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New Studies of the Structure and the Texts of Abba Garima Ethiopian Gospels

Nouvelles études sur la structure et les textes des évangiles éthiopiens d’Abba Garima
Sergey Kim

Résumés

Cet article présente une étude codicologique des trois anciens évangiles éthiopiens du monastère d'Abba Garima. L'auteur réorganise la séquence des folios désordonnés des manuscrits dans des tableaux détaillés, propose un nouveau système de foliation et établit la notice descriptive de chaque manuscrit. Une étude attentive de chaque folio a permis de découvrir les numéros originaux des cahiers. De même, des annotations liturgiques originales et ultérieures ont été découvertes dans les marges des folio. Certaines de ces rubriques liturgiques utilisent une écriture consonantique non vocalisée rare. Des tableaux détaillés des péricopes de l'Évangile et des dates de leur usage liturgique accompagnent les descriptions, de même qu'une discussion sur le système du lectionnaire et sur la terminologie liturgique attestée par les rubriques. L'auteur discute également des caractéristiques philologiques de deux textes subsidiaires inclus à l'origine dans les manuscrits d'Abba Garima, le « Discours sur l'harmonie des Évangiles » et la « Lettre de Carpianus » d'Eusèbe de Césarée. L'article contient pour finir une édition, une traduction anglaise et un commentaire historique succinct de trois notes de donation des XVe-XVIe siècles, jusqu'ici inédites.

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Texte intégral

The study was financed by the project ANR EthioChrisProcess: Christianisation et interactions religieuses en Éthiopie (VIe-XIIIe s.), in 2019-2020, and IRIS Scripta-PSL. Histoire et pratiques de l’écrit, in 2020-2021 (https://scripta.psl.eu/projets/lectures-liturgiques-et-usages-memoriels-des-manuscrits-des-evangiles-dabba-garima-ethiopie-vi-xvie-s/). I warmly thank the project supervisors Anaïs Wion and Marie-Laure Derat for scientific advice and bibliographical help, as well as Alessandro Bausi for helping obtain reproductions of the Abba Garima Gospels and Nafisa Valieva for fruitful discussions. Special thanks go to Michael Gervers for giving permission to use his photographs of manuscripts and to Alexei Pentkovsky for consulting on liturgical matters. I am grateful to two anonymous reviewers who helped a lot to correct mistakes and elucidate the exposition.

  • 1 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 32-37 for an overview of studies by art historians, and 67-1 (...)

1This article provides a catalogue-type description of the three Ge’ez manuscripts of the Gospels preserved to this day in the Abba Garima monastery, which is located next to the Ethiopian town of Adwa. An early dating of two of the three manuscripts was proposed by art historians on the basis of the miniatures and confirmed in 2000 and in 2012 by Jacques Mercier on the grounds of carbon-14 analysis. Two manuscripts date back to the 4th-7th century AD; the third manuscript was not analysed but is believed to be of a later date. Even before Mercier’s carbon-14 tests, several art historians proposed “Aksumite” dating of the Gospels, on the grounds of the illustrated Canon Tables and portraits of Evangelists.1

  • 2 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-64; R. Zuurmond, 2001, p. 8-10; B.M. Wechsler, 2005, p. xv-xxi; see a (...)
  • 3 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a (introduction), R. Zuurmond, 1989b (Gospel of Mark), and R. Zuurmond, 2001 ( (...)
  • 4 B.M. Wechsler, 2005 (Gospel of John).
  • 5 For a résumé of results of recent research on this ancient recension, see R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum, 2 (...)
  • 6 On recension Aa, see R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-56.
  • 7 On recension Ab, see R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 57-64.
  • 8 R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 62.
  • 9 R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum, 2013, p. 237.
  • 10 M.A. Knibb, 1999, p. 46-54.

2The three Abba Garima Gospels A, B, and C themselves (see below for the explanation of the sigla) preserve the most ancient recension of the Gospel text;2 Zuurmond3 and Wechsler4 base their critical editions of the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and John on it. Recent scholarship has confirmed the existence of a Greek Vorlage for this very recension;5 the manuscripts Abba Garima A and C present the most ancient state of text directly based on Greek (called “Aa” by Zuurmond),6 whereas Abba Garima B contains a somewhat modified variant of recension “A” (called “Ab” by Zuurmond)7 where the majority of divergent readings “must be ascribed to editorial activity of Ethiopian scribes”.8 The translation was made on a Greek original, but the quality of the translation was not always ideal (“without a doubt the translators had poor facility in the Greek language and yet had nothing other than a Greek Vorlage to hand”).9 This explains numerous later adaptations and redactional endeavours that surround the New Testament texts in the Ethiopian context. It is important to note that this very Ethiopian recension “A” is used in 6th-century inscriptions;10 this fact (together with the early carbon-14 dating of Abba Garima Gospels) makes the recension “A” a major witness of the Aksumite period of Ethiopian literature.

  • 11 For a recent introduction to the study of biblical paratexts, see P. Andrist, 2018.
  • 12 See A. Pentkovsky, 1996 and S. Royé, 2013 (especially p. 55-57), with bibliography.

3All the three manuscripts contain four canonical Gospels—namely, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John—with paratexts11 surrounding the biblical texts and also supplementary texts within the manuscripts of the Gospels (see the next paragraph); for this reason, we will call each of them “Tetraevangelium”, a technical term from New Testament Studies used to designate a Four Gospels book.12

  • 13 See the still classical study of the Greek tituli in H. Von Soden, 1911, p. 405-432.

4In all three manuscripts Abba Garima A, B, and C, the text of the Gospels is encircled and infiltrated by subsidiary materials of different nature: these consist of Prefaces, Gospel Canon tables of Eusebius of Caesarea, lists of Gospel Chapters (tituli or kephalaia),13 and various biblical apparatuses. All three manuscripts also contain liturgical rubrics that define the use of portions of the Gospel text (pericopes, readings) during liturgical offices.

  • 14 First published and commented in Getatchew Haile, 2016.

5Two of the three Gospels contain several non-liturgical notes that have no direct relation to the Gospel text and belong to later annotators; these are donation notes documenting important events in the economic and ecclesiastical history of the Abba Garima monastery.14

1. Historiographical landmarks

  • 15 D’Abbadie’s journal is preserved in the manuscripts BnF, Éthiopien d’Abbadie 265, 266, 267, 269, 27 (...)

6On 1 June 1842, Antoine d’Abbadie, one of the patriarchs of Ethiopian Studies in Europe, saw the Gospels during his visit to the Abba Garima monastery; he relates the details in his Journal.15 According to D’Abbadie, the Gospels were then bound in two volumes; he also observes that the folio order was disturbed. The note deserves to be reproduced here:

  • 16 We have slightly changed the diplomatic transcription of the note, consultable here: https://transc (...)

BnF, Éthiopien d’Abbadie 265, f. 115v (p. 279): Parmi les livres d’Abba Gⱥrima il n’y en a pas de plus intéressant que les évangiles d’or et d’argent écrits en deux jours par Abba Gⱥrima lui même. Leur écriture est d’une haute antiquité. L’un a une couverture en bois couverte de cuivre rouge embossé. L’autre, de tole aussi ornés de figures frappés en relief au marteau. On appelle le tole argent & le cuivre rouge or du moins cela m’a paru ainsi. Les coutures des feuillets ayant manqué on les a recousus à des onglets de parchemin mais dans cette opération on a interverti l’ordre des feuilles. L’écriture est certainement tout ce que j’ai vu de plus ancien en Abyssinie. À cette époque on n’avait aucune idée de faire des pleins et des liaisons comme aujourd’hui. L’encre est aussi d’une espèce différente et dans plus d’un endroit le corps des lettres a disparu pour ne laisser que leur contour comme une inscription vue de loin sur une pierre. Bien que la forme des lettres soit insolite on lit aisément. Je ne me rappelle pas s’il y a des nⱥkt et des nⱥtb mais sur la croix qui pleure les nⱥkt sont deux points horizontalement placés en non verticalement comme c’est l’usage aujourd’hui.16

  • 17 J. Leroy, 1960a.

7After 1842 no scholar seems to have given attention either to D’Abbadie’s information or to the manuscripts themselves, until Beatrice Playne in 1954 and Jules Leroy in 1960 made visits to the Abba Garima monastery and mentioned the presence of ancient Gospels.17 The most important dates can be listed as follows:

    • 18 See B. Playne, 1954, p. 101-106 and J. Leroy, 1960b.

    1954 – Inspection of the Abba Garima Gospels by Beatrice Playne;18

    • 19 J. Leroy, 1960a.

    1960 – The first mention in a scientific publication and the first photographs by Jules Leroy;19

    • 20 See D.M. Davies, 1987, p. 287.

    1968 – Mss. Abba Garima A, B, C photographed in black and white by Donald M. Davies;20

    • 21 W.F. Macomber, 1979, p. 1-11.

    1979 – Described in a catalogue by William F. Macomber on the basis of Davies’ photographs;21

    • 22 J. Mercier, 2000; see also M. Bailey, 2010.

    2000 – Carbon-14 analysis and new dating of the ms. Abba Garima C by Jacques Mercier;22

    • 23 See the Preface by Michael Gervers in J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. vii-xi.

    2005 – Mss. Abba Garima A, B, and C photographed almost entirely by Michael Gervers;23

    • 24 L. Capon, 2008.

    2006 – Repair and conservation interventions by Lester Capon;24

    • 25 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 40-41; see also M. Bailey 2013.

    2012 – Carbon-14 analysis of the ms. Abba Garima A and C by Mercier;25

  • 2012 – Mss. Abba Garima A and C photographed by the Hill Museum Manuscript Library.26

  • 27 A. Bausi, 2011.
  • 28 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.
  • 29 See also J. Mercier, 2020.

8Alessandro Bausi in a 2011 article27 and Judith McKenzie with a group of scholars in a 2016 monograph28 wrote a detailed history of rediscovery and study of the three Abba Garima Gospels. The latter reference contains numerous illustrations that reflect the progress made by art historians in the study of the artistic value of the three Gospels.29

  • 30 Getatchew Haile, 2016.

9In 2016 Getachew Haile30 published the first edition and translation of most donation notes preserved in mss. Abba Garima B and C.

10The present study aims at a new assessment of the materials contained in the three Abba Garima Gospels, on the ground of the complete sets of 1968, 2005, and 2012 photographs.

2. New sigla – new foliation

2.1 Sigla

11The three Abba Garima Gospels were still bound in two volumes (see ill. 1) when Davies took black and white photographs, as they had been a century earlier at the time of D’Abbadie’s visit. They received the titles of “Abba Garima (= AG) I”, “AG II”, and “AG III” in the pioneering catalogue of F. Macomber, 1979 (see concordance in Table 1).

12We propose here to call the three Gospels by Latin letters A, B, C, whereas the fragments from other manuscripts bound with the Abba Garima Gospels will receive sigla D, E, F, G (see ill. 2). This new nomenclature endeavours to describe the original state of the codicological units to the closest possible extent, excluding heterogenous elements and restoring the initial order of folios.

13Table 1 provides a synopsis of different nomenclatures in use until today.

  • 31 Partially after J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 33 (table 2.1).

Table 1 (Sigla concordance)31

  • 32 There are also new sigla D, E, F, G that correspond to fragments from manuscripts different from A, (...)

J. Leroy, 1960, J. Leroy, 1968

Garima I

Garima II

F. Macomber, 1979

Abba Garima (=AG) I

AG II

AG III

J. Mercier, 2000

AG 1

AG 3

AG 2

New sigla32

A

B

C

2.2 Foliation

  • 33 See corrections concerning AG III, f. 399A and 399B in J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 211-216 ((...)

14Because no physical foliation has ever been applied to the manuscripts, up to now one would refer either to Macomber’s siglum and foliation (the latter being corrected and completed recently by J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016),33 or to Mercier’s siglum followed by Macomber’s folio numbering. The shortcoming of Macomber’s foliation system was the fact that the ms. AG II and AG III were numbered subsequently (because of their common binding at the time they were catalogued by Macomber).

15In the new system of foliation, we propose to hold to a restored order of original sequence of manuscript folios; we base the new foliation on J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016 and on our own studies of the complete sets of photographs. The new folio numbers take into account only existing folios (no numbers are assigned to lost folios). In order to quote a folio from the Tetraevangeliums A, B, or C, we will refer to its siglum and the unique folio number—for example, Abba Garima A, f. 12 (earlier AG II, f. 258 or AG II-III, f. 258). One will note that at some points we had to reorganize the volumes, where the ancient or modern binders had mistakenly placed folios from a wrong volume.

16Tables 2-5 furnish detailed concordances between the new and old foliation systems for the Abba Garima Gospels.

