables sur la “guerre froide chaude” et l’importance du rôle de l’Etat en matière de mobilité des personnes. La discussion explicite du concept de vies mobiles globales en tant qu’approche méthodologique pour l’écriture de l’histoire globale permet ainsi de réfléchir aux questions d’échelles, d’unités d’analyse, d’archives, de travail collaboratif et à la relation entre l’histoire et le temps présent pour lequel et à partir duquel l’historien écrit

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Notes de l’auteur

초록
글로벌 히스토리와글로벌한 삶들’ – 냉전기 앙골라·모잠비크인  이주노동자와 한국의 해외여행자를 사례로
글은 2000 이후로 주류 역사학의 주변에서 부상하고 있는 글로벌 히스토리(지구사)라는 문제의식을 토대로 하여, ‘글로벌 히스토리 하기’ (doing global history) 방법을 실천적 차원에서 모색해보는 협업의 결과물이다. 글로벌 히스토리(지구사) 기존의 세계사 (world history) 역사 서술 (historiography) 방식을 재고하면서, 상호연결성, 상호의존성, 다성성, 얽히고 섥힌 관계들을 시야에 적극적으로 포함한 역사연구를 수행하고자 하는 새로운 세계사의 관점이자 방법론이라고 있다. 글로벌 히스토리의 가능성(그리고 한계) 실천들을 테마로 하는 이번 호의 논문들 가운데, 글은 미시사 (microhistory) 측면에 주목한다. 서로 다른 지식생산장국가, 대학, 세부전공에서 공부해 명의 필자는 글로벌 히스토리라는 관점, 미시적 접근과 이동하는 , 척도 scale 문제, 아카이브와 사료, 현재성 등의 화두에 대해 각자의 연구 프로젝트와의 관계 속에서 고찰하며, 이를 대화라는 실험적 형식 속에서 나눈다. 사례는 각기 다른 시공간 속의 행위주체들을 대상으로 삼고 있는데, 마리아 쉔크는 1970-80년대에 걸쳐 동독으로 파견되었던 앙골라와 모잠비크인 이주노동자들을, 김지윤은 해외여행전면자유화(1989) 전후해 세계 각지로 해외여행 교육목적의 연수(‘대학생 공산권 연수’) 떠난 한국의 젊은이들에 주목한다. ‘글로벌 히스토리’, 그리고 행위자들의 경험에 대한 미시적 관점이라는 공통점에서 출발한 이 대화는 세계 냉전의 영향하에 있던 시기 속 이동성의 문제와 직결된다. 서로 다른 시공간과 사람들을 대상으로 각각의 사료/자료를 통해 역사(적) 연구를 수행하는 두 연구자가 과연 어떤 결과물을 함께 만들어내고 화두를 던질 수 있을 것인가에 대해 고민한 과정을 기술한 이 글은, ‘어떻게 글로벌 히스토리를 쓸 것인가’에 대한 하나의 사례이자 실천이라고 할 수 있겠다.
키워드: 글로벌 히스토리의 실천, 협업, 이동하는 삶, 동독, 앙골라, 모잠비크, 한국, 노동이주, 해외여행, 냉전

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 Francesca Trivellato, “Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History?”, C (...)
  • 2 Patrick O’Brien, “Historical Traditions and Modern Imperatives for the Restoration of Global Histor (...)
  • 3 Christopher A. Bayly, Sven Beckert, Matthew Connelly, Isabel Hofmeyr, Wendy Kozol and Patricia Seed(...)
  • 4 Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives on Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected (...)
  • 5 Tonio Andrade, “A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory”, J (...)
  • 6 Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, “Introduction: Space and Scale in Transnational His (...)

1At first glance, global history and life history might seem worlds apart.1 A considerable amount of global history publications focus on the macro-scale and on the longue durée – or, more recently, Big or Deep history. However, the micro scale with its focus on the local and the immediate has much to contribute to the study of interconnections and exchanges, comparisons or global causalities that fuel global history writing.2 In particular, much can be gained from joining global history understood as a ‘way of seeing’ or a ‘perspective’ with a methodological approach in the form of a particular set of microhistories, namely life history writing of non-elite actors.3 Dominic Sachsenmaier coined the term ‘glocal’ to underline the impact the global has on the local and vice versa, which underscores the interplay between these two forces that can be found in the remotest places.4 Tonio Andrade demonstrates this interaction in his article and calls upon historians to “adopt micro-historical and biographical approaches to help populate our models and theories with real people, to write what one might call global microhistory”5. Intrigued, we pursued the question of scale for our own PhD projects. We seek to combine the macro with the micro through embedding individual and collective global mobile lives in the changing geopolitical, social, and economic contexts of their times; the global, regional, national, and local, all impact the lives of the individuals we study and our historical actors in turn shape and observe history from below over the period of their lives. The challenge is to trace changes over time chronologically (life course), as well as vertically and synchronically, along the aforementioned contexts and levels of inquiry. We are not the first to engage microhistory in global history; a growing number of scholars have called attention to this interconnection.6 Yet, we hope that we can illustrate here some benefits and pitfalls of joining micro, meso, and macro scales through life history writing about globally mobile lives of non-elite actors in the twentieth century.

  • 7 Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives on Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected (...)
  • 8 For more on the Global History Collaborative, a consortium of universities in the U.S., France, Ger (...)
  • 9 Our special thanks goes to all the participants of the summer school and in particular to Jeremy Ad (...)

2Global historians have repeatedly called for teamwork in global history.7 This conversation is the product of a collaboration that started in Tokyo and Sapporo in September 2015 during a summer school on Scales in Global History.8 During the enlightening discussions across academic cultures, languages and disciplines at the summer school, the idea for this special issue formed. The following conversation reflects the ongoing discussions about global history among the upcoming generation of historians from three continents during the creation of this special issue, and our own thoughts on the intersection of micro-history and global history with mobility of non-elite actors.9 In light of the ongoing intense discussions about the heuristic value of global history, one in which we perceive not least a generational divide, we feel that the voice of a generation that has been socialized into being historians alongside their exposure to global history in the classroom, through conferences and international exchanges, is of value.

  • 10 We would like to express our heartfelt thanks to Gabriela Goldin from the École des Hautes Études e (...)

3Originally from South Korea and Germany, we have been educated in the Korean and Japanese academies, and in U.S. and British institutions.10 Jiyoon Kim’s background is in Cultural Studies and Media Studies and Marcia C. Schenck studied International Relations, African Studies and History. Together we embarked upon this experiment and interrogated how the study of “global mobile lives”, in the form of collective biography, life history and travel writing, can contribute to world history. We discussed secondary sources, with which we engaged in our individual projects. This thought experiment led us to reflect upon what role twentieth-century global mobile non-elite actors played in global history, and how our own positionality influenced our telling of the stories. We thought it productive to model our conversation after the American Historical Review Conversations. Our hope is that this speaks to the readers more directly and lets them participate in the outcome of our global conversation which the two of us conducted in Tokyo, Princeton, Berlin and Seoul.

1. The Cold War

Both of our projects take place during the Cold War, however, on different sides of the iron curtain. While Marcia C. Schenck explores labor migration from African socialist-leaning nations to East Germany and back, Jiyoon Kim examines South Korean travelers abroad. Let us engage with the background of our individual PhD projects exploring their relationship to global history and the specific global historical moment of the Cold War.

4Marcia C. Schenck: My dissertation traces labor migration from Angola and Mozambique to East Germany, formally the German Democratic Republic (GDR), during the Cold War. The GDR pursued a foreign worker program that in the late 1970s and 80s turned to places as far as Angola and Mozambique to assuage the growing labor shortage in the East German economy. This program was unique in its combination of labor migration with socialist technical education and thereby contributed to the creation of a skilled labor pool for the planned industrialization of both countries after their independence in 1975. However, the civil wars in Angola and Mozambique derailed the industrial development of both countries and they increasingly turned away from socialist ideals. With the German reunification in October 1990 all three countries ended the socialist experiment by the early 1990s. Workers returned home, struggling to find jobs in war-torn and increasingly neoliberal economies. My project focuses on the memory of the men and women who migrated to East Germany to train and work and traces their mobile life histories primarily through oral history interviews and archival material.

  • 11 Ulrike Freitag and Achim von Oppen, Translocality: The Study of Globalising Processes from a Southe (...)

5This project tells a history of international socialist migrations during the Cold War. Without the global context fostering collaborations between socialist nations at the time, this particular labor and training migration program would be hard to imagine. Moreover, I tend to employ the categories of transnational and translocal history to further delineate the qualities of the international aspects of my project. It is also transnational because the Angolan and Mozambican worker-trainees went to East Germany on bilateral government contracts. Therefore, the migrants physically transcended national borders within the parameters negotiated by the sending and receiving countries’ governments. On the level of the individual workers, their day-to-day experience was one of translocality.11 Their lives took place in particular cities, workplaces, affective networks and material contexts, smaller than the sending and receiving country and yet simultaneously deeply impacted by the global socialist world beyond. Here, Sachsenmaier’s concept of the ‘glocal’ mentioned above, can help us think through how the migrants experienced the social and material aspects of their new lives in East Germany and their return back home.

