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Bâ, A. H., Daget, J., 1984 [1955], L’Empire peul du Macina (1818-1953), Abidjan-Paris, Les Nouvelles Éditions africaines-Éditions de l’EHESS [Dakar, Institut français d’Afrique noire, « Études soudanaises », n° 3].
Barry, I., 1993, Le royaume de Bandiagara, 1864-1893: Le pouvoir, le commerce et le Coran dans le Soudan nigérian au 19ème siècle, PhD Dissertation, École des hautes études en sciences sociales.
Baumgardt, U., 1994, “La représentation de l'Autre. L'exemple du répertoire d'une conteuse peule de Garoua (Cameroun)”, Cahiers d'études africaines, 34 (133/135), p. 295-311.
Bazin, J., 1975, “Guerre et servitude à Sigou”, in C. Meillassoux (ed.), L'esclavage en Afrique précoloniale, Paris, François Maspero, p. 135-181.
Bott, R., Schmitz, J., “Paradoxes identitaires”, Cahiers d'études africaines, 34 (133/135), p. 7-22.
Brown, W., 1969, The Caliphate of Hamdullahi ca. 1818–1864, PhD Dissertation, University of Wisconsin.
Caron, E., 1891, De Saint-Louis au port de Tombouktou: voyage d’une canonnière française, Dijon, Imp. Darantiere.
Diallo, Y., 1997, Les Fulbe du Boobola, Köln, Köppe.
Dupire, M., “Identité ethnique e processus d’incorporation tribale et étatique”, Cahiers d'études africaines, 34 (133/135), p. 265-280.
El Hamel, C., 2013, Black Morocco: A history of slavery race, and Islam, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Gemery, H., Hogendorn, J., 1974, “The Atlantic slave trade: A tentative economic model”, Journal of African History, 15 (2), p. 223-246.
Hall, B.S., 2011, A history of race in Muslim West Africa, 1600–1960, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Hanson, J., 1997, “Islam, ethnicity and Fulbe-Mande relations”, in M. de Bruijn, H. van Dijk (eds.), Peuls et Mandingues: dialectiques des constructions identitaires, Paris, Karthala, p. 85-97.
Hanson, J., 1996, Migration, jihad, and Muslim authority in West Africa, Bloomington, Indiana University Press.
Houdas, O., Delafosse, M. (eds. and trans.), 1913, Tārīkh al-fattāsh fī akhbār al-bldān wa-al-juyūsh wa-akābir al-nās, Paris, E. Leroux.
Hubbel, A., 2001, “A view of the slave trade from the margin: Souroudougou in the late nineteenth-century slave trade of the Niger bend”, The Journal of African History, 42 (1), p. 25-47.
Irwin, P., 1981, Liptako speaks: History from oral tradition in Africa, Princeton, Princeton University Press.
Khaldūn, A., Juwaydī, D., 2015, Muqaddimat Ibn Khaldūn, Beirut: al-Maktabah al-ʻAṣrīyah.
Johnson, M., 1976, “The economic foundations of an Islamic theocracy – The case of Macina”, The Journal of African History, 17 (4), p. 481-496.
Levtzion, N., 1971, “A seventeenth-century chronicle by Ibn al-Mukhtār: A critical study of Ta’rīkh al-fattāsh”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 34 (3), p. 571-93.
Mahibou, S.M., Triaud, J.L., 1983, Voilà ce qui est arrivé – Bayân mâ waqa`a d’al-Hâgg `Umar al-Fûtî: plaidoyer pour une guerre sainte en Afrique de l’Ouest au xixe siècle, Paris, Centre régional de publication de Paris, Éditions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique.
Mayor, A., 1997, “Les rapports entre la Diina peul du Maasina et les populations du Delta intérieur du Niger, vus au travers de traditions historiques et des fouilles archéologiques”, in M. de Bruijn, H. van Dijk (eds.), Peuls et Mandingues : dialectiques des constructions identitaires, Paris, Karthala, p. 33-60.
Meillassoux, C., 1991, The anthropology of slavery: The womb of iron and gold, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press.
Monteil, C., 1903, Monographie de Djenné, cercle et ville, Tulle, Imp. Mazeyre.