17See Annexe 1: Table 2 (Foliation of Abba Garima A: new vs. Macomber/McKenzie)

18See Annexe 2: Table 3 (Foliation of Abba Garima B: new vs. Macomber/McKenzie)

19See Annexe 3: Table 4 (Foliation of Abba Garima C: new vs. Macomber/McKenzie)

20See Annexe 4: Table 5 (Foliation of Abba Garima D, E, F, G: new vs. Macomber/McKenzie)

3. Structure of the three Abba Garima Tetraevangeliums

21The new foliation allows us to create concise descriptions of the Abba Garima Gospels, where their original structure and later additions appear clearly. In what follows we limit ourselves to the manuscripts A, B, and C, leaving the heterogeneous units D, E, F, and G for later studies.

3.1 Manuscript A: description

22Siglum: A (previously AG I [‘Reel 1’, F. Macomber, 1979], AG 1 [J. Mercier, 2000], Manuscript 1 [R. Zuurmond, 1989b])

23Detailed title: Tetraevangelium with illuminations, introductory materials, biblical apparatuses and liturgical rubrics.

24Date: 530-660 AD (carbon-14 dated; see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 40-41; see also M- Bailey, 2013. Unfortunately, the results of the carbon-14 analysis obtained by Jacques Mercier in 2012 were not published).

25Layout: 2 columns; 24 lines per column; 9-10 letters per line (around 960 letters per folio). Traces of ruling on most folios. Annotations of various character are placed in the margins and inside the text.

26Foliation: Found in the 1960s in disorder (see description of the contemporary state in F. Macomber, 1979, p. 1-4); folios rearranged during conservation interventions in 2006. For a new system of foliation used here, see Table 3.

27Because of the relatively equal amount of written text throughout the folios of the manuscript (see layout), we have endeavoured to calculate approximate amounts of Gospel text lost inside the actual lacunae. These calculations are corroborated by the results of our analysis of the original quire system of the manuscript (see quires below). In what follows we accompany the emplacement of lacunae with a supposed quantity of lost folios.

28Contents:

  • 34 The folio 6rv is absent among the photographs taken by HMML in 2012 (for the link, see note 26); it (...)

text number

folios

text

1.

f. 1r-2r

Eusebius of Caesarea, Letter to Carpianus, Ethiopian recension (CPG 3465)

2.

f. 2v-5v

Eusebius of Caesarea, Canon Tables

3.

f. 6rv

Decorations without text34

(lacuna, at least 2 f.)

4.

f. 7ra

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Matthew (beginning missing)

5.

f. 7rb-10v

Gospel of Matthew

(lacuna, 1 f.)

f. 11r-56va

Gospel of Matthew (end)

6.

f. 56va-57rb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Mark

7.

f. 57rb-88rb

Gospel of Mark

8.

f. 88va-89vb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Luke

9.

f. 90ra-141rb

Gospel of Luke

10.

f. 141rb-va

List of Chapters of the Gospel of John

11.

f. 141va-154v

Gospel of John

(lacuna, 1 f.)

f. 155r-161v

Gospel of John (following)

(lacuna, 1 f.)

f. 162r-169v

Gospel of John (following)

(lacuna, 2 f.)

f. 170r-173v

Gospel of John (following)

(lacuna, 2 f.)

f. 174r-176v

Gospel of John (end missing)

(lacuna, at least 1 f.)

29Quires: 24 quires (the first quire originally not numbered or added later); mostly quaternions.

301 quire × 6 f. (ending with f. 6; see ill. 6; probably truncated in the beginning, which might have contained Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels of Ps.-Ammonius [see also 4.2.1]);

311 quire × 5 f. (f. 11; at least two folios are lost between f. 6-7; they must have contained the 60 initial entries of the List of Chapters of the Gospel of Matthew; one folio between f. 10-11 is lost);

3217 quires × 8 f. (f. 147);

332 quires × 7 f. (f. 161; one final folio of two quires is lost);

341 quire × 8 f. (f. 169);

351 quire × 4 f. (f. 173; two initial and two final folios of the quire are lost);

361 quire × 3 f. (f. 176; probably an original binion; one final folio containing the end of Gospel of John is now lost).

37Extant quire numberings are set in the left corner of the upper margin of the first page of quires; quire numbers are encircled with dots. Such quire numbers are clearly visible on f. 12r ( = quire II), 44r ( = quire VI), 60r ( = quire VIII), 68r ( = quire IX), 76r ( = quire X), 92r ([] = quire [X]II), 124r (፲፮ = quire XVI); see ill. 7.

38It should be noted that f. 12r bears explicit signature as the second quire of the manuscript (); further on, the quire structure is very consistent. In this case, the original qu. I ought to have begun at the first of the two lost folios between the actual f. 6 and 7.

39As a result of this calculation, one should assess a possibility that the quire with the folios that now contain the richly illuminated Canon Tables (f. 1-6, text units 1-3) might have been added to the manuscript post factum, following an undetermined lapse of time after the production of the codex.

40It is important to note that the manuscript Abba Garima C has a seemingly similar situation, as long as the quire numbering begins there with the second quire, marked as first, while the actual first quire in row is to be considered quire ‘zero’ (see 3.5). However, in Abba Garima C the quire ‘zero’ seems to have textual continuity with qu. I, because the latter is structurally complete (it has all its eight folios intact), although its first text, Eusebius’ Letter, is acephalous and, consequently, must have started within the quire ‘zero’. One will also note that in Abba Garima C illuminations are not limited to quire 0: masterful illuminations are present within quire 1 and elsewhere in the manuscript. In Abba Garima A, on the contrary, the quire ‘zero’ is the only one to contain illuminations.

41It is thus our unfortunate duty to signal a high possibility of the heterogenous character of qu. 0 containing the actual folios 1-6 of Abba Garima A, on structural grounds.

42Occasional linear decorations are present on the lower margins of the first, of the last, or of one of the middle pages of select quires (verso of the first quire folio: f. 60v, 132v; verso of the last quire folio: f. 67v; middle pages of quire: f. 95v, 135r, 136v); see ill. 8. Their function seems to strengthen the visual effect of the quire division.

43No modern folio numberings.

44Annotations: We can register four types of apparatuses of the main hand noted on the margins of the four Gospels (texts 5, 7, 9, 11).

  1. Ammonian section number in black ink on the left margin of the column.

  2. Eusebian canon number in red ink on the left margin under most Ammonian section numbers, as being associated with it and based on Eusebius’ Canon Tables (f. 2v-5v, text 2); see ill. 9.

  3. The number and the title of Gospel chapters (alias tituli) are copied in red ink on the upper margin, associated with the “xi-rho” mark placed in a column’s left (or, rarely, bottom) margin, in front of the beginning of the chapter. The text of individual Gospel chapters is based on the list of Gospel chapters that precedes each of the four Gospels (texts 4, 6, 8, 10); see ill. 10.

  4. Liturgical rubrics in the hand of the copyist and of later interpolators are placed on a column’s upper margin or on the left of the incipit of the pericope, accompanied by special navigational marks put inside the text for the beginning (ዝየ፡ lit. “here”) and for the end (ቆመ፡ lit. “stop, stand still”) of the to-be-read passages. Sometimes the navigational mark is accompanied by dotted crosses: ※ or ⁜ (see Table 6). See ill. 11 and ill. 12.

45Decorations: Rich illuminations on f. 1r-6v (most probably heterogenous to the rest of the manuscript; see section 3.1 Quires above). Gospel beginnings are decorated with braided ornaments (f. 7rb, etc.). Linear decorations of vegetal style on f. 60v, 67v, 95v, 132v, 135r, 136v (ill. 8; see explanation of their function under quires).

46Selected bibliography: F. Macomber, 1979, p. 1-4; S. Uhlig, 1988, p. 146-150; R. Zuurmond, 1989b, p. 44-47; M. Heldman, S.C. Munro-Hay, 1996, p. 129-130 (no. 53); A. Bausi, 1998-2002; A. Bausi, 2005; A. Bausi, 2011; Getatchew Haile 2016; J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

3.2. Liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima A

47Of 83 extant liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima A (documented in Table 6), 29 are written in red by the same hand as the main text of the manuscript (second column of Table 6). The third column of our Table 6 is reserved for notes in another, later hand, written in a different red ink than those of the main hand. The fourth column contains annotations of other hands.

3.2.1. Original liturgical rubrics

48A part of liturgical calendar rubrics is written by the hand of the copyist and in the same ink as the main text (see ill. 11). For this reason, we call them “original”, assuming that these liturgical notes must have been written by the copyist in the codex at the time of its production.

49This earlier layer of liturgical rubrics concerns portions of the Gospel text (“readings”) that are assigned to moveable and fixed feasts in the course of the liturgical year.

50No saints are mentioned in the original liturgical notes.

  • 35 At one point we can observe an unusual situation. The liturgical annotation a39 (f. 90ra) is placed (...)

51Only two fixed feasts are cited in the original notes: Nativity (see notes a39,35 a40, a42, a43, a44, a59) and Epiphany (a1, a45, a47, a59, a60, a61). The other group reflects the Easter-dependent cycle of celebrations: Lent (a2, a3, a5, a8, a11, a46, a64), Easter (a57, a63, a66, a67, a68, a82, a83), Ascension (a58), Pentecost (a6).

52One annotation resists identification: a62.

53The Gospel of Mark does not contain any original liturgical rubrics.

3.2.2. Liturgical rubrics in a later hand

54A later, second hand systematically left rubrics in red ink, supplying mainly readings for the Holy Week: a15-a25, a28-a37, a48-a56, a70, a74-a81; see ill. 12. Two rubrics concern Pentecost, spelled as ጳራቀሊጦሰ፡ ‘Paraclete’: a71, a73.

55On one occasion the interpolator wanted to copy the ancient note on the Nativity to the upper margin, reproducing its text (a44).

56All four Gospels, including Mark, are affected by the interpolations of this later hand.

3.2.3. Other liturgical notes

57Later occasional notes are the only ones to mention saints in Abba Garima A: St Peter (a10), St Mark (a38), and a commemoration for the Just Ones (a7).

58Alongside the Nativity, Lent, and Easter, occasional notes twice feature readings for Palm Sunday (a4 and a27).

59We cannot exclude that notes a12 and a13 marking the 6th and 7th Sundays of Lent serve to replace original annotations that are no longer visible in the manuscript because of faded ink. In fact, readings for these two Sundays are absent from the ancient notes.

Table 6 (Lectionary systems of Abba Garima A, arranged by Gospel pericopes)

No.

Abba Garima A,
original hand

Later, second hand

Occasional hands

a1

Mt. 2, 1-12
Epiphany (
በአፓንያ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 8rb - 8vb (
ቆመ፡)
See ill. 11

lacuna of 1 f. between f. 10-11

a2

Mt. 6, 1-18
On the Eve of Lent (
በድራረ፡ ጾመ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 12rb – 13ra (
ቆመ፡)
See ill. 11

a3

Mt. 6, 19 - 7, 8
2
nd Sunday of Lent (በዳግም፡ ስንበተ፡ ዘጾመ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 13ra (ዝየ፡) – 14rb (ቆመ፡)

a4

Mt. 6, 26 - 7, 6
Palms (በጸገየት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 13va (ዘ፡) – 14ra (ቆመ፡)

a5

Mt. 7, 9 - ?
3
rd Sunday of Lent (በሣልስ፡ ስንበተ፡ ዘጾመ፡)
f. 14rb (
ዝየ፡) - ?

a6

Mt. 8, 28 - 9, 17
On the Feast of Pentecost (
በበዓለ፡ ኃምሳ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 16rb (※) – 17va (
ቆመ፡)
See ill. 11

a7

Mt. 10, 16 - ?
Commemoration of the Just (
በጸደቀነ፡ <…>)
f. 19ra - ?

a8

Mt. 13, 1-24
4
th Sunday of Lent (በራብዕ፡ ስንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 24rb (※) – 25rb (
ቆመ፡)
See ill. 11

Mt. 13, 1-24
On Saturday (
በሰንበተ፡ አይሁድ፡)
f. 24rb – 25rb (
ቆመ፡)

a9

Mt. 15, 23b - 38
(?) after Sunset (<…
>ምድኅ<ረ፡> <>ርብ< ምን>ባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 29va – 30rb (
ቆመ፡)

a10

Mt. 16, 17 - 17, 5
St Peter (
በጲጢርሲ)
f. 31ra (ዝየ፡) – 32ra (ቆመ፡)

a11

Mt. 18, 19 - 19, 2
5
th Sunday of Lent (በኅምስ፡ ስንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 34ra (※
ዝየ፡ / ዝየ፡) – 35ra (ቆመ፡)

a12

Mt. 24, 3-31
6
th Sunday of Lent ( ሳንበተ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 44rb (ዝየ፡) – 45vb (ቆመ፡)

a13

Mt. 24, 45 - ?
7
th Sunday of Lent ( ሳንበተ ዘጾም፡ ምንባ<ብ፡>)
f. 46rb (ዝየ፡) – ?