  • 12 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Cambri (...)
  • 13 Adam McKeown, “Africa and Global Patterns of Migration”, Journal of World History, 15, 2, 2004, p.  (...)

6The Cold War sets the global geopolitical backdrop during the 1945 to 1990 era and introduced two alternative modernities onto the global stage. Needless to say, both communism and capitalism have lengthier trajectories, but the intensity of the competition among the cold warriors on a global scale was unprecedented during this time period. We still do not know enough about how the Cold War was experienced in the global South, outside the theaters of war; Odd Arne Westad aptly reminds us that “the most important aspects of the Cold War were not Europe-centered, but connected to political and social developments in the Third World”12. My case study could be read within this context framing the labor migration program as an economic, political, educational, and ideological expression of the Cold War. At the same time, I understand my project neither as about war nor as about the competition between East and West, but rather about South-East economic and political relations and for that reason I prefer using terms such as the ‘socialist world’ or in the ‘Cold War era’. However, it is important to highlight that the Cold War context enabled new migrations from Africa to the so-called ‘Second World’ – migrations delinked from slavery or colonial links that previously determined much of the large-scale emigration movements from Africa.13

7Jiyoon Kim: My dissertation contextualizes and historicizes overseas travel in the 1980s to examine “the global” in South Korea. This particular moment in time also forms part of a larger narrative of globalization around the world. In South Korea, free overseas travel of individuals for the purpose of leisure and sightseeing was not legally allowed until 1983 when the liberalization policy (“action”) of overseas travel was implemented. However, it was possible to voyage abroad for the purposes of business, study, emigration, visiting relatives, and official and diplomatic travel. The changing international ideological landscape and ongoing tensions inside the Korean peninsula had as much to do with this state of affairs as the economic interests of South Korea. I am working on two different cases of the overseas travel experience as lived experience at the same time – that of free-style backpackers and organized group tours for selected university students. Their experiences combined with the conditions of mobility help illuminate the peculiarities of transforming moments of the “long 1980s” in the South Korean society. This is not only connected with a country’s internationalization and opening policy and the domestic political upheaval of democratization in that period, but also relevant to world history at that time both in relation to Cold War politics and the increasingly neoliberal global economy. The South Korean government laid out their plans in two key policies: The Expansion Plan for Koreans Going Abroad (June 1981) and the Liberalization Policy of Overseas Travel (from August 1981 until January 1989). These policies determined the experiences of these individuals and are important for my dissertation, but in this discussion, I focus on the actual lives of traveling people. The backpackers are a group of young people who went abroad for traveling and identified themselves as “backpackers (Paenangjok)” when the law still banned leisure-oriented travel for those in their twenties until 1989. They could go abroad by getting other types of passports such as the accessible status of “visiting relatives (ch’inchi pangmun)”. The group tour, on the other hand, was an educational tour program that was driven and directed by the South Korean government and the Ministry of Education from 1989 to 1992. Backpackers went to several destinations such as Japan, Hong Kong, Southeast Asia, and Western Europe for a longer period of time, where visas were allowed through diplomatic agreements. Educational tours were designed for students to visit places on both sides of the Cold War divide in one trip, for example China and Japan/Hong Kong, Western Europe and Eastern Europe, or Western Europe and Russia.

  • 14 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Cambri (...)
  • 15 Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961, Berkeley, Uni (...)

8My project is related to global history because it narrates the inner dynamics and contradictions of a policy originating within a nation-state concurrently influenced by and entangled with changing international contexts. South Korea is an important place geopolitically because it faced a special Cold War reality with conflicts both inside and outside its territory due to its complicated relationship with North Korea. The history of the Korean Cold War, wherein the North/South conflict complicated the situation beyond international Cold War politics, helps to draw a multi-faceted, and possibly a more balanced, picture about the “Global Cold War” as Westad proposed.14 The 1980s can be considered a rupture, marking the end of the Cold War, the beginning of the recent globalization flow, and increasing transnational mobility. I argue that we should see these three processes as interconnected rather than separate. In the comparative/contrasting framework of a socialist and capitalist world, my cases may be understood as stories on tourism and mobility in a capitalist society. As a matter of fact, my project aims to discuss the memory that does not always fit into and is not fully explained by geopolitical oppositions. The East-West divide is an inextricable backdrop, but not a flawless conceptual tool to understand the East Asian political and economic landscape. Developing countries in Asia were often governed by authoritarian military regimes that can hardly be understood as liberal democracies, despite their designation as such. To understand the South Korean context, we can draw on the literature of the cultural politics of leisure and tourism using a historical approach that shares in common the issue of the state’s managing or mobilizing human mobility and tourism in different countries and regimes.15 This literature draws more attention to the post-WWII era from 1945 to the late 1970s within the context of Cold War politics or that of postwar nation building. One of my project’s contributions is to discuss the continuity that bridges the Cold War and post-Cold War eras and the story of increasing internationalization.

2. Global History

  • 16 Lauren A. Benton, “How to Write the History of the World”, Historically Speaking, 5, 4, 2004, p. 5.
  • 17 Sebastian Conrad, What is global history?, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2016.

As Lauren Benton reminds us: “World history has not produced a significant volume of methodologically thoughtful discussions or theoretically influential studies”16. Historians dabbling in global history have yet to produce a manifesto or ‘how to’ manual. However, Sebastian Conrad’s recent book “What is Global History?”17 comes very close to this. World history, global history, transnational and international history are all terms we hear often employed synonymously. Why did we decide to take up a global history approach in our work? How do we understand this field of research and do we as a discipline need to work on defining it better?

  • 18 Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, “Introduction: Space and Scale in Transnational His (...)
  • 19 Jeremy Adelman, “What is Global History now? Historians cheered Globalism with Work about Cosmopoli (...)
  • 20 The questions historians pose are linked to the times in which they live. Ranke and other founders (...)

9Marcia C. Schenck: I understand global history following Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, as an “umbrella perspective that encompasses a number of well-established tools and perspectives such as historical comparisons, (cultural) transfers, connections, circulations, entangled or shared history as well as a modern form of international history”18. Depending upon when a historian writes and their area of specialization, global history is also referred to as world, transnational, comparative or universal history. The commonality between these approaches boils down to the fact that historians engaged in these kinds of projects no longer see the nation as a sine qua non container for their story; having lost its privileged position, the nation remains a possible framework among many. Global history as a way of seeing, either concentrates on the idea that the world is interdependent and has been interconnected to various degrees since its inception, focuses on comparisons, traces divergences and disintegration, or elaborates on structures to trace global causation. Historiography today can neither get away with an Eurocentric or ethnocentric meta-narrative or case studies, nor with an uncritical celebration of interconnections.19 Understanding global history as a perspective rather than a specific methodology allows historians to remain open to various ways of telling global stories.20

  • 21 Natalie Zemon Davis, “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”, (...)

10It is important to step back from the global history hype and ask with Natalie Zemon Davis: “Is ‘global history’ the only form suitable for recounting the past in a globalized world?”21 It is not. It is one fundamentally important approach, not least because it emerges from and leads back to our common humanity. If we seek to write history from Africa and other parts of the world rather than about them, and if we are interested in challenging periodization founded on, and meta-narratives about, Western hegemony, looking at several places at once comparatively or focusing on connections and hybridization or disintegration and the power of place is imperative.

  • 22 During the forum “The Potential of Global History” (September 9th, 2015) held during the Tokyo Summ (...)

11Jiyoon Kim: I agree with Marcia C. Schenck on the definition, historicity, timeliness, and potential pitfalls of global history. However, I propose to go further, maintaining that global history can also be a method. As a “possibility”, global history seems to be a knowledge production practice to reconsider existing history and historical research. With the viewpoint of global history and doing global historical research, we can come to understand a more elaborated picture, or another picture, that can deepen our interpretation on a given topic, time and space.22

  • 23 Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History, Berkeley, University of Cali (...)
  • 24 Ji-hyung Cho, “Reconceptualizing History and the Future of Global History”, The Korean Historical R (...)
  • 25 Jürgen Osterhammel, “Globalizations”, in Jerry H. Bentley (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of World Hist (...)

12In addition to a way of seeing, I would like to put more emphasis on the meaning of global history as a way of questioning, which also connects to historicizing and contextualizing contemporary globalization where my original inquiry began. My understanding of global history is influenced by three different schools; the first being the strong research tradition of historicization in Japanese academia, the second being works on the history of globalization and questioning its contemporaneousness,23 and the third being the Korean historians’ endeavor to articulate a global historical perspective as an alternative way of thinking beyond the dominant national history in particular with respect to the reflexive understanding of modernity and Cold War complexity in the modern history of Korea.24 In its connection of globalization with global history, as Osterhammel puts it, “ ‘global history’ is a more general and more inclusive concept than ‘the history of globalization.’ Not all global history is history of globalization, whereas the history of globalization inscribes itself by necessity into global history”25.