Monteil, C., 1932, Une cité soudanaise. Djenné, métropole du delta central du Niger, Paris, Société d’Éditions Géographiques, Maritimes et Coloniales.
Nobili, M., Malthee, M.S., 2015, “Towards a new study of the so-called Tārīkh al-fattāsh”, History in Africa, 4, p. 37-73.
Nobili, M., 2020, Sultan, caliph and the renewer of the faith: Aḥmad Lobbo, the Tārīkh al-fattāsh and the making of an Islamic state in West Africa, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Ochonu, M., 2014, Colonialism by proxy: Hausa imperial agents and middle belt consciousness in Nigeria, Bloomington, University of Indiana Press.
Perinbam, B.M., 1997, “‘Animist’/Islamized imaging in the western Sudan”, in M. de Bruijn, H. van Dijk (eds.), Peuls et Mandingues: dialectiques des constructions identitaires, Paris, Karthala, p. 101-128.
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Reyna, S.P., 1990, Wars without end: The political economy of a precolonial African state, Hanover, University of New Hampshire/University Press of New England.
Roberts, R., 1980, “Production and reproduction of warrior states: Segu Bambara and Segu Tokolor, c. 1712-I890”, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 13 (3), p. 389-419.
Robinson, D., 1985, The holy war of Umar Tal, Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Sanankoua, B., 1990, Un empire peul au xixe siècle: la Diina du Maasina, Paris, Karthala.
Syed, A., 2020, “Between jihād and history: Reconceptualizing the Islamic revolutions of west Africa”, in F. Ngom, M.H. Kurfi, T. Falola (eds.), The Palgrave handbook of Islam in Africa, London, Palgrave.
Webb, J., 1995, Desert Frontier: Ecological and economic change along the Western Sahel, 1600-1850, Madison, University of Wisconsin Press.
Zehnle, S., 2015, A geography of jihad, jihadist concepts of space and Sokoto warfare (west Africa ca. 1800–1850), PhD Dissertation, Universität Kassel.
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Notes
A pastoral people who have migrated across the African Sahel (sg. Pullo, pl. Fulbe, adj. Fulbe) They are often referred to as Peul in French sources, and Fula or Fulani in British sources.
The main reference work for the history of Ḥamdallāhi is A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984.
D. Robinson, 1985 is the main secondary source on the history of al-ḥājj ‘Umar’s movement.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 121-126.
I use the term jihad to describe wars, but only by way of pointing out that certain belligerents thought of their efforts as fitting into this category. Jihad is not a fixed concept in Islam and jihads must be understood in their individual contexts. See, A. Syed, 2020, p. 107-108.
The word “pagan” appears in quotes to signal that this was an historic argument about unbelief applied to Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
J. Hanson, 1996, p. 9.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 81-89.
L. Alkaly and J. Alessandra, 2020; I. Khaldūn and D. Juwaydī, 2015.
J. Webb, 1995, p. 22-26.
B.S. Hall, 2011, p. 52-53.
C. Hamel, 2013.
A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984; D. Robinson, 1985; M. Dupire, 1994; R. Botte and J. Schmitz, 1994; B.S. Hall, 2011; M. Ochonu, 2014.
A. Mayor, 1997, p. 38.
Ibid., p. 39.
A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 280.
Malian Arabic Manuscript Microfilm Project, Tārīkh Jenne (Yale University, 1976), reel 7.
Jenne likely submitted to Ahmad Lobbo’s authority shortly after the second siege in 1821; see A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 151.
Using non-Muslim Bobo archers would also have allowed Ahmad Lobbo to sidestep Islamic prohibitions against using poison in warfare. See W. Brown, 1969, p. 204, note 51.
B.S. Hall, 2011, p. 70-73.
The textual history of the Tārīkh al-fattāsh was long debated by Arabists of an earlier generation. The authors on the only available edition and translation (O.V. Houdas and M. Delafosse, 1913) argued that the chronicle was a 16th century chronicle slightly modified in later centuries. Accepted by many, this theory was criticized by N. Levtzion, 1971 who convincingly argued that the available edition combined a 17th-century document and a version of it that was manipulated in the 19th century to look like an 16th-century one. Based on previously unexamined documentary evidence, however, Mauro Nobili and Mohamed Shahid Mathee argued convincingly that the Tārīkh al-fattāsh is a 19th-century manuscript in its entirety, and that its authorship by the 16th-century scholar Maḥmūd Ka‘ti was falsified by the 19th-century scholar Nūḥ b. al-Ṭāhir to lend legitimacy to Aḥmad Lobbo and forge “inherited” rights over Ḥamdallāhi’s servile populations: M. Nobili and M.S. Mathee, 2015. For a full story of the Tārīkh al-fattāsh, see M. Nobili, 2020.