a14

Mt. ? - 25, 46
?
f. ? – 48vb (
ቆመ፡)

a15

Mt. 26, 17-29
Holy Thursday, for Vespers (
ለጻሎተ ኀመሳ፡ ሰርከ፡)
f. 49va – 50rb (
ቆመ፡ በጸሎተ፡ ሐምሰ፡ ሰርከ፡)
See ill. 12

a16

Mt. 26, 30-47
[Holy Thursday,] 3
rd Hour of Night Office (በ፫፡ ሰዕቲ፡ ሌሊት)
f. 50ra – 51ra (
በ፫ቆመ፡)
See ill. 12

a17

Mt. 26, 47-58
[Holy Thursday,] 6
th Hour of Night Office (በ፮፡ ሌልተ፡ ሰዕት፡)
f. 51ra – 51va (
በ፮፡ ቆመ፡)
See ill. 12

a18

Mt. 26, 59-75
[Holy Thursday,] 9
th Hour of Night Office (በ፱፡ ሌልተ፡ ሰዕተ፡)
f. 51va – 52va (በ፱፡ ቆመ፡)
See ill. 12

a19

Mt. 27, 1-10
Holy Friday, for Matins (
በጸበሐ፡ ዓርበ፡)
f. 52va – 52vb (
ቆመ፡ በጸበሐ፡ ዓርበ፡)

a20

Mt. 27, 11-26
Holy Friday, 3
rd Hour (በዕርብ፡ በ፫፡ ሰዕተ፡)
f. 52vb (
ዝየ፡) – 53vb (በ፫፡ ቆመ፡)

a21

Mt. 27, 27-44
Holy Friday, 6
th Hour (በዓርበ፡ በ፮፡ ሰዕተ፡)
f. 53vb – 54va (
በ፮፡ ቆመ፡)

a22

Mt. 27, 45-56
Holy Friday, 9
th Hour (በዕርብ፡ በ፱፡ ሰዓተ፡)
f. 54va – 55ra (
በዕርብ፡ በ፱፡ ቆመ፡)

a23

Mt. ? – 27, 55
Holy Thursday
f. ? – 55ra (
ቆመ፡ በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙሳ፡)

a24

Mt. 27, 57-61
Holy Friday, at Sunrise (
በዓርብ፡ ሰበ፡ ይዕርበ፡ ፃሐይ፡)
f. 55ra – 55rb (
ቆመ፡ በዓርርብ፡ [sic] ሰበ፡ ይዕርበ፡ ፀሐይ፡)

a25

Mt. 27, 62 - ?
Holy Saturday, for Matins, at incensing (
በሰንብተ፡ አይሁድ፡ ፀባሐ፡ ተቀንዮሙ፡ እምድኀር፡ ወድኡ፡ ውዓጠኑ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 55rb – ?

a26

Mt. 28, 1-20
Easter, for Vigils (
በመኅትወ፡ ፋሲከ፡)
f. 55va (※ ዝየ፡) – 56va

a27

Mk. 4, 26-41
Palms (
በጸገያት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 63ra (
ዘ፡) – 63vb (ቆመ፡)

a28

Mk. 14, 12-25
Holy Thursday, for Vespers (
በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ሰርከ፡)
f. 82vb (
ዝየ፡) – 83rb (በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ቆመ፡)

a29

Mk. 14, 26-42
[Holy Thursday,] 3
rd Hour of Night Office (በ፫፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌልተ፡)
f. 83rb (
ዝየ፡) – 84ra (በ፫፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌልተ፡ ቆመ፡)

a30

Mk. 14, 43-60
[Holy Thursday,] 6
th Hour of Night Office (በ፮፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌልተ፡)
f. 84ra (
ዝየ፡) – 84vb (ሰበ፡ ፮፡ / ቍመ፡)

a31

Mk. 14, 61-72
[Holy Thursday,] 9
th Hour of Night Office (ሶበ፡ ፱፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌሊተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 84rb (
ዝየ፡) – 85va (ቍመ፡ ሰበ፡ ፱፡)

a33

Mk. 15, 1-15
Holy Friday, for Matins (
በጸብሐ፡ ዓርብ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 85va (
ዝየ፡) – 86ra (በጸባሐ፡ ዕርበ፡ ቍመሰ፡)

a34

Mk. 15, 16-24
Holy Friday, 3
rd Hour (በዓርብ፡ በ፫፡ ሰዓተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 86ra – 86rb (
ቍመ፡)

a35

Mk. 15, 25-32
Holy Friday, 6
th Hour (በዓርበ፡ በ፮፡ ሰዓተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 86rb (
ዝየ፡) – 86vb (ቍመ፡ ሰበ፡ ፮፡)

a36

Mk. 15, 32-41
Holy Friday, 9
th Hour (በዓርበ፡ ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ሰዓተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 86vb – 87ra (
ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ቍመ፡)

a37

Mk. 15, 42 – 16, 1
Holy Friday, at Sunrise (
በዓርብ፡ ሰበ፡ ይዓርበ፡ ፄሐይ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 87ra (
ዝየ፡) – 87va (ቍመ፡)

a38

Mk. 15, 39 – 16, 25
St Mark (
በመርቆሰ፡)
f. 87ra – 88rb(?)

a39

Lk. 1, 1-25
Sunday before Nativity (
ቅድመ፡ ጌና፡ ስንበት፡)
f. 90ra – 91ra (
ቆመ፡)

a40

Lk. 1, 26-?
2
nd Sunday after Nativity (በዳግም፡ ስንበት፡ ዘጌና፡)
f. 91ra – ?

a41

Lk. 1, ? - ?
3
rd Sunday after Nativity (በሰልሰ፡ ስንበት፡ ዘጌና፡)
f. 92rb (
ዝየ) – ?

a42

Lk. ? – 1, 80
Nativity
f. ? – 93ra (
ቆመ፡ በዓ<ለ፡> <ና፡>)

a43

Lk. 2, 21-24
Sunday after Nativity (
ዘድኀ<ረ፡> ጌና፡ ሰንበት፡ ዝየ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 94ra (※) – 94rb (
ቆመ፡)

a44

Lk. 2, 25-39
2
nd Sunday after Nativity (በደግመ፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘድኀረ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 94rb – 94vb (
ቆመ፡ ዝየ፡ [sic] / ዝየ፡)

Lk. 2, 25-39
2
nd Sunday after Nativity (በደግመ፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘድኀረ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 94rb – 94va

a45

Lk. 2, 36 – 3, 10
(Sunday) before Epiphany (
እምቅድመ፡ አፓንያ፡)
f. 94va – 96ra (
ቆመ፡)

a46

Lk. 4, 14-21
8
th Sunday of Lent (በሰምን፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 97va (※) – 97vb (
ቆመ፡)

a47

Lk. 4, 14-21
3
rd (Day) of Epiphany (ዝየ፡ በሣልስተ፡ በዓለ፡ አፓንያ፡)
f. 97va (※) – 97vb (
ቆመ፡)

a48

Lk. 22, 7-20
Holy Thursday, at Vespers (
በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ሰርካ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 133vb (
ዝየ፡) – 134va (በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ሰርከ፡ ቍመ፡)

a49

Lk. 22, 21-34
[Holy Thursday,] 3
rd Hour (ሰበ፡ ፫፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌሊተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 134va (
ዝየ፡) – 135ra (ሰበ፡ ፫፡ ቍመ፡)

a50

Lk. 22, 35-46
[Holy Thursday,] 6
th Hour (ሰበ፡ ፮፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌሊተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 134va – 135va (
ሰበ፡ ፮፡ ቍመ፡)

a51

Lk. 22, 47-62
[Holy Thursday,] 9
th Hour (ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ሰዓተ፡ ሌሊተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 135v (
ዝየ፡) – 136rb (ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ቍመ፡)

a52

Lk. 22, 62 – 23, 12
Holy Friday, at Sunrise (
በዓርብ፡ ሰበ፡ ይፀበሕ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 136rb (
ዝየ፡) – 137rb (ሰበ፡ ፀበሐ፡ ቍመ፡)

a53

Lk. 23, 13-26
Holy Friday, 3
rd Hour (በዓርብ፡ በ፫፡ ሰዓት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 137rb (
ዝየ፡) – 137vb (ሰበ፡ ፫፡ ቍመ፡)

a54

Lk. 23, 27-43
Holy Friday, 6
th Hour (በዓርብ፡ በ፮፡ ሰዓት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 137vb (
ዝየ፡) – 138va (ሰበ፡ ፮፡ ቍመ፡)

a55

Lk. 23, 44-50
Holy Friday, 9
th Hour (በዓርብ፡ በ፱፡ ሰዓት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 138va (
ዝየ፡) – 138vb (ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ቍመ፡)

a56

Lk. 23, 51 – 24, 1a
Holy Friday, at Sunset (
በዓርብ፡ ሰበ፡ ይዓርበ፡ ፀሐይ፡)
f. 138vb – 139ra (
ዝየ፡ ቆመ፡ [sic])

a57

Lk. 24, 10-35a
2
nd Day (= Monday) of Easter (በስኑይ፡ ዕለት፡ ዘፍስካ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 139ra – 140va (
ቆመ፡)

Lk. 24, 13(?)-35a
2
nd Day of Easter (በስኑይ፡ ዕለት፡ ዘፋሲካ፡)
f. 139va – 140va

a58

Lk. 24, 35b-51
Feast of Ascension (
በበዓለ፡ አርበዓ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 140va (⁜
ዝየ፡) – 141rb

a59

Jn. 1, 1-34
Sunday after Nativity / Matins for the Feast of Epiphany (
በሰንበት፡ ዘድኀረ፡ ጌና፡ / ወበበዓለ፡ አፓንያ፡ ንግሀ፡)
f. 141va – 142vb (
ቆመ፡)

Jn. 1, 1-34
Sunday (or 2
nd Day?) after Nativity (ወበሰንተ፡ [pro ወበሰንበተ፡?] ጌና፡ ምንባብ ዝየ፡)
f. 141va – 142ra (
ቆመ፡)

a60

Jn. 1, 35-51
Epiphany (
በአፓንያ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 142vb – 143vb

a61

Jn. 2, 1-11
2
nd (Day) of the Feast of Epiphany (በሰንተ፡ በዓለ፡ አፓንያ፡)
f. 143vb – 144rb (
ቆመ፡)

a62

Jn. 3, 1-21
Sunday of ? (
በእንተ፡ ይነሥኡ፡ ሰንበት፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 144vb – 145vb (
ቆመ፡)

a63

Jn. 4, 4-42
5
th Day (= Thursday) of Easter (በኃሙስ፡ ዕለት፡ ዘፍስካ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 146vb – 148rb (
ቆመ፡)

a64

Jn. 5, 5-16
9
th Sunday of Lent (በትስዕ፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 149ra – 149va (
ቆመ፡)

a65

Jn. 5, 5-?
? (
ምንባብ፡)
f. 149ra – ?

a66

Jn. 6, 16-44
Friday of Easter (
በዓርብ፡ ዘፍስካ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 151vb – 153ra (
ቆመ፡)

a67

Jn. 6, 39-69
Sunday after Easter (?) (<
በስ><በት፡> <><ኀረ፡ ><ካ፡> ዝየ፡)
f. 153ra – 154va (
ቆመ፡)

lacuna of 1 f. between f. 154-155

a68

Jn. 7, 32b – 8, 38
Dissolution of the Feast of Easter (<
><>ቀት፡ <>ዓል፡ <><ካ፡> ዝየ፡)
f. 155ra – 157rb (
ቆመ፡ / ※)

a69

Jn. 10, 22-?
Holy Cross (
በምስቀል)
f. 161va (
ዝየ፡) – ?

lacuna of 1 f. between f. 161-162

a70

Jn. 13, 33 - ?
Holy Thursday, after ? (
በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ድኀረ፡ ክፍተ፡ [?])
f. 167va (
ዝየ፡) – ?

a71

Jn. ?
2
nd (Sunday) after Pentecost (ደግመ፡ <ጳራቀ>ሊጦሰ፡)
f. 169va – ?

lacuna of 2 f. between f. 169-170

a72

Jn. ? - 16, 33
?
f. ? – 170vb (
ቍመ፡)

a73

Jn. 17, 1 – 17, 26
Pentecost, at Sunset(?) (
ራዐ፡ [pro ረበዐ፡] ጳራቀሊጦሰ፡)
f. 170vb (
ዝየ፡) – 172rb (ቍመ፡)

a74

Jn. 18, 1-9
Holy Thursday, at Vespers (
በጸሎተ፡ ሐሙስ፡ ሰርከ፡ <ምን><ብ፡>)
f. 172rb (
ዝየ፡) – 172vb (ሰበ፡ ስርከ፡ ቍመ፡)

a75

Jn. 18, 10 - ?
Holy Thursday, 3
rd Hour (ሶበ፡ ፫፡ ሰዓተ፡ <ሙስ፡> ምንባብ<>)
f. 172vb (
ዝየ፡) – 173ra(?)