3. Global Mobile Lives

Peopleʼs lives are useful vectors for bringing the contextualised, specific and micro into the interconnected global macro framework. In what way are our historical actors leading global mobile lives and what approaches do we choose to describe them?

  • 26 A well-known male backpacker moved to the United States and opened his own photo studio in New Jers (...)
  • 27 Although the main research material of this group tour was the travel essay collection, I conducted (...)

13Jiyoon Kim: The backpackers and group tour participants indicate different types of mobility albeit both are tourism broadly speaking. In each group, different individuals’ life trajectories vary. For example, a few backpackers actually expanded their transnational lives across different countries and continents by choosing to continue traveling as a professional travel writer or by choosing diasporic life, emigrating to the United States and Tanzania.26 Group tour participants returned after the short-term trip, but some chose to work as international businessmen or decided to go abroad to study for degrees on a long-term basis.27 Thus while it is difficult to generalize them as overall “global mobile lives”, what is clear is the fact that the exceptional experience of overseas traveling in their twenties affected these people’s lives. It also influenced the South Korean people who were curious about an, albeit limited, opportunity for a second-hand “global experience” to break through the restrictions of living in a relatively closed society.

  • 28 Simon Cooke, “Inner Journeys: Travel Writing as Life Writing”, in Carl Thompson (ed.), The Routledg (...)
  • 29 Carl Thompson, Travel Writing, New York, Routledge, 2011, p. 2.
  • 30 Mary Louise Pratt’s Imperial Eyes:Travel Writing and Transculturation, an influential historical wo (...)
  • 31 This is also relevant to the research of travel writing in the field of Korean studies. In particul (...)

14I examine travel writing from a historical perspective based on the travel essay books written by the backpackers and the five volumes of an essay collection published by the Support and Planning Team of the Overseas Study Trip in the Korean Research Foundation, Ministry of Education. Here, travel writing can be understood in two ways: travel writing as life writing and travel writing as a witness account. Firstly, travel writing involves “a dimension of ‘life writing’ (with its form of autobiographical and/or biographical writing)”. In this sense, travel writing can “bring to the question of ‘how our lives become stories’ a range of distinct life-writing possibilities and challenges”.28 Secondly, travel writing is a window to grasp how the actors view the self, the others, and the world at a given time and place. In relation to this, another feature of travel writing should be underlined, that is, travel writing as “a genre especially reflective of, and responsive to, the modern condition”.29 Travel is necessarily facilitated and accompanied by the development of infrastructure and the conditions of mobility aforementioned. Thus, it was amplified by and is hardly separable from the macro backdrops such as European imperial expansion and global capitalism. Travel writing can never be neutral observation but is indeed a powerful mediator that reflects and constructs the subjectivity of the era.30 Due to this contextual importance, numerous historical works based on travel writing have engaged in the history of colonialism and post-colonialism, imperialism, women’s history, global capitalism, and other particular historical moments.31 Taking into account that global history as an academic term is relatively new, historical works on travel writing might not always have positioned themselves as subcategories of global history or transnational history, but they were already a part of global history, as long as transnational, cross-cultural, translocal, cross-continental, mobile actors were always the main performers and narrators of the texts.

  • 32 He greatly enjoyed a domestic trip around the country in 1977 with a 22-23 year-old “German friend” (...)
  • 33 Soyang is a word that included the meanings of courtesy, knowledge, manner, and culture. When one s (...)

15I would like to share the experience of a 22-year-old university student, Park, who first used the term “backpacker” (Paenangjok, which literally means ‘backpack tribe’) in the title of his travel book. He embarked on his overseas travel project in 1981, before the liberalization policy for overseas travel was officially implemented in 1983, although the expectation toward “liberalizing” policy was already noticeable in South Korean society. One day, he found a news article about the amendment of the passport law by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs entitled “Permission of visiting relatives up to cousins”. Before that, would-be travelers were only allowed to visit parents, children, or siblings. He immediately remembered his cousin who was living in France, probably as a student. Park had been traveling around South Korea by himself since he was 14 years old, but his dream was always to travel to “foreign countries across the ocean”.32 However, in reality, it was a time-consuming and challenging process consisting of many steps: getting an invitation letter; gathering manifold documents from a ward office and Military Manpower Administration; attending a mandatory education program called soyangkyoyuk33 at the South Korean Anti-communist League; then going through the background check at the police; and eventually obtaining a passport. When the officer finally stamped the seal on Park’s passport upon departure, he “felt a jolt as if his heart stopped”. He could get a visa stamp only for France, Japan and Taiwan as stop-over destinations, but due to his budget constraint, his first goal was Japan. From Japan, after gaining know-how on the road, he managed to move through Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore for 92 days in total. During the journey, he encountered many different “others” including Japanese drivers, backpackers from Australia, Canada, and Europe, “hippies”, Malaysians, Singaporean university students, and a Zainichi Korean man from the pro-North Korean General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon/ Chosen Soren).

16The records of these procedures, barriers, adventures, interactions and the mutual gaze show several dimensions of this period in South Korea: the growing aspiration of going abroad and curiosity for the “world outside”, the state’s management on citizen’s mobility through the regulation of visa and passport, the kinship networks abroad, contacts with other Korean diaspora, the tension over anti-communism in interpersonal communication, and so on. For example in Park’s experience, the Korean diaspora community, including his own relative, not only strengthened his sense of national belonging but also directly influenced his travel options by underpinning his legal status as a visitor of a relative and by allowing him to pursue an (illegal) part-time job at a shop or factory owned by other Koreans to fund his travel. At the same time, while he was happy to engage with their own diasporic communities and even strangers, he remained anxious and weary upon encountering North Koreans abroad. This is an expression of the effect of the anti-communism education and the prohibition of interpersonal contact with North Korea to which South Koreans were exposed. These facets do not solely speak of the local situation in South Korea but also overlap with the transnational and global landscape.

  • 34 “The Achievement of the Communist-bloc Trip for College Students and Professors”, Munkyo Haengchŏng(...)

17Among the major differences between the backpackers and participants of the organized trips were the short-term trip’s final purpose and destination. As stated in one of the government documents, the background and purpose of the official trips was “1) to cultivate future human resources as the preparation for the era of internationalization and opening and 2) to revise the incorrect knowledge about communism by exposing them to firsthand experience, to compare with liberal democratic regimes, and thus to remedy the negative perspective onto our regime and thereby contribute to stabilize the university through a solid view of the state and patriotism”34. The upsurge of student activism and democratization in the 1980s as well as the changing international post-Cold War atmosphere was the major background for the government-initiated study trips. The selected students were sent to transforming socialist countries to learn ‘the reality of socialism’ in the face of opening and reform. The politicized purpose of the trip reflected the South Korean regime’s concern about the presumably left-leaning counterculture of South Korean youth.

  • 35 The information presented here is drawn from various interviews and conversations conducted by Marc (...)
  • 36 The illiteracy rate dropped from 93 % in 1974 to 70 % in 1980 with the greatest gain by men between (...)

18Marcia C. Schenck: Let me introduce you to a former Mozambican worker in East Germany, Juma Madeira. The unfolding of his life story is framed by the temporal and local specificities that Juma encountered and that shaped the options among which he was able to choose. Juma was born in Nampula in the district of Memba in the North of Mozambique, on April 5, 1963.35 At the time, Mozambique was a Portuguese colony. A year before Juma’s birth, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), the current governing party of Mozambique, was founded and organized in exile in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, about 900km to the North from Juma’s place of birth. When Juma was one year old, the Colonial War started in Mozambique, which was to last until independence. Between 1969-1974, Juma completed the fourth grade at a Catholic missionary primary school in Mutauanha called, in line with the Portuguese civilizing mission, Paz e Amor (Peace and Love). When the country formally became independent on June 25, 1975, Juma was attending fifth grade at the Industrial school in Nampula city where, after some interruption, he graduated from eighth grade in 1980. The Mozambican civil war erupted in 1977, while Juma was in secondary school. The same year FRELIMO constituted itself as a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party. Juma’s parents were non-practicing Muslim farmers, engaged in subsistence agriculture. He remembers his upbringing as rural, working the fields, sleeping on mats on the floor with his three siblings. He walked to his primary school. In order to continue his education in secondary school however, he moved to Nampula city where he lived with his aunt, a housewife, and uncle, a tailor. Juma was well educated for a peasant boy from the North. Between 1979 and 1981, he taught an alphabetization course for adults as part of the planned National Literacy Campaigns aimed at workers and cadres of the party, army, cooperatives, and communal villages.36 Growing up in the North of Mozambique during the decolonization struggle, and participating as a teenager in the building of a post-colonial socialist nation, Juma experienced these tectonic shifts as local historical developments with national significance. Yet, decolonization and the spread of socialism were global phenomena, at the time of Juma’s youth precisely. The global possibilities conditioned the national and local possibilities and therefore Juma’s lived experience.