Institut de France, Fonds de Gironcourt, ms. 2406 (56-60) / XVI, Aḥmad Lobbo, Manshūra fī istirqāq al-zanj.
B.S. Hall, 2011, p. 71, note 5.
ANOM FP Fonds Gaden, “Personal correspondence, Bandiagara 20-25 June 1895”; emphasis mine; for modern understanding of the word habe among the Fulbe in neighboring Liptako, see P. Irwin, 1981, p. 14.
S. Zehnle, 2015, p. 173.
U. Baumgardt, 1994, p. 295-311.
S. Zehnle, 2015, p. 174.
M. Ochonu, 2014, p. 9.
M. Johnson, 1976, p. 486.
ANS 15G 172, “Rapport sur le délimitation des États d’Aguibou et Ahmadou Abdoul, 1894”; ANS 1G 213, Lt. Montgard; ANS 1G 213, “Mission à Ahmadu Abdoul Roi de Fion”, 1896.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 282.
In the instances where names did not appear in Arabic sources, I have written them as they appear in French sources.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 263.
For a description of Aḥmad III and al-Bakkāy’s opposition to the ‘Umarian conquest of Segu, see D. Robinson, 1985, p. 262-263.
S.M. Mahibou and J.L. Triaud, 1983.
B.M. Perinbam, 1997, p. 102; J. Hanson, 1997, p. 85-97.
Bakhunu was a region to Kaarta’s east with significant Soninke population. Al-ḥājj ‘Umar argued that this Soninke population and others nearer to Segu were not Muslim because they mixed Islamic and “pagan” practice. See S.M. Mahibou and J.L. Triaud, 1983.
al-ḥājj ‘Umar constructed the Soninke as muḥarubūn (warriors). Triaud and Mahibou have focused on how al-ḥājj ‘Umar used the word muḥarubūn to emphasize his argument that Muslim practice among the Soninke was lax. In the passage below, al-ḥājj ‘Umar stresses that the muharibun are warriors who practice banditry. They “take from unbelievers and Muslims alike” references their indiscriminate theft rather than mixing religious practice.
The following translation from Arabic is my own, from the original text published in S.M. Mahibou and J.L. Triaud, 1983, p. 99: fol. 12 verso; emphasis mine.
S.M. Mahibou and J.L. Triaud, 1983, p. 107-138.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 295.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 298.
B. Sanankoua, 1990, p. 155.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 287.
A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 248-249. Bâ communicated his conclusion that the Ḥamdallāhi was divided between a military and a scholarly elite directly to William Brown: see W. Brown, 1969, p. 231, note 9.
A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 249.
C. Monteil, 1932, p. 112.
Yousouf Diallo argues that Ḥamdallāhi’s interventions in the Boobola had a significant economic dimension and cannot be understood solely in the contexts of Islamization: Y. Diallo, 1997, p. 188.
A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 72.
Ibid., p. 266.
Ibid., p. 265-266.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 297.
Aḥmad II’s four brothers—ʿAbd Allāh, Muḥammad, ‘Abd al-Salām, and ‘Abd al-Raḥmān—were all potential successors, according to the practice of fraternal succession. ʿAbd Allāh, also known as Allaye, posed the greatest threat to Ba Lobbo. He was revered for his erudition and supported by Nūḥ b. al-Ṭāhir, the author of the Ta’rīkh al-fattāsh. See W. Brown, 1969, p. 231, note 10, and A.H. Bâ and J. Daget, 1984, p. 286.
Citing Ba, Brown notes that Aḥmad III “was completely under the control of the military aristocracy”: W. Brown, 1969, p. 229, note 54.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 308.
Ibid., p. 309.
Field notes, Bandiagara, August 2015. See also, V. Petit, 1997, p. 215.