a76

Jn. ? - 18, 18
[Holy Thursday,] 6
th Hour of Night (<…> ሌሊተ፡ <ምን>ባብ፡)
f. 173ra – 173rb (
ሰበ፮ቀመ፡ [sic])

a77

Jn. 18, 19-27
[Holy Thursday,] 9
th Hour of Night (ሰበ፡ ፱፡ <ዓተ፡> ሌሊት፡ ምን<ባብ፡>)
f. 173rb (
ዝየ፡) – 173vb (ሰበ፡ <…> ቀመ<> [sic])

a78

Jn. 18, 28-?
Holy Friday, at Sunrise (
በጸበሐ፡ ዓርባ፡ <ንባብ፡>)
f. 173vb (
ዝየ፡) – ?

lacuna of 2 f. between f. 173-174

a79

Jn. ? - 19, 27
[Holy Friday,] 6
th Hour
f. ? – 174ra (
ሰበ፡ ፮፡ ቍመ፡)

a80

Jn. 19, 28-37
[Holy Friday,] 9
th Hour (ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ሰዓተ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 174ra – 174va (
ሰበ፡ ፱፡ ቀመ፡ [sic])

a81

Jn. 19, 38-42 (or 20, 23)
Holy Friday, at Sunset (
በዓርብ፡ ሰበ፡ ይዓርበ፡ ፀሐይ፡ መንበብ፡)
f. 174va (
ዝየ፡) – 175ra (ቁመ፡ [sic]) or 176rb (ቆመ፡)

a82

Jn. 20, 24-31
3
rd (Day = Tuesday) of Easter (በሠሉሰ፡ በዓለ፡ ፍስካ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 176rb – 176vb (
ቆመ፡)

a83

Jn. 20, 32-?
4
th Day (= Wednesday) of Easter (በረበዐ፡ በዓለ፡ ፍስካ፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 176vb (⁜) – ?

lacuna of at least 1 f. after f. 176

3.3 Abba Garima B: description

60Siglum: B (previously AG II [‘Reel 2’, F. Macomber, 1979], AG 3 [J. Mercier, 2000], Manuscript 3 [R. Zuurmond, 1989])

61Detailed title: Tetraevangelium with decorations, introductory materials, apparatuses and liturgical rubrics.

62Date: unknown, probably after the 9th century (see S. Uhlig, 1988, p. 118 for a later dating to end 13thbeginning 14th century), because Zuurmond (R. Zuurmond, 1989, p. 52) in his palaeographical analysis of the manuscript affiliates the writing of Abba Garima B with that of Abba Garima C and observes that it features specific ancient shape of letters. This palaeographical observation would imply that the writing of Abba Garima B could be chronologically close to 390-570 AD, the carbon-14 approximate date of the Abba Garima C (see 3.5). It is hoped that in the future scholars will carry out carbon-14 analysis of the Abba Garima B manuscript. The results of future carbon-14 dating will be important for the dating of the notes in unvocalized consonantal script present in Abba Garima B (see below, 3.4.2).

63Layout: 2 columns; 23 lines per column; 7 (rarely 6 or 8) characters per line (around 644 characters per folio). Annotations of various character are placed in the margins and inside the text.

64Foliation: Found in the 1960s in disorder (see description of the contemporary state in F. Macomber, 1979, p. 5-8). For a new system of foliation used here see Table 3.

65Because of the relatively equal amount of written text throughout the folios of the manuscript (see layout), we have endeavoured to calculate approximate amounts of Gospel text lost inside the actual lacunae. Below we accompany the emplacement of lacunae with a supposed quantity of lost folios.

66Contents:

text number

folios

text

(lacuna, at least 3 f.)

1.

f. 1ra

[Ps.-Ammonius of Alexandria], Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels (beginning missing; see also below 4.2.1)

2.

f. 1ra-b

Note B1, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8 (Garima I, no. 1)

3.

f. 1rb

Note B2, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8 (Garima I, no. 2)

4.

f. 1rb

Note B3, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8 (Garima I, no. 3)

5.

f. 1rb

Note B4, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8 (Garima I, no. 4)

6.

f. 1rb

Note B5, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8 (Garima I, no. 5)

7.

f. 1v

Note B6, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 8-10 (Garima I, no. 6)

8.

f. 1v

Note B7, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 10 (Garima I, no. 7)

9.

f. 1v

Note B8, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 10 (Garima I, no. 8)

10.

f. 1v

Note B9, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 10 (Garima I, no. 9)

11.

f. 1v

Note B10, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 12 (Garima I, no. 10)

12.

f. 2rv

Eusebius of Caesarea, Letter to Carpianus, Ethiopian Recension (CPG 3465)

13.

f. 3r-6v

Eusebius of Caesarea, Canon Tables

14.

f. 7ra-8rb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Matthew-7

15.

f. 8va-47v

Gospel of Matthew

(lacuna, 1 f.)

f. 48r-53v

Gospel of Matthew (following)

(lacuna, 1+8+1 f.)

f. 54r-77ra

Gospel of Matthew (end)

16.

f. 77rb-78rb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Mark

17.

f. 78rb-124va

Gospel of Mark

18.

f. 124vb-126rb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Luke

19.

f. 126rb-205v

Gospel of Luke

(lacuna, 2 f.)

f. 206ra

Gospel of Luke (end)

20.

f. 206rb

Note B11, Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 14 (Garima I, no. 14); see also M. Kropp, 1992, p. 264

21.

f. 206rb

Note B12, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 16 (Garima I, no. 15)

22.

f. 206va-b

List of Chapters of the Gospel of John

23.

f. 206vb:

Note B13, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 14 (Garima I, no. 13)

24.

f. 207ra-210v

Gospel of John

(lacuna, 1+8 f.)

f. 211r-262vb

Gospel of John (complete, but damaged ending)

67Quires: originally 36 quires, of which two are now lost (qu. VIII and XXIX); mostly quaternions. Originally the manuscript must have comprised at least 286 folios, of which 262 now remain.

68Composition of extant quires:

691 quire × 5 f. (ending with f. 5; see ill. 13; at least three initial folios containing the beginning of Ps.-Ammonius, Discourse, text 1, are lost);

702 quire × 8 f. (f. 21);

711 quire × 10 f. (f. 31; this quire seems to have been originally a quinion);

722 quire × 8 f. (f. 47);

731 quire × 6 f. (f. 53; one initial and one final folio of this quire are lost; the subsequent quire is lost);

741 quire × 7 f. (f. 60; one initial folio of the quire is lost);

7518 quire × 8 f. (f. 205);

761 quire × 5 f. (f. 210; two initial and one final folio of the quire are most; the subsequent quire is lost);

776 quire × 8 f. (f. 258);

781 quire × 4 f. (f. 262; a binion).

79Extant quire numberings are set in the upper margin of the first page of quires (except f. 228r, which is the second folio of quire XXXII); in most cases the upper part of quire numbers is cut, probably during a pre-modern repair intervention.

80Quire numbers are well visible on f. 182r ([] = quire XX[IV]), 198r (፳፯ = quire XXVII), and 228r ([] = quire XXX[II]); see ill. 14.

81Traces or portions of quire numbers are discernable on f. 32r (beginning of quire V), 102r (beginning of quire XV), 126r (beginning of quire XVIII), 134r (beginning of quire XIX), 142r (beginning of quire XX), 166r (beginning of qu. XXIII), 174r (beginning of quire XXIV).

82No modern folio numberings.

83Annotations: We can register four types of biblical apparatuses of the main hand noted on the margins of the four Gospels (texts 15, 17, 19, 24).

  1. Ammonian section number in black ink on the left margin of the column; see ill. 15.

  2. Eusebian canon number in red ink on the left margin under certain Ammonian section numbers, as being associated with it and based on Eusebius’ Canon Tables (B, f. 3r-6v, text 13); see ill. 15.

  3. The number and the title of Gospel chapters are copied in red ink on the upper margin, associated with the “xi-rho” mark placed in a column’s left (or, rarely, bottom) margin, in front of the beginning of the chapter; see ill. 15. The text of individual Gospel chapters is based on the list of Gospel chapters (texts 14, 16, 18, 22) that precedes each of the four Gospels.

  4. Liturgical rubrics in the hand of the copyist (and rarely also of later interpolators) are placed on a column’s upper margin or inside the Gospel text, above the line, at which the passage begins, accompanied by navigation marks placed inside the text for the end (ቆመ፡ lit. “stop, stand still”) of the to-be-read passages. In at least three instances (f. 18va, 28va and 247rb; see ill. 16), it could be argued that the copyist of the Gospel intentionally left empty space in the otherwise symmetrical bulk of text for the liturgical rubrics to be later written there.

84There are other annotations of liturgical character written in different hands, including notes in unvocalized consonantal script (see 3.4.2). See ill. 17.

85Memorial notes (notes of donations) are grouped before the Gospel of Matthew (Notes B1-10) and before the Gospel of John (Notes B11-13), just as in the manuscript Abba Garima C. For a concordance with the edition in Getatchew Haile, 2016, see the description above.

86Decorations: Illuminations on f. 2r-6v (Eusebius’ Letter to Ammonius and Canon Tables). Ornamental decorations at the beginning and at the end of Gospels (f. 8rb, 78rb, 126rb, 206ra, 296vb, etc.).

87Historical context: Thirteen notes of different later hands and date (texts 2-11, 20-21, 23) register different kinds of donations and privileges endowed on Abba Garima monastery.

88Selected bibliography: F. Macomber, 1979, p. 5-8; S. Uhlig, 1988, p. 116-118; R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 50-52; M. Heldman, S.C. Munro-Hay, 1996, p. 129-130 (no. 53); A. Bausi, 1998-2002; A. Bausi, 2005; A. Bausi, 2011; Getatchew Haile, 2016; J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

3.4. Liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima B

89Of the 63 liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima B, a half are written in the main hand of the copyist (second column of Table 8); the rest are to be imputed to several later hands.

90Sixteen annotations are left by different hands, which are nevertheless united by the fact that they employ unvocalized consonantal script (or mixed unvocalized consonantal script and normal Ge’ez syllabary); we are placing this group in the third column of Table 8.

91Some of the annotations repeat the original rubrics (see Table 8, notes b3, b4, b7, b14, b15). The fourth column of Table 8 is reserved for the rest of the notes.

3.4.1. Original liturgical rubrics

  • 36 An interesting case of a mistake made during liturgical rubrication can be found in the note b49 (s (...)

92The earlier layer of liturgical annotations comprises moveable feasts and fixed ones.36 See ill. 16.

93One part corresponds to fixed dominical feasts: Nativity (b28, b29, b30, b44), Epiphany (b1, b33, b35, b45, b47), Annunciation (b8).

94The other part reflects the Easter-dependent group of readings: Lent (b3, b4, b5, b9, b10, b13, b15, b16, b35, b48), Holy Week (b54 [the Holy Cross]), Easter (b19, b42, b49, b50, b51), Pentecost (b6, b53, b55).

95The third group of ancient rubrics concerns the saints: Apostles (b7), Zacharias (b14, b38), John the Baptist (b23). The readings for Zacharias and John the Baptist probably concern one liturgical occasion: Conception of John the Baptist. One will note that saints are not mentioned in the original liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima A and C.

3.4.2. Liturgical rubrics in unvocalized consonantal script

96Notes written in unvocalized consonantal script are placed in the upper margin. They either reproduce the original rubrics, as already mentioned, or supply celebrations absent in the original lectionary system.

97These latter cases almost exclusively concern saints: Dioscoros (b12, if we decipher correctly his name); Michael (b15); Jacob (b22); Cyriacus (b25); Jacob and John (b26); Mark accompanied by an unreadable name, probably that of Maria Magdalene, judging from the pericope content (b27); Abraham (b52).

  • 37 For the use of this term in the liturgical calendar, see E. Frisch, 2001, p. 73.

98Other commemorations include the beginning of the Rainy Season37 or Winter (unvocalised krmt (?); see b20 and b36), the feast of the community (unvocalised mḥbr or mḫbr (?), lit. 37), and benediction of fruit (lit. 39).

99One rubric resists identification: 3rd Sunday of John (?) (b2).

100In the situations where the unvocalized notes repeat the original calendar rubrics in vocalized script (see b3, b4, b7, b9, b14, b15) in the upper margins, it might be argued that the annotator’s motiv was to facilitate navigation inside the Gospel. Indeed, the original notes are somewhat hidden inside the Gospel text, as they are written in vacant space between verses, paragraphs, or lines, while the unvocalized notes systematically occupy the upper margin of pages.

101Unvocalized consonantal script employed in the liturgical notes is characterized by two traits:

102a) consonants are written in the first-order shape—for example, በጸለተ፡ ሐወረየተ፡ መነበበ፡ for በጸሎተ፡ ሐዋርያት፡ ምንባብ፡ (see b7 where both variants are documented);

  • 38 In our rendering, the characters were chosen to represent the accentuated shapes of the signs (...)

103b) accentuated or long vowels are occasionally (not systematically) marked by a trait attached to the lower part of a character in the first-order shape, resembling the -i mark of the third order38—for example, በደረ፡ መ፡ መነበ፡ standing for በድረ፡ መ፡ ምንብ፡ (b3, both writings are documented; see ill. 17).