  • 37 Hauke Dorsch, “Rites of Passage Overseas?: On the Sojourn of Mozambican Students and Scholars in Cu (...)
  • 38 Marcia C. Schenck, “From Luanda and Maputo to Berlin: Uncovering Angolan and Mozambican Migrants' M (...)
  • 39 Marcia C. Schenck, Socialist Solidarities and Their Afterlives: Histories and Memories of Angolan a (...)
  • 40 Joao Paulo Borges Coelho, “Politics and Contemporary History in Mozambique: A Set of Epistemologica (...)

19In 1981, Juma signed up to work and train in East Germany. He did not know what future was ahead of him, when he boarded the plane to Berlin Schönefeld. After six months of language training, Juma began working at the VEB Motorradwerk Zschopau, a factory producing motorbikes, close to today’s Chemnitz. In addition to his work, he underwent training for milling and lathe machines, earning his diploma as a skilled laborer in November 1986. He served a total of two contracts and worked for eight years at the motorcycle factory where he was housed with Mozambicans hailing from Ruvuma to Maputo. Juma’s stay in Germany encompassed his youth from eighteen to twenty-seven and allowed him to miss the worst of the ongoing war at home. In his own words, he left a young boy “who had never drunk alcohol, smoked or made love to a woman” and returned an adult, a trained skilled laborer with nine years of work’s experience, a Mozambican partner and a child. Juma is part of a generation of young Mozambicans who received their professional education abroad. The young independent country neither had the skilled professionals nor the capacities for schooling or to train the much needed specialists. Hence, thousands of Mozambicans went to school, studied, trained, and worked not only, but predominantly, in the socialist world from Cuba to the Soviet Union.37 Juma mentions his migration as a rite of passage, a theme already familiar from earlier regional labor migrations, and one familiar to the majority of Angolan and Mozambican migrants to East Germany.38 Equally important, the awareness of the diverse Mozambican nation for Juma and his colleagues became, to a certain degree, lived experience only through their participation in the work and training program. It exposed them to several stops in preparation camps in Mozambique, becoming familiar with the capital of Maputo, and being allocated to ethnically, religiously and linguistically diverse groups of Mozambicans in East Germany. Their common experience of being Othered and labeled as Mozambicans in turn contributed to their self-awareness of being Mozambicans first, and Makonde, Shona, Makua, Tsonga or Shangaan second.39 While international socialist solidarities created the possibilities for this migration, they played a significant role also in the national histories of young independent countries such as Angola and Mozambique. This retelling of national history through global connections expands the current reading of the liberation script in Mozambique.40

  • 41 Marcia C. Schenck., “Ostalgie in Mosambik: Erinnerungen ehemaliger mosambikanischer Vertragsarbeite (...)

20For many Mozambican workers, the fall of the inner-German wall in November 1989 continues to have a bitter aftertaste. On the one hand, they expressed happiness for the Germans they knew and about their own ability to go shopping in the former West, but for many a worker it meant the end of their stay in Europe. The labor and training migration program was abolished in 1990 and living conditions became increasingly challenging amid rising racism and economic and legal insecurity. Juma, however, experienced relatively little of this chaos. He and his wife Graciel, whom he met as a Mozambican colleague at the motorbike factory, made the decision to return jointly for family reasons, imagining a golden future in Mozambique. The bitter awakening came a few months after their return. Like the vast majority of returned workers, neither Juma nor his wife found work in the area for which they had been trained. They moved back to the North of Mozambique and Juma worked as a driver and security guard. Graciel worked as a bar woman in a soda shop for eight years. The family made extra income selling self-made food in front of their house and by using their phone as public phone. In 1999, the family moved back to Maputo. Juma worked a variety of impermanent jobs until, at forty, he gave up looking for employment in 2003 and became a full-time activist for the Madjerman (as the former Mozambican workers in East Germany became known after their return to Mozambique) cause. First as vice-president, later as treasurer he served ATMA, the largest and most durable organization of returned workers. He has been an active member of Mozambique’s second largest opposition party from 2010 onwards. Juma is quite frequently in virtual contact with Germany, where he still has extended family and friends. Like many of his colleagues, Juma spends much of his time longing for a return to his youth in East Germany.41 Juma and Graciel were able to spend part of their youth in East Germany through state-led migration programs connecting “brother states” in a socialist world; subsequently, the post-socialist world has confined them physically to Mozambique, subject to a disintegration process which assigned Mozambique a marginal role in the capitalist world and highlights the fragility of Juma’s and Graciel’s economically precarious lives in the informal sector, unable to capitalize on the skills and experiences gained abroad.

  • 42 Tracing life histories also allows us to question existing assumptions about meso and macro develop (...)

21I share Juma’s life history to illustrate how much the stage of Juma’s life has been set by external geopolitical developments: colonialism, independence, socialism, the hot Cold War, the civil war, the global conjuncture after the disintegration of the global communist project, and the reformulation of Mozambique as a market economy and a democracy. He would never have migrated to East Germany had it not been for a global political context that enabled such movement and a national security, education and job market situation that pushed Juma to look for opportunities elsewhere. His life can be more fully understood against the backdrop of the times, places and networks which shaped it and that it shaped in return.42 How far to zoom out is a choice each historian must make.

4. Micro, Meso, and Macro levels of analysis

  • 43 Francesca Trivellato, “Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History?”, C (...)

As Francesca Trivellato stipulates “a careful consideration of how to juxtapose micro- and macro-units of analysis and how to conduct comparisons across space and time belongs to the future agenda of global historians”43. Do we agree with this juxtaposition or do we see the micro, meso, and macro as intertwined in our research? How do we juggle the different scales in our projects?

22Jiyoon Kim: I hesitate to see micro and macro as an epistemological dichotomy, and I question the assumption that human lives should automatically be equated with the micro scale. Human lives in themselves are a whole universe, relational and inclusive. The Japanese historical sociologist Sato proposed:

  • 44 Kenji Sato, Ronbun no Kadikaka, 論文の書き方, (A way to write academic writing), Tokyo, Koubundou 2014, p (...)

the ideation of the “individual as field” that can relieve the individual from the oppositions of individual/society, by emphasizing “the individual is not a mere unit that composes society but itself is a “field/place” in which those social relationships are complicatedly accumulated, it becomes possible to defend the strategy of life history studies in a certain phase.44

  • 45 The temporal scale mainly includes two levels; the “long 1980s” as a transitional moment, extending (...)

23Although the oppositions that he implied are between individual/society, or individuality/collectivity, or life/abstract concepts, I think this also connects to our approach to micro and macro. Likewise, if we approach the “individual as field” from the beginning and take into account the already relational and complex nature of a subject, the juxtaposition or opposition of micro and macro, to me, appears a less urgent issue. My units of analysis are overseas travel through microscopic lens on the specific experience of individuals as well as on the relevant social discourses and changing everyday landscapes of that time. In this sense, I can say two fields of microhistory, that of everyday material life as a background of the locale, i.e. South Korea, and of mobile experiences of travelers as human practices are combined. The former is to illustrate global awareness, global consciousness, global imagination that increasingly penetrated into daily lives and landscapes during the 1980s. An individual is not considered as distinctive and unique but more as part of a group of shared experiences. In this context, the South Korean government, functions as a meso level unit, which intervened procedurally and mediated the individual’s experience of ‘the global’. Global mobile actors are deemed embodied subjects that are closely attached to and affected by their social and historical contexts, both national and global. The travelers are both observers of a given time and place while they visited different destinations and also performers who actively mediated the outer world to their home society by interpreting their experience in their own ways but often in socially constructed manners.45

  • 46 Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York, Pantheon Books, 20 (...)
  • 47 Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and Jo (...)

24Marcia C. Schenck: Linda Colley categorically states “there can and should be no Olympian version of world history, and there is always a human and individual dimension”46. Joseph Miller, writing about the recent biographical turn in the Black Atlantic, reminds us that it is important to center the human dimension: “If the social scientists, quantifiers, and particularly economists have left the people out of the story, it is our job – as historians – to put them in”47. This motivates my interest in a bottom up history, starting with the lived experience of the workers, a revisionist move against the background of a historiography from above that has focused on the political context and economic motivations of relations between Mozambique and Angola and East Germany respectively. In that regard, I, too, read microhistory and the global scale not as juxtaposition or contradiction but rather as one method to adopt to write global history.

  • 48 Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and Jo (...)
  • 49 Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York, Pantheon Books, 20 (...)

25While I engage with the geo-political background to the East German foreign worker program on a macro-level, the emphasis lies on learning about the program and the global connections through the workers’ lives on a micro level. My work lies at the interface between the global perspective and attention to the detail of microstoria or history of the every day through a life-history-centered approach. Some historians feel that this confluence of methodologies (global/micro/biography/life history) is not yet conceptualised sufficiently.48 However, there is a noticeable turn in global history that seeks to follow individuals across different contexts; Linda Colley’s The ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh (2007), Tonio Andrade’s A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord (2010), Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet’s Biography and the Black Atlantic (2014), Emma Rothschild’s The Inner Lives of Empire, and Miles Ogborn’s Global Lives (2008), are but a few prominent examples.49 It seems to me that they illustrate the value of the small scale for pluralizing history, restoring hidden narratives and reintroducing various voices to the historical record.