I. Barry, 1993, p. 401; E. Caron, 1891, p. 200.
Ali Campo claimed that the Bambara prince of Bore was Tijānī’s first ally in the region, Interview with Ali Campo, Mopti, 2015. W. Brown also notes that certain Bambara villages in the Kunari enjoyed political power over Fulbe and Songhay populations until Aḥmad Lobbo established the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi, and that these Bambara rulers returned to power through their alliance with Tijānī Tal (Ahmad al-Tijan). W. Brown, 1969, p. 53. See also I. Barry, 1993, p. 402.
ANOM, SEN IV 114 a, “Lt. Caron to Col. Gallieni, November 1887”; see also E. Caron, 1891, p. 176.
E. Caron, 1891, p. 183.
Ibid.
The Bozo were among the “servile” groups inherited by Aḥmad Lobbo, according to the Tārīkh al-fattāsh. Marion Johnson notes that the Bozo who had supported Aḥmad Lobbo from the start were exempt from the jamgal tax placed on crown slaves, but that the rest were considered crown slaves, and that all Bozo were considered crown slaves by the Futanke: M. Johnson, 1976, p. 483. See also C. Monteil, 1903, p. 297, 338.
E. Caron, 1891, p. 137.
I. Barry, 1993, p. 475; E. Caron, 1891, p. 292. See also M. Johnson, 1976, p. 494.
ANOM, SEN IV 144 a, “Report from Caron to Commandant supérieur Gallieni, Bamako, November, 1887”. Caron also stopped at a village near Mopti inhabited by “Peuls de Macina transportés”: ANOM, SEN IV 114 a, “Report from Caron to the Chef de bataillon, Commandants de cercles, Commandant supérieur 31 October 1887”.
I. Barry, 1993, p. 471.
ANOM, SEN IV 114 A, “Lt. Caron to Col. Gallieni, November 1887”; see also E. Caron, Voyage, p. 176.
W. Brown, 1969, p. 155.
I. Barry, 1993, p. 407.
For the execution of ‘Abd al-Salām, see W. Brown, 1969, p. 235, note 30. For the death of Ba Lobbo, see I. Barry, 1993, p. 478-484.
ANS 15G 172, “Rapport sur la délimitation des États d’Aguibou et Ahmadou Abdoul, 1894”.
Using the Tarikh al-Fittuga, Brown dates the Battle of Nemende to 1874: W. Brown, 1969. Barry dates the same battle to 1871–72: I. Barry, 1993.
I. Barry, 1993, p. 446.
Ibid.
ANOM FM SOUD I cahier c, “Télégramme, Commandant supérieur à Gouverneur de Saint Louis, 12 Fév. 1891”; ANS 1G 149, “Mission Spitzer au Mossi, 1890”.
Y. Diallo, 1997, p. 87.
A. Hubbel, 2001, p. 35.
Y. Diallo, 1997, p. 75.
ANS 15G 172, “Rapport sur la délimitation des États d’Aguibou et Ahmadou Abdoul, 1894”; ANS 1G 213, Lt. Montgard, “ANS 1G 213, Mission à Ahmadu Abdoul Roi de Fion, 1896”.
ANS 1G 213, Lt. Montgard, “Mission à Ahmadou Abdoul…”.
See especially H. Gemery and J. Hogendorn, 1974, p. 223-246. See also R. Roberts, 1980; C. Meillassoux, 1991; S. Reyna, 1990; J. Bazin, 1975.
D. Robinson, 1985, p. 183.
IFAN, Fonds Vieillard, Cahier 5, Ibrahima Cam, “Souvenirs de Banjagara”. Bandiagara was sometimes able exact a tribute from Diankabu, but its leaders routinely sought to undermine Futanke control in their region.
Field notes, Bandiagara, August 2015. There are photos of the Dogon mosques in the palace of Aguibu Tal in Bandiagara. These were supposedly built in Dogon villages for two reasons: firstly, so the Dogon could avoid the taxes placed on non-Muslims; and secondly, because Tijānī hoped the mosques would encourage conversions.
ANM ID-5, “Notice générale sur le Soudan - Notice sur la région Sud 1895–1899”; ANM 2M-56, Cercle de Bandiagara, 1905–1920; I. Barry, 1993, p. 534.
C. Monteil, 1903, p. 108; C. Monteil, 1932, p. 152.
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