  • 39 For a historical review of ancient epigraphical documents in unvocalised consonantial script, see f (...)
  • 40 I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to these important discussions of (...)

104Further palaeographical research will show whether the unvocalized notes of Abba Garima B can be contextualized within the tradition of unvocalized consonantal writing as witnessed by epigraphical evidence, both monumental inscriptions and grafitti.39 See also recent discussion of orthographic problems in the earliest medieval manuscripts that may be due to copying from models that were semi-vocalized40: M. el-Antony, J. Blid, A. Butts, 2016, p. 45-46 and T. Erho, W.B. Henry, 2019, p. 180. A future carbon-14 analysis of the B ms. is the only way to provide a terminus post quem for the dating of these unvocalized consonantal notes.

3.4.3. Other liturgical notes

105Among other liturgical annotations of various occasional hands, we find rubrics for two of the Ethiopian “Nine Saints”: Abba Yemā’atā (b40) and Pantaleon (spelled Pantalyas, b41).

Table 8 (Lectionary systems of Abba Garima B, arranged by Gospel pericopes)

  • 41 There was probably a mistake made by the copyist during the insertion of the liturgical rubrics. Th (...)

Number

Abba Garima B
(original hand)

Notes in unvocalised consonantal script

Occasional hands

b1

Mt. 2, 1-12
Epiphany (
በምኅተወ፡ አፓንያ፡ መንባብ፡)
f. 10ra – 11ra (
ቆመ፡ ዝየ፡)

b2

Mt. 3, 1 - ?
3
rd Sunday of John(?) (<ቀደ>ሚየ፡ ፫፡ ሰነበተ፡ ዘዮሐነስ፡)
f. 12ra - ?

b3

Mt. 6, 1-18
On the Eve of Lent (
በድራረ፡ ጾመ፡)
f. 18va – 19vb
See
ill. 16

Mt. 6, 1 - ?
On the Eve of Lent (
በደራረ፡ ጺመ፡ መነቢበ፡)
f. 18va - ?
See ill. 17

b4

Mt. 6, 18 – 7, 6
2
nd Sunday of Lent (በ፪፡ ስንበተ፡ ጾመ፡)
f. 19vb – 21va

Mt. 6, 18 – 7, 6
2
nd Sunday of Lent (በደገመ፡ ሰበነበተ፡ [lege ሰነበተ፡] መነበበ፡)
f. 19vb – 21va (
ቀመ)

b5

Mt. 7, 7 - ?
3
rd Sunday of Lent (በ፫፡ ስንበተ፡ ጾመ፡ ምንበብ፡)
f. 21va – ?

b6

Mt. 8, 28 – ?
On the Feast of Pentecost (
በበዓለ፡ ኀምሳ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 25ra – ?

b7

Mt. 10, 2b – ?
Commemoration of the Apostles (
ምንባብ፡ በጸሎተ፡ ሐዋርያት፡)
f. 28va – ?
See
ill. 16

Mt. 9, 36 - ?
Commemoration of the Apostles (
በጸለተ፡ ሐወረየተ፡ መነበበ፡)
f. 28ra (ዘየ፡) - ?
See ill. 17

b8

Mt. 10, 16-42
Annunciation (
በተዝከረ፡ ሰማዓት፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 29va – 31rb

Mt. 10, 16-42
Annunciation (በሰመዓተ፡)
f. 28va – 31rb (ቀመ)

b9

Mt. 11, 28-42
6
th Saturday of Lent (በሰድሰ፡ ሰንበተ፡ አይሁድ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 33rb (
ዝየ፡) – 35va




f. 35va (
በ፮፡ ሰነበተ አየሀደ ዘቀመ)

b10

Mt. 13, 1-23
4
th Sunday of Lent (በ፬፡ ስንበተ፡ ጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 37ra – 38vb (
ቁመ፡)

b11

Mt. 13, 38(?) - ?
Commemoration of the Just (
በጸድቃን፡)
f. 40rb – ?

b12

Mt. 16, 13-?
St Dioscoros(?) (
በተሰኪረሲ፡ <>በበ<>)
f. 47rb (
በዘየ) – ?

lacuna of 1 f. between f. 47-48

b13

Mt. 18, 18 – 19, 2
5
th Sunday of Lent (በ፭፡ ስንበተ፡ ጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 51ra – 52rb (
ቆመ፡)

lacuna of 10 f. between f. 53-54

b14

Mt. 23, 12-?
Commemoration of Zacharias (
ምንብባ፡ በጸሎተ፡ ዘከርያስ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 56ra – ?

Mt. 23, 12-?
Commemoration of Zacharias (
በጸሎተ፡ ዘከረየሰ፡)
f. 56ra – ?

b15

Mt. 24, 3-31
6
th Sunday of Lent (በ፮፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾ<ም፡> ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 58vb – 60vb (
ቁመ፡)

Mt. 24, 3-31
Commemoration of Michael and 6
th Sunday of Lent (በጸሎተ፡ መከአለ፡ ወበሲደሰ፡ ሰነበተ፡)
f. 58vb – 60vb

b16

Mt. 24, 45-?
7
th Sunday of Lent (በ፯፡ ሰንበተ፡ ጾም፡ ምንባብ፡ ዝየ፡)
f. 61vb – ?

b17

Mt. 26, 20-?
Pentecost (
ብጸሎተ፡ ኅሙስ፡)
f. 66v – ?

b18

Mt. 26, 64-?
Annotation erased (probably on Ascension)
f. 70ra marg. sup.

b19

Mt. 28, 1-20
Easter, for Vigils (
በመኅትወ፡ ፈሳከ፡ ምን<>ብ፡)
f. 75vb – 77ra(?)

b20

Mk. 4, 1(?) - ?
For the Rainy Season or Winter (
በቢአተ፡ ከረመተ፡)
f. 85rb – ?

b21

Mk. 4, 24-33
For bringing of fruits (
በጉንተ፡ ፈርየቲ፡)
f. 86vb () – 87va (ቆመ)

b22

Mk. 6, 1 - ?
St Jacob (
በየዒቆበ፡ መነቢበ፡)
f. 91ra – ?
See
ill. 17

b23

Mk 6, 14 - ?
St John (Baptist) (
በጸሎተ፡ ዮሐንስ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 92ra – ?

b24

Mk. 6, 30-44
Mid-Pentecost and ? (
በርከበ፡ ወበዘን...)
f. 93ra (ዘየ) – 94rb (ቆመ)

b25

Mk. 9, 36 - ?
St Qerqas, sc. Cyriacus (
በቀረቀሰ፡)
f. 102vb (
ዘየ) – ?

b26

Mk. 10, 35 - ?
Sts Jacob and John (
በሰሎተ፡ የዐቀበ፡ ወዮሐሰ፡ [sic, pro ዮሐንስ፡])
f. 106rb – ?
See
ill. 17

b27

Mk. 15, 40 – 16, 19
St Mark and Maria Magdalene(?) (
በመረቀሰ፡ <…> መረ<…>ለዮተ፡)
f. 122vb (
ቆመ፡ [pro ዝየ፡ ?]) – 124va (?)

b28

Lk. 1, 1-25
3
rd Sunday before Nativity (በ፫፡ ሰንበተ፡ ቀድመ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 126va – 128vb (
በ፫፡ ቁመ፡ ቀድመ፡ ገና፡)

b29

Lk. 1, 26-56
2
nd Sunday before Nativity (በ፪፡ ሰንበተ፡ ቀድመ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 128vb – 130ra (
ቁመ፡)

b30

Lk. 1, 57-80
(Sunday) before Nativity (
በቀሩበ፡ ጌና፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 130ra – 131rb (
<…>)

b31

Lk. 2, 1-20
Nativity (
<…>)
f. 131rb - 132va (
ቆመ፡ <ጌና፡> በበዓለ፡)

b32

Lk. 2, 21-40
2
nd Day (or Sunday) of Nativity (በ፪፡ ጌና፡ በበዓለ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 132va - 132va (<…>
መ፡)

b33

Lk. 2, 41-?
(Sunday) before Epiphany (
ቀድመ፡ እምአፓንያ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 134ra – ?

b34

Lk. 3, 15-22
Saturday before John (
በሰኒቦቱ፡ ዘቅደመ፡ ዮሐንስ፡)
f. 135vb(?) – 136vb (ቆመ)

b35

Lk. 4, 14 - ?
1
st Day of the Feast of Epiphany and 8th Saturday of Lent (በአፓንያ፡ በ፬፡ በዓል፡ ምንባብ፡ ወበ፰፡ ስንበተ፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 134ra – ?

b36

Lk. 8, 5 - ?
For the Rainy Season or Winter (
ዘየ፡ ብብአተ፡ ከረ<መተ፡>)
f. 151rb – ?

b37

Lk. 9, 61(?) - ?
For (feast of?) the community (
በመሒበረ፡ [pro በማኅበር፡ ?])
f. 160ra – ?

b38

Lk. 11, 51 - ?
Commemoration of Zacharias (<
በጸ>ሎተ፡ ዘከርያ<ስ፡> ምንባብ፡)
f. 167va – ?

b39

Lk. 12, 16 - ?
For bringing of fruits (
በጉንቲ፡ ፈርየቲ፡)
f. 169ra (
) – ?

b40

Lk. 12, 37(?) – 43
Feast of Abba Yemā’atā (
በበዓለ፡ አበ፡ ይማአታ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 170va – 171rb (
ዘየ)

b41

Lk. 12, 37(?) – 43
St Pantalyas (
ወበጰንጠልየስ፡)
f. 170va – 171rb (
ቀመ)

b42

Lk. 24, 13 – ?
1
st(?) (Day) of the Feast of Easter (<?>፡በዓለ፡ ፋሳከ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 205va – ?

lacuna of 2 f. between f. 205-206

b43

Lk. ? – 24, 49
?
f. ? – 206ra (
ቁም፡)

b44

Jn. 1, 1(?) – 17
<2
nd> (Day) of the Nativity
f. <207ra> – 208ra (
ቁመ፡ <>ጌና፡)

b45

Jn. 1, 1(?) – 34
Epiphany
f. <207ra> – 209rb (
በአፓንያ፡ ቁም፡)

b46

Jn. 1, 40(?) – ?
St Andrew (
በጸሎተ፡ አንድርየስ፡)
f. 208va – ?

b47

Jn. 2, 1 – ?
<2
nd> (Day) of the Feast of Epiphany (ምንባብ፡ <በ፪> በዓለ፡ አፓንያ፡)
f. 210va – ?

lacuna of 9 f. between f. 210-211

b48

Jn. 5, 1-17
9
th Sunday of Lent (በ፱፡ <ንበተ፡> ጾም፡ <ምን>ባብ፡)
f. 211vb – 213ra (
በ፱፡ ስንበተ ጾም፡ ቁም፡)

b49

Jn. 6, 24-33 (or Jn. 6, 24-40b41)
6
th (Day) of the Feast of Easter (<>፡በዓለ፡ ፋሳከ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 216va – 217rb (
ቁም፡) or 217va (ቁም፡)

b50

Jn. 6, 47-69
7
th (Day) of the Feast of Easter (<>፡በዓለ፡ ፋሳከ፡)
f. 218ra – 219va (
በ፯፡ ቁም፡)

b51

Jn. 7, 32b-?
8
th (Day) of the Feast of Easter (በ፰፡ በዓል፡ ምንባብ፡ ዘፋሳከ፡)
f. 221vb – ?

b52

Jn. 8, 31 – 9, 34
St Abraham (
በአበረሀመ፡)
f. 224rb (
) – 229rv (በአበርሀመ ቀመ)

b53

Jn. 9, 1-?
Sunday before to the Feast of Pentecost (
በሰንበት፡ ቀርብት፡ ለበዓለ፡ ኀምስ፡)
f. 226va – ?

b54

Jn. 10, 22 – 14, 25
Commemoration of the Cross (
ምንባብ፡ በጸሎተ፡ መስቀል፡)
f. 231ra (
ዝየ፡) – 245ra (ቀመ)

Jn. 10, 22 – 14, 25
Commemoration of the Cross (
ዝየ፡ ብጸሎተ፡ ምስቀል፡)
f. 231ra – 245ra

b55

Jn. 15, 26 – 16, 33
2
nd Sunday after the Feast of Pentecost (በ፪፡ ስንበተ፡ እምበዓለ፡ ኀምስ፡)
f. 247rb – 249vb (
ቀመ)
See
ill. 16

b56

Jn. 16, 4b – 17, 26
Feast of Ascension (
በበዓለ፡ አርብዓ፡)
f. 247va (
ዘየ) – 251vb (ቀመ)

3.5 Abba Garima C: description

106Siglum: C (previously AG III [‘reel 3’, F. Macomber, 1979, p. 9], AG 2 [J. Mercier, 2000], Manuscript 2 [R. Zuurmond, 1989])

107Detailed title: Tetraevangelium with illuminations and decorations, introductory materials, apparatuses and liturgical rubrics.