  • 50 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p (...)
  • 51 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p (...)
  • 52 We have been talking about biography, where the tension between individual and context is even more (...)
  • 53 Cited in Hans Erich Bödeker, Beatrix Borchard and Willem Frijhoff (eds), Biographie schreiben, Gött (...)

26As Lois W. Banner reminds us: “A life deeply lived, like any complex historical narrative, moves across space, time, and areas of human involvement both capriciously and predictably, validating certain accepted historical constructions while challenging others”50. Therefore, biography, like history “interweaves historical categories and methodologies, reflects current political and theoretical concerns, and raises complex issues of truth and proof”51. One of the advantages of focusing on the workers’ lives is that it allows breaking down the separation between the social, the personal, the political and the economic. I need to provide the reader with the context to understand the experiences and decisions of the historical actors. Of course the fundamental challenge remains how to connect the ‘cases’ and the ‘context’, and whether and how to draw ‘macro’ conclusions from ‘micro’ cases. The advantage of following the workers through the many transitions and upheavals of the time is that it gives the reader orientation and a coherent narrative.52 One difficulty lies in doing justice to the plethora of voices without drowning the reader in incomprehensible noise. Another difficulty is the art of choosing what to omit and the reverse, how to create a narrative from scarce sources or as Virginia Woolf aptly asks: “How can one make a life out of six cardboard boxes full of tailors’ bills, lovers’ letters and old picture postcards?”53. Finally, how do we deal with absences and silences in a biography? Narrating life histories allows the reader to understand complexity, emotionally and intellectually and thereby counterbalances generalizing and deterministic tendencies. Every history benefits from a clear narrative but this is especially important when faced with the manifold possibilities of telling world history. Life history evokes a feeling of the commonality of humanity as can global history, they thereby share a political project.

5. Global History Fieldworks

  • 54 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p (...)

Lois W. Banner acknowledges that researchers “become transnational historians, themselves crossing oceans in pursuit of records about their subjects, and even learning new languages to be able to read their sources”54. What kind of fieldwork does global history require?

  • 55 Natalie Zemon Davis, “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”, (...)

27Marcia C. Schenck: I would have not been able to pursue the lives of the workers in Angola, Mozambique, Portugal and Germany without the appropriate financial resources and language abilities. Engaging in multi-site, complex research also takes more time: time to organize fieldwork in different settings, to engage with diverging archival cultures and relationships to historical research across societies, to build different networks, and to collect data across cultural, language and climatic zones. Doing fieldwork in diverse locations is crucially important, because, as Natalie Zemon Davis reminds us, the global historian is a decentering historian: “The decentering historian does not tell the story of the past only from the vantage point of a single part of the world or of powerful elites, but rather widens his or her scope, socially and geographically, and introduces plural voices into the account”55. To those privileged enough to be able to conduct multi-sited research, it opens up the possibility to write a more balanced narrative, de-center entrenched viewpoints, integrate hitherto unheard voices into the historical record and is worth the effort. The fieldwork experience is necessarily shaped by the kind of archives to be consulted.

28Jiyoon Kim: I agree with Marcia C. Schenck’s point on the possibilities that multi-sited fieldwork offers with regard to a more balanced narrative and decentered viewpoints. At the same time, such fieldwork remains extraordinarily difficult to execute. I had to give up a planned comparative study on tourist enclaves based on multi-sited ethnographical inquiries because of financial issues. This was a turning point for myself. Subsequently, I redirected my approach toward historical cultural studies based on archives to which I had access. It seems, that the limitations of fieldwork and the importance of the underpinning conditions such as language abilities and financial support we noted are not only issues relevant for global historians but for any historian or researcher.

6. Global History Archives

The archives of global history are a much-debated territory. Some global historians rely on secondary sources to write a sweeping history moving through time and space with broad brush strokes and some bemoan the loss of the specific, the archival analysis of primary sources, in such an approach. Focusing on life history writing allows us to bring a variety of archives back into global history, ranging from religious and state archives to oral history, travelogs, documentaries, exhibitions and art. What archives are available for your projects and what are its promises and limitations?

29Marcia C. Schenck: As historians of the twentieth century, a plethora of sources are available, many of which have not yet been used in projects on global lives in history, mainly focusing on earlier time periods. New sources that come to mind are video and audio recordings of the workers in their workplace and contemporary political speeches. Books published by East German authors speak about their perception of the workers and two workers themselves have published autobiographies. I have collected poetry, short stories and music written by the workers about their migration experience. Then, there are people’s tin trunk archives which contain photos, letters, remnants of official documents and random memorabilia (in one case a used boiler suit from East Germany). Of course there are also the more conventional (state) archives. As history seeps into the present, the production of new sources continues: Journalists are writing articles about the workers, photographers produce coffee table books and filmmakers movies. There are various exhibitions in Germany and Mozambique about these migrants. This allows me to combine sources that speak about the workers and sources speaking from the perspective of the workers, both during different time periods.

30I would like to specifically focus our attention on a resource underused for global history projects thus far, namely oral history. Oral history is democratic in nature and allows us to shift the focus from the institutions that leave archival traces to the actors that participated in creating history. In Paul Thompson’s words: “Oral history [...] can be a means for transforming both the content and purpose of history. […] it can give back to the people who made and experienced history, through their own words, a central place”56. When the call is made in global history to return to the study of primary sources, we should think about oral history and its endless possibilities. Thus far, we have not used the potential for collaboration between oral historians across the globe sufficiently. The Wilson Center’s Critical Oral History Conference Series is one explicitly multisited oral history project which involves former “diplomatic and intelligence officials from around the world” to provide insights into alternative histories of the Cold War.57 I hope that we will see more of these projects in the future, especially around migration.

31Jiyoon Kim: Although my research aims to shed light on ordinary people who had extraordinary experience in their lives, it is hardly categorized as life history writing or conducted with oral history research. My emphasis rests not as much on the individuals but more on the meaning of their travels in order to understand social change and to narrate a socio-cultural history of the 1980s. However, it is a story about human agency, which narrates significant moments of life or once-in-a-lifetime events. This can also explain the sources that my research scrutinizes. The primary sources are written materials about the overseas travel experience; travelogs in the forms of autobiographical books, periodicals written by locally known backpackers in newspapers and magazines, magazine interviews with backpackers, collected travel essays from group tour participants, official government reports on the tour and liberalization policy from the state archive, travel magazines, a handbook for overseas traveling, and manifold public articles that reveal the meaning of overseas travel at the time.

32Because their experiences were noteworthy, these travelers, especially the backpackers, appeared and were invited in mainstream media, such as daily newspapers, television news broadcast, the radio, and travel magazines. Thus, the research is not limited to delivering their mediated voices, but also includes an interpretation from a distance through archiving the social memory of overseas travel during the 1980s. This practice of doing historical research reminds me of the act of ‘gleaning’, a gleaning of the traces about the travel in general as well as from the travelers. Quoting Sato again who proposed life history as a tool to overcome the confrontation aforementioned: “then, the interview as a field note, and the tape-recording as a life history becomes the field that can be shared for analysis by other people as a database of an ‘individual’. Of course, data criticism is needed including self-reflexivity on the practice of tape-recording itself”58.

33In regards to the limitations, as Marcia C. Schenck mentioned, owing to the vast range of primary materials, data selecting and deciding when to stop collecting materials is a difficult task. Also, not all data is accessible. For example in my case, some government documents and audio-visual media sources are not open to the public. Moreover, as the travelers were ordinary university students at that time, even though some of them were publicly known via mainstream media and published their own travel books, it is not easy today to find where and who they are and what they are doing now. For example, in terms of group tour participants, the total number of participants amounted to 11,224 (8,250 university students and 2,027 professors) as of September 1991, the actual primary data take the form of collected essays written by 74 students.

7. A Usable Past?

Terence Ranger, a famous historian of Africa, was convinced that history can be used for the benefit of the present and spoke of the ‘usable past’. Claiming a practical purpose remains a controversial statement among professional historians who generally take pains to distance themselves from ‘activist history’. We have been talking about the connection between the rising popularity of global history and the times we are living in. How do we see the relationship between history and the present in our work?

  • 59 Gordon Mathews, Ghetto at the Center of the World: Chungking Mansions, Hong Kong, Chicago, Universi (...)
  • 60 Miles Ogborn, Global Lives: Britain and the World, 1550-1800, Cambridge-UK, Cambridge-MA, Cambridge (...)
  • 61 Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History, Berkeley, University of Cali (...)

34Jiyoon Kim: While we were working on this writing project, I often thought of Gordon Mathews’ anthropological investigation on contemporary globalization, Ghetto at the Center of the World Chungking Mansions, Hong Kong.59 He calls the mansion ‘a world center of low-end globalization’ where he met many diverse human figures from different national, occupational, ethnic, and class backgrounds such as traders, owners and managers, temporary workers, asylum seekers, domestic helpers, sex workers, heroin addicts, and tourists. In addition to the human interaction, he also observed the flow of goods and laws. The book resembles Global Lives, not only because of its collective biological approach, but also because of its illustration and emphasis on “the role of the actions – what we call the ‘agency’ – of all people involved in these global processes”60. Anthropological works like Mathews’ may be valued as a future historical source. Both capture global mobile lives of a given time and space and historical moments in their respective linkage to the macro-context, i.e. globalization in different times. It is at the intersection of past and present that the truly challenging questions motivating historical inquiry are born. As Frederick Cooper reminds us: “Behind the globalization fad is an important quest for understanding the interconnectedness of different parts of the world, for explaining new mechanisms shaping the movement of capital, people, and culture, and for exploring institutions capable of regulating such transnational movement. What is missing in discussions of globalization today is the historical depth of interconnections and a focus on just what the structures and limits of the connecting mechanisms are”61.

  • 62 Heonik Kwon, The Other Cold War, New York, Columbia University Press, 2010, p. 11.

35When we deal with the history of the twentieth century, doing historical research is hardly detached from the issue of interpretation and its political ramifications. Indeed, when we trace the research tradition of microhistory and biographical approach in Japanese and Korean scholarship, we see that oral history and life history have developed and piled up based on the lived experiences of conflict, violence, and oppression and their respective historical incidents: the Second World War, Okinawa, minorities, and natural disaster in Japan; in Korea, the colonized past, the Korean War, women’s history, military dictatorship and protests, among others. And these historical as well as anthropological works are closely connected to the archival project. The historiography of the “1980s” in South Korea cannot be an apolitical issue because of the domestic turmoil and unsolved issues of state violence and its investigation. This is why historiographies of that era have been highly concentrated on people’s history, workers’ and students’ movements, and the history of the democratization movement. I do not consider the travelers in my project as marginal or oppressed. In the context of global history and Cold War history, I will quote Kwon from his book The Other Cold War: “how societies come to terms with the remains of the Cold War’s mass violence and death is vital for their political futures. In this sense, ‘the decomposition of the Cold War’ has a more literal meaning, which is to relocate the human casualties of the bipolar conflicts (and the actions concerning their decomposing bodies and troubled memories) from the invisible margins to a vital center in the history of the global Cold War”62. Paying attention to human lives and voices, including global mobile lives, is therefore both historically and ethnographically useful. I think global historians must strive for a balanced and fair perspective on human lives.

  • 63 Terence O. Ranger, “Toward a Usable African Past”, in C. H. Fyfe (ed.), African Studies since 1945: (...)

36Marcia C. Schenck: As Jiyoon Kim has aptly demonstrated, the relationship between history and present is a politically charged one, especially in recent Cold War history in Africa, Latin America and Asia. I would like to refocus on the question of Terence Ranger’s ‘usable past.’ His book Towards a Usable African Past was published in 1976 – a time when the African past was explored in an emancipatory setting to strengthen a sense of nationhood and value for recently independent states outside colonial influences.63 The past had a direct role to play in forming the African present. This approach has never been mainstream in the ivory towers across the West. Historical analyses rarely engage in policy recommendations. When historical comparisons appear in the press, they tame the epistemological chaos of the present and are looked at as an organizing system. Yet a crucial value of historical thinking is the awareness of contingency and complexity, something that can expand our imagination for the present and the future. In this way, I welcome global history to help us think critically about the present and the future. We, as next generation of historians, have the opportunity to push the field of global history to explicitly engage with the structural persistence of exclusion, inequality, and precarity; to take collaboration seriously, especially across geographic areas rarely in conversation to augment the language and cultural skills to tackle an issue; and to invest in inclusion of scholars from countries in Africa and Asia that have so far rarely been represented in collaborative projects and the international academy.

8. Collaboration

Before we come to a close let us reflect on what we take away from this collaboration. Does it influence our work going forward?

37Jiyoon Kim: To me it has been a very challenging and stimulating process. While participating in this writing project through the keywords of biography/biographical approach/microhistory/life history/travel writing, I learned about our own positionality in terms of how we do history related to our own background, and what we think of microhistory and human lives with our location, education, and topics. It was interesting to see the commonality in approaching biography and microhistory in Japanese and Korean academia as well. Our conversation itself – our trials and errors in questioning our connections, commonalities, and differences – can be understood as a knowledge production process and training in world/global history. This kind of comparing and contrasting exercise can enrich our understanding of a given time, space, and people by reducing the likelihood of a lopsided and isolated view on history.

38Marcia C. Schenck: I am grateful for having had the chance to engage in these debates on global history with PhD candidates and Professors from different academic traditions. The role of the PhD student in the university hierarchy is by no means identical across national contexts. While some of us enjoy relative autonomy when deciding what to research, how, and are taken seriously as researchers from an early point in our career, this is not the norm in all academic traditions. Fortunately, the existence of this special issue points to both the freedom we had in pursuing this project and the crucial intellectual and financial support of our professors and institutions. This whets my appetite to engage in collaboratively designed global research projects.

39The process of thinking about and producing a piece of writing together necessitates coordination and negotiation. Together, we have covered a wider range of secondary literature in more languages than any one of us could have done alone. Yet, engaging in questions concerning content, bibliography, writing style, and approach with people at similar stages of their PhD who remain embedded in different academic cultures and come from other disciplines is a new form of being confronted with the relativity of one’s own experience and a stark reminder of the hegemony of the Anglophone model with its linguistic dominance and exported professional standards in global history. I am also acutely aware of the absence of Africans voices in this larger collaborative project. This is the result of prevailing power asymmetries in higher education tied to the legacies of colonialism and structural adjustment programs. I am taking with me an understanding of the limits of collaboration in history. For example, there is no incentive structure to collaborate because single authored publications count more for resume building; this is a deterrent to invest in such a time-consuming exercise at an early stage in one’s career. Moreover, the infrastructure is not yet geared towards collaboration, e.g. the library catering to the humanities on our campus has limited spaces for group meetings. Collaborative work is as of yet far from the norm in history but I very much hope this will change. Global history certainly has the potential to be a motor for such future change.

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Notes

1 Francesca Trivellato, “Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History?”, California Italian Studies, 2, 1, 2011.

2 Patrick O’Brien, “Historical Traditions and Modern Imperatives for the Restoration of Global History”, Journal of Global History, 1, 1, 2006, p. 339 ; Sebouh David Aslanian, Joyce E. Chaplin, Ann McGrath and Kristin Mann, “AHR Conversation: How Size Matters: The Question of Scale in History”, The American Historical Review, 118, 5, 2013, p. 14311472; Christopher A. Bayly, Sven Beckert, Matthew Connelly, Isabel Hofmeyr, Wendy Kozol and Patricia Seed, “AHR conversation: on transnational history”, The American Historical Review, 111, 5, 2006, p. 14411464.

3 Christopher A. Bayly, Sven Beckert, Matthew Connelly, Isabel Hofmeyr, Wendy Kozol and Patricia Seed, “AHR conversation: on transnational history”, The American Historical Review, 111, 5, 2006; Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, “Introduction: Space and Scale in Transnational History”, The International History Review, 33, 4, December 2011, p. 573584.

4 Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives on Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected World, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011, p. 2.

5 Tonio Andrade, “A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory”, Journal of World History, 21, 4, 2010, p. 574.

6 Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, “Introduction: Space and Scale in Transnational History”, The International History Review, 33, 4, December 2011; Sebouh David Aslanian, Joyce E. Chaplin, Ann McGrath and Kristin Mann, “AHR Conversation: How Size Matters: The Question of Scale in History”, The American Historical Review, 118, 5, 2013; Christopher A. Bayly, Sven Beckert, Matthew Connelly, Isabel Hofmeyr, Wendy Kozol and Patricia Seed, “AHR conversation: on transnational history”, The American Historical Review, 111, 5, 2006; Brice Cossart, “Global lives: writing global history with a biographical approach”, Entremons, UPF Journal of World History, 5, 2013; Tonio Andrade, “A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory”, Journal of World History, 21, 4, 2010; Natalie Zemon Davis, Trickster travels: a sixteenth-century Muslim between worlds, New York-NY, Hill and Wang, 2007; Natalie Zemon Davis, “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”, History and Theory, 50, 2, 2011; Francesca Trivellato, “Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History?”, California Italian Studies, 2, 1, 2011; Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York, Pantheon Books, 2007; Emma Rothschild, The inner life of empires : an eighteenth-century history, Princeton-N.J, Princeton University Press, 2011; Miles Ogborn, Global Lives: Britain and the World, 1550-1800, Cambridge-UK, Cambridge-MA, Cambridge University Press, 2008; Lisa A. Lindsay et John Wood Sweet, Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014; Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet (eds), Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014, p. 1947.