108Date: 390-570 AD (carbon-14 dating; see J. Mercier, 2000, p. 40; J.S. McKenzie F. Watson, 2016, p. 40-41). It can be determined from J. Mercier, 2000, p. 40 that in 2000 the carbon-14 analysis was conducted for two folios: f. 2 of Abba Garima C was dated of 430-650 AD, and f. 83 was dated of 330-540 AD. It is also reported (see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 40-41) that one more folio from ms. C was analysed in 2012 and with a result of 390-570 AD, but no published study mentions which folio was used for the analysis.

109Layout: 2 columns; 27-28 lines per column (except f. 1r: 33 lines); 8 (rarely 9, or less than 8 at full stops) characters per line (around 864 characters per folio). Traces of ruling are visible on the majority of folios. Annotations of various character are placed in the margins and inside the text.

110Foliation: Found in the 1960s in disorder (see description of the contemporary state in F. Macomber, 1979, p. 9-11). For a new system of foliation used here, see Table 3.

111Because of the relatively equal amount of written text throughout the folios of the manuscript (see layout), we have endeavoured to calculate approximate amounts of Gospel text lost inside the actual lacunae, in accord with the quire system of the manuscript (see quires). Below we accompany the emplacement of lacunae with a supposed quantity of lost folios.

112Contents:

  • 42 On the identification with Eusebius, see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 67-82.

text number

folios

text

(lacuna, at least 2 f.)

1.

f. 1ra

[Ps.-Ammonius of Alexandria], Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels (beginning missing; see also below 4.2.1)

2.

f. 1v

Portrait of Eusebius of Caesarea42

(lacuna, at least 1 f.)

3.

f. 2r

Eusebius of Caesarea, Letter to Carpianus, Ethiopian recension (beginning missing; CPG 3465)

4.

f. 2v-5r

Eusebius of Caesarea, Canon Tables

5.

f. 5v-6r

Decoration without text

6.

f. 6r

Note C1, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 16 (Garima II, no. 1)

7.

f. 6r

Note C2, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 16 (Garima II, no. 2)

8.

f. 6r

Note C3, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 16 (Garima II, no. 3)

9.

f. 6v

Portrait of Matthew

10.

f. 7ra-8rb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Matthew

11.

f. 8va-b

Note C4, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 12 (Garima I, no. 11)

12.

f. 8vb

Note C5, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 12-14 (Garima I, no. 12, lines 1-10)

13.

f. 8vb

Note C6, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 14 (Garima I, no. 12, line 11)

14.

f. 8vb

Note C7, see Getatchew Haile, 2016, p. 14 (Garima I, no. 12, lines 12-13)

15.

f. 9ra-vb

Gospel of Matthew

(lacuna, 8 f.)

f. 10ra-51ra

Gospel of Matthew (end)

16.

f. 51rb

Note C8, see edition in 4.3.1 below

17.

f. 51v

Portrait of Mark

18.

f. 52ra-vb

List of Chapters of the Gospel of Mark

19.

f. 53ra-82va

Gospel of Mark

f. 82vb

Empty column

f. 83r

Empty page

20.

f. 83v

Portrait of Luke

[21.]

(lacuna, 2 f.)

[List of Chapters of the Gospel of Luke, now missing]

22.

84ra-137rb

Gospel of Luke

23.

f. 137va-b

Note C9, see edition in 4.3.2 below

24.

f. 137vb

Note C10, part 2, see edition in 4.3.3

25.

f. 138ra-b

List of Chapters of the Gospel of John

26.

f. 138rb

Note C10, part 1, see edition in 4.3.3 below

27.

f. 138v

Portrait of John

28.

f. 139ra-173vb

Gospel of John (ending missing)

(lacuna, 1+8 f.)

113Quires: originally 25 quires (referred to here as 0 and I–XIV), of which the first one was originally not numbered. Two quires are now lost (quire II and XXIV). Quires are mostly quaternions. Originally the manuscript must have comprised at least 196 folios, of which 173 now remain.

114Composition of extant quires:

1151 quire × 1 f. (ending with f. 1; probably originally a binion; at least two initial folios, containing the beginning of Ps.-Ammonius’ Discourse, text 1, and at least one final folio, containing the beginning of Eusebius’ Letter, text 3, are lost);

1161 quire × 8 f. (f. 9; the subsequent quire [qu. II] is now lost);

1171 quire × 7 f. (f. 16; the initial folio is now lost);

1188 quires × 8 f. (f. 80);

1191 quire × 6 f. (f. 86; two folios forming the inner bifolium of the quire are lost; they must have contained the Chapters of the Gospel of Luke);

12010 quires × 8 f. (f. 166);

1211 quire × 7 f. (f. 173; one final folio of the quire is now lost; the subsequent quire [qu. XXIV] is lost altogether).

  • 43 We are using the freestanding circumflex (^) to mark the place of a folio inside the outer bifolium (...)

122Extant quire numberings are set in the left corner of the upper margin of the first recto page and in the right corner of the upper margin of the last verso page of quires. Quire numbers are well visible on f. ^16v43 ( = quire III), 25r^32v ( = quire V), ^80v (፲፩ = quire XI), 81r^86v (፲፪ = quire XII), ^102v (፲፬ = quire XIV), 103r^110v (፲፭ = quire XV), 111r^ (፲፮ = quire XVI), ^126v (፲፯ = quire XVII), ^134v (፲፰ = quire XVIII), ^158v (፳፩ = quire XXI), ^166v (<> = quire XXII); see ill. 18.

123Several folios and columns were originally left blank: f. 8v, 51rb, 82vb, 83r, 137v; donation notes were mainly inscribed on these blank spaces.

124No modern folio numberings.

125Annotations: We can register four types of apparatuses of the main hand noted on the margins of the four Gospels (texts 15, 19, 22, 28).

  1. Ammonian section number in black ink on the left margin of the column; see ill. 19.

  2. Eusebian canon number in red ink on the left margin under each Ammonian section number, as being associated with it and based on Eusebius’ Canon Tables (Abba Garima C, f. 2v-5r, text 4); see ill. 19.

    • 44 Now lost.

    The number and the title of Gospel chapters are copied in red ink on the upper margin, associated with the red “xi-rho” mark placed in a column’s left (or, rarely, bottom) margin, in front of the beginning of the chapter. The text of individual Gospel chapters is based on the list of Gospel chapters (texts 10, 17, [21],44 25) that preceed each of the four Gospels; see ill. 19.

  3. Liturgical rubrics in the hand of the copyist (and also of later interpolators) are placed on a column’s upper margin, in black ink, accompanied by navigation marks in red placed inside the text for the beginning (ዝየ፡ lit. “here”) and for the end (ቆመ፡ lit. “stop, stand still”) of the to-be-read passages. See ill. 21 and ill. 22.

126There are other liturgical rubrics written in different hands, including notes in unvocalized consonantal script (see 3.6.2).

127Major memorial notes (notes of donations) are grouped before the Gospel of Matthew (Notes C1-7) and before the Gospel of John (Notes C9-10), just as in the manuscript Abba Garima B. For a concordance with edition in Getatchew Haile, 2016, see 5.3. A minor note of unclear content is placed before the Gospel of Mark (Note C8; see edition and a commentary in 4.3.1).

  • 45 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

128Decorations: Illuminations in colour on f. 2r-5r (Eusebius’ Letter to Ammonius and Canon Tables). An architectural decoration in colour without text on f. 5v. A circular decoration in colour without text (tholos) on f. 6r. Portraits in colour of Eusebius of Caesarea45 (f. 1v), Matthew (f. 6v), Mark (f. 51v; inscription: ማርቆስ፡), Luke (f. 83v; inscription: ሉቃስ፡), John (f. 138v; inscription: ዮሐንስ፡); extant inscriptions are placed in the upper margin; inscriptions for Eusebius (if ever existed) and for Matthew seem to have been cut off during pre-modern repair interventions. Basic linear decorations in black or in red for the Lists of Gospel Chapters (f. 8rb, 52vb, 138r), at the beginning and at the end of Gospels (f. 51rb, 53r, 82va, 84r, 137rb, 139r).

129State of conservation: Generally, well preserved. Traces of water at upper margin of several pages; sometimes pages are faded away.

  • 46 See A. Bausi, 2003a for the edition and an Italian translation of the Life (Gadla) of Abba Libanos, (...)

130One passage is rewritten in a later hand on f. 43rb; this is the portion of the Gospel of Matthew beginning with the words ወአመ፡ መጽአ፡ ወልደ፡ እጓለ፡ እመሕያው፡ – “When the Son of Man comes…” (Mt. 25, 31). After the studies of Bausi 2003b about the role of this passage in the hagiography of Libanos-Maṭa‘, the believed translator of the Gospel of Matthew into Ethiopian,46 it can be argued that this passage in Abba Garima C, once faded away, was later restored because of its hagiographical importance. This restoration seems to reveal an important phenomenon in the religious and cultural history of Ethiopian Christianity: a tangible link between intellectual history and physical objects. See ill. 20.

131Several liturgical rubrics of the original hand underwent corrections and restorations (see 3.6 below).

132Historical context: Ten notes of different later hands and date (texts 5-8, 11-14, 16, 23-24, 26) register different kinds of donations and privileges endowed upon Abba Garima monastery. The description above provides a new nomenclature of these notes and a concordance with the edition in Getatchew Haile, 2016, where the sequence of notes was at some points mixed up because of the extremely disordered state of the three Abba Garima Tetraevangeliums.

133Here is the chronology of the donation notes (dates and names are placed in square brackets if not mentioned in the document):

Year

Note

King

1415

C9

Yəsḥaq I alias Gabra Masqal

[before 1430]

C4

[Yəsḥaq I] alias Gabra Masqal

[1476/1477]

C5

Ba’ǝda Maryām

1476/1477

C6

[Ba’ǝda Maryām]

[1476/1477]

C7

[Ba’ǝda Maryām]

1555

C10

[Galāwdewos] alias ’Aṣnāfa Sagad

[before 1597]

C2

Śarṣ́a Dǝngǝl alias Malak Sagad

[before 1597]

C3

[Śarṣ́a Dǝngǝl alias Malak Sagad]

134On the grounds of the memorial notes C9 and C4 it is possible to propose an approximate date for the entry of the Gospel Abba Garima C in the library of the monastery. Both notes are attributed to King Gabra Masqal, who we interpret to be Yəsḥaq I Gabra Masqal (ruled in 1414-1430). The note C9, dated explicitly 1415, mentions a land donation to the monastery of Māryām of Dabra Sinā, whereas the note C4, undated, speaks of the reconstruction of the monastery of Abba Garima and of the land and church utensil donations given to it. The language and the expressions of the two donation documents are very close, even if the note C4 has no date and no further information except for the royal name of the king. It seems logical that the king Yəsḥaq I Gabra Masqal, who had already placed a fully detailed donation note C9 in the Gospel then possessed by Māryām of Dabra Sinā, did not repeat all the details about himself in a later note C4 dedicated to Abba Garima. A different king with the royal name Gabra Masqal writing the note C4 would be interested to distinguish himself from the king with the same royal name in C9.

135We would venture the hypothesis that the Gospel was still in the monastery of Māryām of Dabra Sinā in 1415 and that it was on the account of this monastery that the donation note C9, the oldest of the whole set of donation notes, was inscribed in the manuscript. But at the time of the renewal of the Abba Garima monastery, the Gospel was donated by the king to the community of Abba Garima alongside other church utensils, as mentioned in C4. The entry of the Gospel to the Abba Garima monastery thus occurred after 1415 and before 1430, the year when Yəsḥaq I Gabra Masqal died.

136If this hypothesis is accepted, we should conclude that the Gospel Abba Garima C was not produced in the Abba Garima monastery scriptorium.

137On the grounds of marginal liturgical rubrics (see 3.6), it is possible to establish a Gospel lectionary system in use in the community of the scribe at the time when the Tetraevangelium Abba Garima C was created—that is, before the 6th century, according to the new dating (see above). Before 1415 AD, the lectionary system of Abba Garima C could have been used in the monastery of Māryām of Dabra Sinā and after 1430 AD in the Abba Garima monastery.

138Selected bibliography: F. Macomber, 1979, p. 9-11; S. Uhlig, 1988, p. 151-155; R: Zuurmond, 1989b, p. 48-50; M. Heldman, S.C. Munro-Hay, 1996, p. 129-130 (no. 53); A. Bausi, 1998-2002; A. Bausi, 2005; B.M. Wechsler, 2005, p. x; A. Bausi, 2011; Getatchew Haile, 2016; J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

3.6. Liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima C

139Of the 31 extant liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima C, only three are totally heterogenous and later interpolations. The majority of rubrics are written in the main hand of the copyist (second column of Table 9), in black ink.

140Eight original rubrics were fully or partly rewritten by a later hand over the ancient text of rubrics (see [c5], [c8], [c10], [c11], [c20], [c24], [c25], [c27]), while original navigational anchors in red for incipit and desinit of pericopes are still extant inside the Gospel text. We refer to them here using square brackets.