7 Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives on Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected World, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011; Sebouh David Aslanian, Joyce E. Chaplin, Ann McGrath and Kristin Mann, “AHR Conversation: How Size Matters: The Question of Scale in History”, The American Historical Review, 118, 5, 2013; Christopher A. Bayly, Sven Beckert, Matthew Connelly, Isabel Hofmeyr, Wendy Kozol and Patricia Seed, “AHR conversation: on transnational history”, The American Historical Review, 111, 5, 2006.

8 For more on the Global History Collaborative, a consortium of universities in the U.S., France, Germany and Japan that enabled the summer school, see http://ghc.wp.ehess.fr/en/global-history-collaborative/. A French review of the summer school can be found on http://lettre.ehess.fr/index.php?9213.

9 Our special thanks goes to all the participants of the summer school and in particular to Jeremy Adelman, Sebastian Conrad, Andreas Eckert, Haneda Masashi, Antonella Romano, Silvia Sebastiani, and Alessandro Stanziani for their invaluable feedback. Our special appreciation goes to our the collaborators of this special issue as well as to Sarah Abel, Yongchao Cheng, Emily Kern and Mandkhai Lakhagvasuren for their invaluable contributions.

10 We would like to express our heartfelt thanks to Gabriela Goldin from the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris who tirelessly discussed our readings with us in depth over the months of the creation of this conversation.

11 Ulrike Freitag and Achim von Oppen, Translocality: The Study of Globalising Processes from a Southern Perspective, Leiden, Boston, Brill, “Studies in Global Social History”, 2010.

12 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 396.

13 Adam McKeown, “Africa and Global Patterns of Migration”, Journal of World History, 15, 2, 2004, p. 155190; Philip D. Curtin, “Africa and Global Patterns of Migration”, in Wang Gungwu (ed.), Global History and Migrations, Boulder-CO, Westview Press, 1997, p. 6394; Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet (eds), Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014, p. 1947.

14 Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007.

15 Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2003; Christopher Endy, Cold War Holidays: American Tourism in France, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2004; Anne E. Gorsuch, All This Is Your World: Soviet Tourism at Home and Abroad after Stalin, New York, Oxford University Press, 2011; Diane P. Koenker, Club Red: Vacation Travel and the Soviet Dream, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2013; David Leheny, The Rules of Play: National Identity and the Shaping of Japanese Leisure, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2003; Eun-Young Song, “The Politics of Leisure Culture and Mass Consumption in 1970s”, Journal of Korean Modern Literature, 50, 2013, p. 39-72; Eun-Young Song, “The Politics of Leisure Culture in 1960s”, Kyemyung Korean Studies Journal, 51, 2013, p. 71-98.

16 Lauren A. Benton, “How to Write the History of the World”, Historically Speaking, 5, 4, 2004, p. 5.

17 Sebastian Conrad, What is global history?, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2016.

18 Bernhard Struck, Kate Ferris and Jacques Revel, “Introduction: Space and Scale in Transnational History”, The International History Review, 33, 4, December 2011, p. 573.

19 Jeremy Adelman, “What is Global History now? Historians cheered Globalism with Work about Cosmopolitans and Border-Crossing, but the Power of Place never went away”, Aeon.com, March 2, 2017.

20 The questions historians pose are linked to the times in which they live. Ranke and other founders of history as an academic discipline were nationalists, and nationalism was what drove the professional study of history at universities from its inception. Many of us today live transnational lives that inform our work. Concordantly, the study of history increasingly helps explain the globalized world around us with its time-space compression and global integration yet persistent segregation and exclusion. Our writing from a global citizen's perspective is an idealistic and privileged position in a world that increasingly monitors and restricts migration movements and highlights difference. It is also a privileged position in terms of research funding enabling our multi-sited fieldwork. But, feeding a new global consciousness with historic material is an important endeavor precisely to push back against such differentiation and/or to historicize it. We see global history playing an increasingly important role on the academic job market and in the classroom; perhaps global history is the new areas studies, though I hope this will be an add-on rather than a reductive process; in my view these are interdependent areas.

21 Natalie Zemon Davis, “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”, History and Theory, 50, 2, 2011, p. 192.

22 During the forum “The Potential of Global History” (September 9th, 2015) held during the Tokyo Summer School, the scholars present interpreted and proposed potentials of global history: the increasing demands for global integration and connection; a movement beyond the world as a whole; global history not as comparative history or total history but as world history, bearing in mind its substantial entanglement, interconnectedness, and even interdependency; a strategy toward a new world history for which collaboration and communication among scholars is needed. In this discussion, global history implied not necessarily world history but more a perspective to reflect on and to leave aside any kind of centrism.

23 Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2005; Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels PPetersson, Globalization: A Short History, translated by Dona Geyer, Princeton-NJ, Princeton University Press, 2009.

24 Ji-hyung Cho, “Reconceptualizing History and the Future of Global History”, The Korean Historical Review (The Yoksa Hakbo), 200, 2008, p. 201-230; Jie-hyun Lim, “Mapping Global History-A Conference Report on ʻGlobal History from a Global Perspectiveʼ ”, Critical Review of History (Yoksa Bipyung), 83, 2008 p. 409-421; Hye-Jeong Park, “One Globe, Multiple Global History: World/Global History as Inter-History, World System Theory, Global History from Below History”, The Korean Historical Review (The Yoksa Hakbo), 214, 2012, p. 295-327.

25 Jürgen Osterhammel, “Globalizations”, in Jerry H. Bentley (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of World History, New York, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 95.

26 A well-known male backpacker moved to the United States and opened his own photo studio in New Jersey, according to the information given by his relatives as of 2010 and 2016. Another female backpacker who often appeared in mass media until the mid-1990s, moved to Tanzania and ran a travel agency, according to her brother. However, this information is based on information provided online by third persons, i.e. their close relatives. As these early backpackers were ordinary college students at the time and have not been in the public eye for more than twenty years, it is not easy to trace their life histories.

27 Although the main research material of this group tour was the travel essay collection, I conducted an informal interview with two male participants of the trip. One of them went to China during the study tour, became more interested in China, and now works in business with Chinese counterparts. Another former participant went to Europe, and after graduating, he went on to purse his degree in the U.K. Again, similarly to the backpackers, the study tour participants were also ordinary college students whose current lives and information remain mostly veiled.

28 Simon Cooke, “Inner Journeys: Travel Writing as Life Writing”, in Carl Thompson (ed.), The Routledge Companion to Travel Writing, New York, Routledge, 2016, p. 15.

29 Carl Thompson, Travel Writing, New York, Routledge, 2011, p. 2.

30 Mary Louise Pratt’s Imperial Eyes:Travel Writing and Transculturation, an influential historical work on travel writing in the milieu of European imperial expansion to America from the 1750s is a good example to stimulate thoughts on the possible differences or commonalities of biography and travel writing. Through the stories of cultural encounters of a botanist, a capitalist, an intellectual, female writers, and local creoles and elites, Pratt calls our attention to the different but intersecting gazes that disclose the narrative of imperialism and its consequences. She approaches travel writing not as a “genre”, a closed text of literature, but as historical material “to suggest its heterogeneity and its interaction with other kinds of expression” of the time (Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, London, Routledge, 2007, p. 12). The interaction of text with its context – the era, or possibly, global history of the time, was more important to her project than other conventions. The difference of travel writing and biography here is perhaps its emphasis on the function of travel writing that actively interacted with and engaged in both European and “American” society by conveying and formulating certain imaginaries of the Other.

31 This is also relevant to the research of travel writing in the field of Korean studies. In particular, Korean literature scholars (among many, see Cha 2004, Son 2008, Kim 2011, Kim 2007, and Jung 2011) have actively produced historical case studies on traveling experience and mobility, focusing on the writers and intellectuals and their pieces of work in modern history mainly from the early 1900s to 1960s. In these studies, ‘the mobile youth’ – mostly intellectuals, artists, writers, and study abroad students – are the key actors who shared their experience of border-crossing and cross-cultural encounters with the Korean people at home. Their accounts reveal how the geographic imagination in the past was intermingled with its geopolitical backdrop and how travel literature functioned as a discursive space as well as the intermediary that tells about such time and space. Epstein (2011)’s research on a very influential female travel writer is another rarely found case study of travel writing embedded in a more contemporary context. He also approached travel writing focusing on disseminating knowledge about the world back home, pointing to the embedded nationalist narrative entwined with the cosmopolitan vision. Not many researchers worked on the travel experience from 1960s to 1980s in South Korea, most likely related to the legal ban of overseas travel during that period.

32 He greatly enjoyed a domestic trip around the country in 1977 with a 22-23 year-old “German friend”, whom he met in Seoul by chance. Through his budget traveling foreign friend, he learned that budget travel, namely “a penniless journey”, was exciting and feasible to any place, be it Europe, the U.S., or Southeast Asia.

33 Soyang is a word that included the meanings of courtesy, knowledge, manner, and culture. When one says ‘someone has soyang’, it implies that this person is learned or cultivated and has a relevant knowledge.

34 “The Achievement of the Communist-bloc Trip for College Students and Professors”, Munkyo Haengchŏng (The Education Administration), 1990, p. 45-46.