141The rewritten text mainly concerns numbers of Lent Weeks. The original numbers (it is not clear if they had been originally in numerical values or in full script) were thus corrected.

142We presume that one rubric ([c11]) was rewritten after being damaged and completely washed away by water in its original place. Traces of erasure are clearly visible on f. 142rb ([c25]).

143The third column of our Table 9 is reserved for such rewritten notes; in transcription of rubrics, square brackets denote the rewritten portions.

144Two annotations are written in unvocalized script (see 3.6.2).

3.6.1. Original liturgical notes

145The ancient liturgical rubrics (even taking into account later corrections) reflect moveable and fixed feasts of the liturgical year.

146One part covers two fixed dominical feasts: Nativity (c14, c15, c16, c17, c18, c23), Epiphany (c19, [c20], c23, [c24]).

147The other part concerns the Easter-dependent group of moveable offices and feasts: Lent (c1, c2, c3; [c5], [c8], c9, [c10], [c20], [c25], [c27]), Holy Week ([c11]), Easter (c12, c21, c26, c28, c29; c30), Ascension (c6, c22).

148It is interesting to note that the Gospel of Mark does not contain any original liturgical rubrics (just as in Abba Garima A and B; see above). For a later liturgical annotation in Mark, see 3.6.3.

149For illustrations see ill. 21.

3.6.2. Liturgical rubrics in unvocalized consonantal script

150Two annotations are written in unvocalized consonantal script: see c7, for St Peter, partially vocalized, and c31, for the Holy Cross, completely unvocalized. These are similar in form to those of Abba Garima B (3.4.2; see ill. 22).

3.6.3. Other liturgical notes

151One note (c13) is executed in large vocalized script, which might be called “monumental”. It concerns St Jacob (son of Zebedee, if we judge from the Gospel pericope it marks: Mk. 6, 1-13). One will note that it is the only, albeit late, liturgical annotation for the Gospel of Mark in Abba Garima C.

Table 9 (Lectionary systems of Abba Garima C, arranged by Gospel pericopes)

152*In the third column of the table, square brackets denote the rewritten portions of notes.

Number

Abba Garima C
(original hand)

Original hand with later restorations and corrections

Occasional hands

lacuna of 8 f. between f. 9-10

c1

Mt. 6, 5-18
On the Eve of Lent (
በድራረ፡ ጾመ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 10ra (
ዝየ) – 10vb (ቆመ)
See
ill. 21

c2

Mt. 6, 19 - 7, 9
2
nd Sunday of Lent (በዳግም፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 10vb (
ዝየ) – 11vb (ቆመ)

c3

Mt. 7, 9-29
3
rd Sunday of Lent (በሣልስ፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 11vb (
ዝየ) – 12vb (ቆመ)
See
ill. 21

c4

Mt. 8, 28-?
On the Feast of Pentecost (
በብዓ ኀምስ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 13vb (
ዝየ) – ?

[c5]

Mt. 13, 1-23
Saturday of the 4th Week of Lent ([በራብዕ፡ ሰንበተ፡ በሰንበተ፡ አይሁድ፡] ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 21rb (ዝየ) – 22rb (ቆመ)
See
ill. 21

c6

Mt. 15, 21-38
(Sunday) before Ascension (
እምድኅረ፡ አርብዓ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 26ra (
ዝየ) – 26vb (ቆመ)

c7

Mt 16, 20- ?
St Peter (
በጰጠሮሰ፡)
f. 27vb – ?

[c8]

Mt. 8, 18 – 19, 2
2
nt Sunday of Lent ([ወበሳንታ፡ በስንበተ፡ ክርስቲያን፡] ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 30va (
ዝየ) – 31rb (ቆመ)
See
ill. 21

c9

Mt. 24, 3-31
5
th Sunday of Lent (በኀሙስ፡ ስንበት፡ ዘጾም፡)
f. 39vb (
ዝየ) – 41rb (ቆመ)

[c10]

Mt. 24, 45 – 25, 34
6
th Sunday of Lent ([በሰድስ፡] ስንበት፡ ዘጾም፡)
f. 41vb (
ዝየ) – 43va (ቆመ)

[c11]

Mt. 26, 17 – 32
Holy Thursday ([
በጸሎተ፡ ኀሙስ፡ ምንበብ፡])
f. 44va – 45rb (
ቆመ)

c12

Mt. 28, 1-20(?)
Easter, for Vigils (
በመኅትወ፡ ፍስካ፡ ሰርከ፡ ምንባብ፡)
f. 50rb (
ዝየ) – 51ra(?)

c13

Mk. 6, 1-13
St Jacob (
በየዕቆብ፡)
f. 60vb (ዘየ) – 61va

lacuna of 2 f. between f. 83-84

c14

Lk. 1, 1-25
(Sunday) before Nativity (ቀድመ፡ ጌና፡ ዘይትነበብ፡)
f. 84ra – 85ra (
ቆመ)

c15

Lk. 1, 26-56
2
nd Sunday before Nativity (በደግም፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘቀድመ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 85ra (
ዝየ) – 86rb (ቆመ)

c16

Lk. 1, 57-80
3rd Sunday of Nativity (በሣልስ፡ ሰንበት፡ <>ጌና፡)
f. 86rb (
ዝየ) – 87rb (ቆመ)

c17

Lk. 2, 1-24
Matins of Nativity (በብዓለ፡ ጌና፡ ነግሀ፡)
f. 87rb (
ዝየ) – 88rb (ጌና፡ ቆመ፡)

c18

Lk. 2, 20-39
2nd Sunday after Nativity (በዳግም፡ ሰንባተ፡ ዘድኀረ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 88ra (
ዝየ) – 89ra (ቆመ)

c19

Lk. 2, 40 - 3, 9
(Sunday) before Epiphany (
እምቀድመ፡ ፓንያ፡)
f. 89ra (
ዝየ) – 90ra (ቆመ)

[c20]

Lk. 4, 14-22
4
th (Day) of Epiphany / Saturday of the 7th Week of Lent ([በራቡዐ፡ ብዓለ፡] ፓንያ፡ / [በሰብዐ፡] ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡ / በስንበተ፡ አይሁድ)
f. 92ra (
ዝየ) – 92rb (ቆመ)

c21

Lk. 24, 13-35
2nd Day of Easter (በሰኑይ፡ ዕለት፡ ዘፍስከ፡)
f. 135va (
ዝየ) – 136vb (ቆመ)

c22

Lk. 24, 36-53
Ascension (
በብዓለ፡ ኣርብዓ፡)
f. 136vb (
ዝየ) – 137rb (ቆመ)

c23

Jn. 1, 1-34
Matins of Epiphany / 2
nd (Day) of Nativity (በብዓለ፡ ፓንያ፡ ነግሀ፡ / በሰኒተ፡ ብዓለ፡ ጌና፡)
f. 139ra – 140rb (
ፓንያ፡ ቆመ፡)

[c24]

Jn. 2, 1-11
3
rd (Day) of the Feast of Epiphany ([በሣልስተ፡] ብዓለ፡ ፓንያ፡)
f. 141rb (
ዝየ) – 141vb (ቆመ)

[c25]

Jn. 3, 1-21
Sunday of the 2
nd Week of Lent ([ወበሰንታ፡ በሰንበተ፡ ክርስቲያን፡ ዘጾም፡ ምንባብ፡])
f. 142rb (
ዝየ) – 143rb (ቆመ)

c26

Jn. 4, 1-42
5
th Day of Easter (በኃሙስ፡ ዕለተ፡ ዘፍስካ፡)
f. 144ra (
ዝየ) – 146ra (ቆመ)

[c27]

Jn. 5, 1-17
8
th Sunday of Lent (በስምን፡ ሰንበት፡ ዘጾም፡)
f. 146va (
ዝየ) – 147rb (ቆመ)

c28

Jn. 6, 22-45
Friday of Easter (
በዐርብ፡ ዘፍስካ፡)
f. 149vb (
ዝየ) – 151ra (ቆመ)

c29

Jn. 6, 45-69
Saturday of Easter (
በሰንበተ፡ አይሁድ፡ ዘፍስካ፡)
f. 151ra (
ዝየ) – 152rb (ቆመ)

c30

Jn. 7, 32 – 8, 38
Dissolution of the Feast of Easter (
በጥልቀተ፡ ብዓለ፡ ፍስካ፡)
f. 153vb (
ዝየ) – 156ra (ቆመ)

c31

Jn. 10, 22-?
Commemoration of the Cross (
በጸለተ፡ መሰቀ)
f. 160r – ?

lacuna of 9 f. after f. 173

4. Further perspectives

153The elements we touch upon in the following sections belong to different fields of historical and philological studies: liturgy, patristic literature, donation notes. By doing so we endeavour to take but the first steps in the different directions in which the rich materials of the three Abba Garima Gospels point us. Donation notes are edited here for the first time (see 4.3).

4.1. Lectionary system of Abba Garima A, B and C

154In Table 11, we thought it useful to present a lectionary system reconstructed on the grounds of the liturgical rubrics of the three Abba Garima Gospels.

155Only original liturgical rubrics of the first hand are taken into account (with the exception of Abba Garima C, where square brackets stand for later rewritings of original notes; see 3.6 for more detail).

156Liturgical rubrics that cover the same pericope in all the three Gospels (allowing for certain fluctuations of several verses) are marked with bold.

Table 11 (Reconstructed lectionary system of Abba Garima A, B, and C)

Date

Abba Garima A

Abba Garima B

Abba Garima C

3rd Sunday before Nativity

Lk. 1, 1-25 (b28)

Lk. 1, 57-80 (c16)

2nd Sunday before Nativity

Lk. 1, 26-? (a40)

Lk. 1, 26-56 (b29)

Lk. 1, 26-56 (c15)

Sunday before Nativity

Lk. 1, 1-25 (a39)

Lk. 1, 57-80 (b30)

Lk. 1, 1-25 (c14)

Nativity

Lk. 1, ? – 80 (a42)

Lk. 2, 1-20 (b31)

Nativity, for Matins

Lk. 2, 1-24 (c17)

2nd Day of the Nativity

Lk. 2, 21-40 (b32);
Jn. 1, 1(?) – 17 (b44)

Jn. 1, 1-34 (c23)

Sunday after Nativity

Lk. 2, 21-24 (a43);
Jn. 1, 1-34 (a59)

Lk. 2, 20-39 (c18)

2nd Sunday after Nativity

Lk. 2, 25-39 (a44)

Sunday before Epiphany

Lk. 2, 36 – 3, 10 (a45)

Lk. 2, 41-? (b33)

Lk. 2, 40 - 3, 9 (c19)

Epiphany

Mt. 2, 1-12 (a1);
Jn. 1, 35-51 (a60)

Mt. 2, 1-12 (b2)

Epiphany, for Matins

Jn. 1, 1-34 (a59)

Jn. 1, 1-34 (c23)

1st Day of Epiphany

Lk. 4, 14 - ? (b35)

2nd Day of Epiphany

Jn. 2, 1-11 (a61)

Jn. 2, 1 – ? (b47)

3rd Day of Epiphany

Lk. 4, 14-21 (a47)

[Jn. 2, 1-11 (c24)]

4th Day of Epiphany

[Lk. 4, 14-22 (c20)]

Annunciation

Mt. 10, 16-42 (b8)

Eve of Lent

Mt. 6, 1-18 (a2)

Mt. 6, 1-18 (b3)

Mt. 6, 5-18 (c1)

2nd Sunday of Lent

Mt. 6, 19 - 7, 8 (a3)

Mt. 6, 18 – 7, 6 (b4)

Mt. 6, 19 - 7, 9 (c2);
[Mt. 8, 18 – 19, 2 (c8)];
[Jn. 3, 1-21 (c25)]

3rd Sunday of Lent

Mt. 7, 9 - ? (a5)

Mt. 7, 7 - ? (b5)

Mt. 7, 9-29 (c3)

Saturday of the 4th Week of Lent

[Mt. 13, 1-23 (c5)]

4th Sunday of Lent

Mt. 13, 1-24 (a8)

Mt. 13, 1-23 (b10)

5th Sunday of Lent

Mt. 18, 19 – 19, 2 (a11)

Mt. 18, 18 – 19, 2 (b13)

Mt. 24, 3-31 (c9)

6th Sunday of Lent

Mt. 24, 3-31 (b15)

[Mt. 24, 45 – 25, 34 (c10)]

Saturday of the 6th Week of Lent

Mt. 11, 28-42 (b9)

7th Sunday of Lent

Mt. 24, 45-? (b16)

Saturday of the 7th Week of Lent

[Lk. 4, 14-22 (c20)]

8th Sunday of Lent

Lk. 4, 14-21 (a46)

[Jn. 5, 1-17 (c27)]

Saturday of the 8th Week of Lent

Lk. 4, 14 - ? (b35)

9th Sunday of Lent

Jn. 5, 5-16 (a64)

Jn. 5, 1-17 (b48)