35 The information presented here is drawn from various interviews and conversations conducted by Marcia C. Schenck with Juma Madeira between January and June 2014 in Maputo, Mozambique.

36 The illiteracy rate dropped from 93 % in 1974 to 70 % in 1980 with the greatest gain by men between 10-24, see Johnston 1984, cited in Anton Johnston, “Adult Literacy for Development in Mozambique”, African Studies Review, 33, 3,1990, p. 91. This pertains to the cohort of Mozambican migrant workers to the GDR. They had to have completed fourth grade education, among other criteria, in order to sign up. In Mozambique this was still a relative high standard of education, however, for German standards it was low and partly explains resulting difficulties with the German curricula that led many Mozambican trainees to only partially qualify.

37 Hauke Dorsch, “Rites of Passage Overseas?: On the Sojourn of Mozambican Students and Scholars in Cuba”, Africa Spectrum, 43, 2, 2008, p. 225-244; Christine Hatzky, “Kubaner in Angola: Süd-Süd Kooperation und Bildungstransfer 1976-1991”, München, Oldenburg Verlag, 2012; Tanja Müller, Legacies of Socialist Solidarity: East Germany in Mozambique, Lanham-MD, Lexington Books, 2014.

38 Marcia C. Schenck, “From Luanda and Maputo to Berlin: Uncovering Angolan and Mozambican Migrants' Motives to Move to the German Democratic Republic (1979-1990)”, African Economic History, 44, 2016, p. 203-234; Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c.1860-1910, Portsmouth-NH, Heinemann, 1994; Maylin Newitt, A History of Mozambique, London, Hurst and Company, 1995, p. 482-516.

39 Marcia C. Schenck, Socialist Solidarities and Their Afterlives: Histories and Memories of Angolan and Mozambican Migrants in the German Democratic Republic, 1975-2015, PhD Dissertation, Princeton University, 2017, p. 110-114.

40 Joao Paulo Borges Coelho, “Politics and Contemporary History in Mozambique: A Set of Epistemological Notes”, Kronos, 39, 1, 2013, p. 20-31.

41 Marcia C. Schenck., “Ostalgie in Mosambik: Erinnerungen ehemaliger mosambikanischer Vertragsarbeiter in der DDR [Ostalgie in Mozambique: Memories of former Mozambican contract workers to the GDR]”, Südlink, 43, 2015, p. 21-23.

42 Tracing life histories also allows us to question existing assumptions about meso and macro developments. For instance, looking at the life course of these young Angolan and Mozambican men and women who chose to migrate to East Germany, we see that they were mobile in more than just one way. During their lifetimes, many migrated internally in their home countries for educational possibilities and to flee the war affected areas. They signed up for a transcontinental labor and apprentice program to the GDR. Once in East Germany, many of them crisscrossed the country to maintain their emotional home networks and create new host networks. The majority of workers returned home after serving one or two contracts but for a significant number, the stay was cut short by German reunification and the subsequent annulment of the GDR labor and training program. For the overwhelming majority of Angolans and Mozambicans this turned out to be a circular migration as planned, however, a few stayed in Germany or moved on to other countries. Linking all of these forms of mobility (internally displaced war refugee, educational migrant, labor migrant, tourist) illustrates that we cannot distinguish as neatly among different forms of mobility as migration studies seems to suggest and that we would do well to develop models that allow for the combination of forms of mobility by individual actors – especially relevant also for reconceptualizing today’s migrant crisis: rethinking war refugees also as educational and economic migrants and part of affective and kin networks allows for different integration measures.

43 Francesca Trivellato, “Is There a Future for Italian Microhistory in the Age of Global History?”, California Italian Studies, 2, 1, 2011.p. 21.

44 Kenji Sato, Ronbun no Kadikaka, 論文の書き方, (A way to write academic writing), Tokyo, Koubundou 2014, p. 131.

45 The temporal scale mainly includes two levels; the “long 1980s” as a transitional moment, extending to the late 1970s and early 1990s, and the periods of travel as a liminal time and space ranging from seven days and eight nights to eleven days and twelve nights for short-term group trips and lasting up to one hundred days in the case of the backpackers The geographical scale encompasses Korea and travelers’ destinations including major cities in Western Europe such as London, Paris, and Berlin, Japan, China and Hong Kong, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Russia, India, and Southeast Asian countries including Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand.

46 Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York, Pantheon Books, 2007, p. 300.

47 Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet (eds), Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014, p. 20.

48 Joseph Calder Miller, “Historical Appreciation of the Biographical Turn”, in Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet (eds), Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014, p. 1455.

49 Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York, Pantheon Books, 2007; Tonio Andrade, “A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory”, Journal of World History, 21, 4, 2010; Lisa A. Lindsay and John Wood Sweet, Biography and the Black Atlantic, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2014; Emma Rothschild, The inner life of empires : an eighteenth-century history, Princeton-N.J, Princeton University Press, 2011.

50 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p. 528.

51 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p. 580.

52 We have been talking about biography, where the tension between individual and context is even more pronounced. I situate my approach between a collective biography and prosopography. I am interested in the individuals in their complexity and am zooming in on individual lives in my narrative, but I remain fundamentally interested in the group experience of the workers and therefore analyze them together as a unit (or units e.g. Angolan and Mozambican, first generation and later generation, male and female). Therefore, the workers remain the unit of analysis to be related to the various geographic scales, (hometown, region, and country, place of work in East Germany, travel experience in Europe, return to home country, further regional migration); to various temporal scales (lifecourse: childhood, youth, adulthood, old age, and politico-economic periodization: colonialism, independence, one-party state, socialism, capitalism, multiparty democracy); to various relational scales (family, home networks, work network, migratory networks, activism networks).

53 Cited in Hans Erich Bödeker, Beatrix Borchard and Willem Frijhoff (eds), Biographie schreiben, Göttingen, Wallstein Verlag, “Göttinger Gespräche zur Geschichtswissenschaft”, 18, 2003.

54 Lois W. Banner, “AHR Roundtable: Biography as History”, American Historical Review, 114, 3, 2009, p. 583.

55 Natalie Zemon Davis, “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”, History and Theory, 50, 2, 2011, p. 90.

56 Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History, in Robert Perks and Alistair Thompson (eds), The Oral History Reader, third edition, Oxford-UK, New York-NY, Routledge, 2016, p. 34.

57 https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication-series/critical-oral-history-conference-series-0, accessed November 15 2017. I wish to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for pointing us to this resource.

58 https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication-series/critical-oral-history-conference-series-0, accessed November 15 2017, p. 131.

59 Gordon Mathews, Ghetto at the Center of the World: Chungking Mansions, Hong Kong, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2011.

60 Miles Ogborn, Global Lives: Britain and the World, 1550-1800, Cambridge-UK, Cambridge-MA, Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 9.

61 Frederick Cooper, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2005, p. 91.

62 Heonik Kwon, The Other Cold War, New York, Columbia University Press, 2010, p. 11.

63 Terence O. Ranger, “Toward a Usable African Past”, in C. H. Fyfe (ed.), African Studies since 1945: A Tribute to Basil Davidson, London, Longman, 1976, p. 2839.

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Marcia C. Schenck et Jiyoon Kim, « A Conversation about Global Lives in Global History: South Korean overseas travelers and Angolan and Mozambican laborers in East Germany during the Cold War », L’Atelier du Centre de recherches historiques [En ligne], 18 | 2018, mis en ligne le 21 février 2018, consulté le 23 juin 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acrh/8113 ; DOI : 10.4000/acrh.8113

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Marcia C. Schenck

Marcia C. Schenck received her PhD in history at Princeton University (September 2017). Her dissertation is entitled Socialist Solidarities and their Aftermath: Histories and Memories of Angolan and Mozambican migrants to the German Democratic Republic, 1975-2015. Currently, she is a fellow of the international research center for Work and Human Lifecycle in Global History, re:work, at the Humboldt University, Berlin where she is turning her dissertation into a book about labor migration from Angola and Mozambique to the GDR. Her research interests include global history, the history of migration, African history, and oral and life history. She recently published “A chronology of nostalgia: memories of former Angolan and Mozambican worker trainees to East Germany,” Labor History, 59, 3, 2018, published online and “From Luanda and Maputo to Berlin. Uncovering Angolan and Mozambican Migrants’ Motives to Move to the German Democratic Republic (1979–1990),” African Economic History, 44, 1, 2016, p. 202-234. She can be contacted at schenmar [arobase] hu-berlin [point] de

Jiyoon Kim

Jiyoon Kim is a PhD candidate in the Graduate School of Interdisciplinary Information Studies, University of Tokyo and a visiting fellow at the Institute of Korean Studies of Yonsei University in Seoul. She is currently working on her dissertation “Aspiration and Anxiety of Globalizing: the Cultural Politics of Overseas Travel in South Korea in the 1980s” (working title). Her research interest includes politics of tourism, global imagination, experience of globalization, and historical cultural studies. Her contact information is: jiyoonkim0119 [arobase] gmail [point] com

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