Holy Cross

Jn. 10, 22 – 14, 25 (b54)

Easter, for Vigils

Mt. 28, 1-20 (b19)

Mt. 28, 1-20(?) (c12)

1st Day of Easter

Lk. 24, 13 – ? (b42)

2nd Day (= Monday) of Easter

Lk. 24, 10-35a (a57)

Lk. 24, 13-35 (c21)

3rd Day (= Tuesday) of Easter

Jn. 20, 24-31 (a82)

4th Day (= Wednesday) of Easter

Jn. 20, 32-? (a83)

5th Day (= Thursday) of Easter

Jn. 4, 4-42 (a63)

Jn. 4, 1-42 (c26)

Friday of Easter

Jn. 6, 16-44 (a66)

Jn. 6, 24-33 (or Jn. 6, 24-40b) (b49)

Jn. 6, 22-45 (c28)

7th Day (= Saturday) of Easter

Jn. 6, 47-69 (a50)

Jn. 6, 45-69 (c29)

8th Day of Easter (= Sunday after Easter)

Jn. 6, 39-69 (a67)

Jn. 7, 32b-? (b51)

Dissolution of the Feast of Easter

Jn. 7, 32b – 8, 38 (a68)

Jn. 7, 32 – 8, 38 (c30)

Sunday before Ascension

Mt. 15, 21-38 (c6)

Ascension

Lk. 24, 35b-51 (a58)

Lk. 24, 36-53 (c22)

Sunday before Pentecost

Jn. 9, 1-? (b53)

Pentecost

Mt. 8, 28 - 9, 17 (a6)

Mt. 8, 28 – ? (b6)

Mt. 8, 28-? (c4)

2nd Sunday after Pentecost

Jn. 15, 26 – 16, 33 (a55)

St John Baptist

Mk 6, 14 - ? (b23)

St Zacharias

Mt. 23, 12-? (b14);
Lk. 11, 51 - ? (b38)

Apostles

Mt. 10, 2b – ? (b7)

Sunday of ?

Jn. 3, 1-21 (a62)

4.1.1. Nativity and Epiphany in the liturgical rubrics of Abba Garima Gospels

  • 47 We take into account here only the original liturgical rubrics of the three Gospels.

157Two liturgical terms in use in the Abba Garima lectionary apparatuses attract immediate attention47 because of their Greek background.

  • 48 See E. Frisch, 2001, p. 60 and especially 145 (n. 6).

158The first is ጌና፡ (A, f. 90ra, 91ra, 93ra, 94ra, 94rb, 141va; B, f. 126va, 128vb[2×], 130ra, 132va[2×], 208ra; C, f. 84ra, 85ra, 86rb, 87rb, 88ra, 88rb, 139ra). It is a phonetically exact borrowing from the Greek; the Ethiopian ጌና፡ gennā stands for γέννα genna, meaning Nativity. This loanword seems to be no more used in later liturgical tradition: the feast of Nativity is called by the Ge‘ez term ልደት፡ (lit. “(Christ’s) birth, Nativity”).48

  • 49 As for the rendering of the Greek phi (Φ) with the Ethiopian psa (), one will compare another anci (...)
  • 50 See for example E. Frisch, 2001, p. 60 (n. 4), 154.

159The second term is አፓንያ፡ (A, f. 8rb, 94va, 97va, 141va, 142vb, 143vb; B, 10ra, 134ra, 209rb, 210va), also spelled as ፓንያ፡ in Abba Garima C (C, f. 89ra, 139ra, 140rb). It must be considered a somewhat deformed phonetical calque from the Greek: the Ethiopian አፓንያ፡ apānyā would stand for ἐπιφάνεια epiphanya (lit. “manifestation, Epiphany”). The form ’apānyā can be analysed as a contraction of ’ap̣ǝpānyā, where the sixth order vocalisation -ǝ- renders the unaccentuated Greek -πι- pi (as in ክርስቶስ፡ kstos for Χριστός). We would suppose that the initial calqued form *አጵፓንያ፡ ap̣ǝpānyā would be simplified graphically and phonetically to አፓንያ፡ pronounced as ’appānyā or ’apānyā (as in Abba Garima A and B). Further on, in the process of banalization this form would evolve to ፓንያ፡ pānyā as it is found in Abba Garima C.49 It seems that this term disappeared completely from later tradition, giving way to the Ethiopian terms አስትርእዮ፡ astǝrǝǝyo (lit. “manifestation”) or ጥምቀት፡ ǝmqat (lit. “Baptism”).50

160These two Greek loanwords gennā and ’appānyā used for the feasts of Nativity and Epiphany in the liturgical apparatus point to the Aksumite period.

  • 51 The introduction of the feast of Nativity on December 25 and reinterpretation of the older feast of (...)

161Moreover, it is important to underline the fact that Nativity and Epiphany are mentioned here as two separate feasts, with Sundays preceding and following each of them. This means that the Greek model of the Ethiopian Tetraevangeliums of Abba Garima must be dated after the mid-5th century AD—that is, after the feast of Nativity appeared and was progressively adopted in the Churches of the Christian East.51

4.2. Subsidiary texts of the Abba Garima Gospels

  • 52 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-64; R. Zuurmond, 2001, p. 8-10; B.M. Wechsler, 2005, p. xv-xxi; see a (...)

162Ps.-Ammonius Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels and the Ethiopian recension of Eusebius’ Letter to Carpianus are the two extensive literary texts of non-biblical subsidiary character inside the three Abba Garima Gospels. Taking into account the new dating of the Abba Garima Gospels, one ought to consider both of the texts in question as part of the Aksumite layer of the Ethiopian literature, alongside the four Gospels themselves in their ancient recensions “Aa” and “Ab” that the three Abba Garima manuscripts transmit.52

  • 53 For the references, see below, 4.2.1 and 4.2.2.

163The two Ethiopian texts differ significantly from their existing Greek counteparts that have been identified by previous research.53 At the present stage, it is not possible to establish whether the differences in the Ethiopian texts reflect some lost Greek recensions or, on the contrary, bear witness to a redactional activity of the Aksumite litterati on the basis of earlier Ethiopian translations from Greek, which would also date from the Aksumite period.

4.2.1. Ps.-Ammonius of Alexandria. Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels

164The text is preserved fragmentarily both in Abba Garima B (f. 1r) and in Abba Garima C (f. 1r); in both of them the initial part is lost, including the title, provided there used to be one. The final title, the explicit, is preserved in both manuscripts; no author is cited there, either: መጥዎ፡ በእንተ፡ ኅብረተ፡ ቃላት፡ ዘቀዱሳን፡ አርባዕቱ፡ ወንጌላት። ‘There ends [the text] about the agreement of words of the four holy Gospels’.

  • 54 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 155-159; see also p. 217-220.
  • 55 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 217-220; see also R.W. Cowley, 1977, p. 162-164.
  • 56 A. Bausi, 2019, p. 69.

165It has been shown54 that this anonymous Ethiopian text has a number of parallels with a passage from the genuine homily from the Commentary on Matthew’s Gospel (CPG 4424, homily 1) authored by John, Bishop of Constantinople (+403), commonly known as Chrysostom. In the Appendix II to McKenzie, Watson 2016, Francis Watson provided parallel English translations of both Greek and Ethiopian texts;55 it is evident that the two texts are closely related. Therefore, it is quite logical that it was in the role of a homily that our text was recently treated by Alessandro Bausi in his overview of homiletical texts translated from Greek into Ethiopic during the Aksumite period.56

  • 57 See the critical edition in A. Bausi, 2015; for a synoptic edition with English translation, see J. (...)
  • 58 Sections according to A. Bausi, 2015, p. 122.

166In the Ethiopian recension of Eusebius’ Letter to Carpianus57 (see also 4.2.2 below), the text is ascribed to Ammonius the Alexandrian, a 3rd-century patristic author. The piece is called there:58 §2,3-4 ቃል፡ ዘከመ፡ ኀበሩ፡ አርበዕቱ፡ ወንጌል፡ ‘the discourse on how the four Gospels agree”; it is affirmed that Ammonius composed and left it to us (§2,3 ገብረ፡ ወኀደገ፡ ለነ፡).

167The new early (Aksumite) dating of Abba Garima manuscript C imposes the necessity for a critical edition of the Ps-Ammonius Discourse, which must take into account the largest possible range of manuscript witnesses: it is important to assess the textual value of the fragmentarily preserved Abba Garima texts in the context of the later reception of Ps-Ammonius’ Discourse in the Ethiopic biblical manuscripts.

4.2.2. Eusebius of Caesarea. Letter to Carpianus

  • 59 A. Bausi, 2015; the mss. Abba Garima A, B, C are referred to as Ga1, Ga3, and Ga2, respectively.

168The Ethiopian version of Eusebius’ Letter to Carpianus is transmitted fully in Abba Garima A (f. 1r-2r) and Abba Garima B (f. 2r-v), and fragmentarily in Abba Garima C (f. 2r-v, the beginning is missing). Below we follow the critical edition of the Letter by Alessandro Bausi,59 not only in the text, but also in his numeration of paragraphs and lines.

  • 60 For parallel English translations of the Greek original and of the Ethiopian recension of the Lette (...)

169The Ethiopian text of Eusebius’ Letter should rather be regarded as a peculiar recension of this patristic work, as long as it presents a number of substantial additions, omissions, and reformulations in comparison with the Greek text.60 Among significant Ethiopic additions to Eusebius’ Letter, we can note the mention of three Gospel apparatuses that are present in the Gospel text of the Abba Garima manuscripts.

170a) The Ethiopian text states that the number of the Eusebian canon is written not only in the sections of Canon Tables, but also inside the Gospel text itself: §11,1-4 ወከማሁ፡ ውስተሂ፡ ወንጌል፡ ጽሑፍ፡ ኆልቈ፡ አኅዙ፡ ‘And likewise the canon of its number is written inside the Gospel’. We would tend to interpret the term ኆልቈ፡ ḫolqwa as ‘canon’ in its technical sense of Eusebian canon, and not simply ‘number’, ‘digit’, or ‘sign’. Indeed, in §4,4 we read: ወኀጠርኩ፡ ዐሠርተ፡ ኆልቈ፡ ‘and I also inscribed ten ḫolqwa’, referring to the Eusebian canons in Canon Tables.

171In the three Abba Garima Gospels we find these Canon numbers, placed under the number of the Ammonian section. This trait is common for Gospel Tetraevangeliums in Greek, Latin, and other ancient languages, but only the Ethiopian Eusebius’ Letter mentions the presence of the Eusebian numbers inside the Gospel text.

172b) Another explicit explanation concerns the sign “xi-rho”, in a phrase added to the final section of the Ethiopian Eusebius. It is interesting to note that in Abba Garima B a decoration separates this very phrase on the “xi-rho” sign (B, f. 2v), whereas no visual separation is present in the more ancient Gospels Abba Garima A and Abba Garima C.

  • 61 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 225-227.
  • 62 A. Bausi, 2015, p. 122-135 (Ethiopic text and translation); for the phrase in question, see p. 134- (...)
  • 63 It differs on several minor points from the critical edition by Alessandro Bausi (A. Bausi, 2015, p (...)

173The edition published in McKenzie, Watson, 201661 did not take into account the critical edition of the Letter by Bausi62 and contains several imperfections. We have made a new collation on the three Abba Garima manuscrips63 and have tried to make a new translation of the phrase:

174Text: §13 ወጸሐፍኩ፡ ዓዲ፡ ውስተ፡ ወንጌል፡ ትእምርተ፡a አኅዝ፡ ዘበሲራኮ፡b ኀበ፡ ገብረ፡ ተአምረ፡ እግዚእነ፡ ኢየሱስ፡ ክርስቶስ፡ ወኀበሂ፡c አዘዘ፡ ወኀበሂ፡d ገሠጸ፡ ወኀበሂ፡e መሀረ፡f ወኀበሂ፡g ነበረ፡ ወትእምርት፡ ኀበ፡h አኅዙ፡i ማዕተበ፡k መስቀል።

175Apparatus:

176a ትእምርተ፡] ABC እምርተ፡ McKenzie

177b ዘበሲራኮ፡] AB ዘበ፡ ሲራኮ፡ C

178c ወኀበሂ፡] AC ወኀቤሂ፡ B

179d ወኀበሂ፡] AC ወኀቤሂ፡ B

180e ወኀበሂ፡] AC ወኀቤሂ፡ B

181f መሀረ፡ BC] መሃረ፡ A

182g ወኀበሂ፡] lacuna B

183h ኀበ፡] AC ኀቤ፡ B

184i አኅዙ፡] C, om. A, አሕዙ፡ McKenzie

185k አኅዙ፡ ማዕተበ፡] lacuna B

186Translation: ‘And I also wrote in the Gospel the sign of the number in red where our Lord Jesus Christ performed miracles (lit. “signs”), and also where He gave commands, and also where He admonished, and also where He taught, and also where He stayed. And the sign where there is its number is the figure of a cross.’

  • 64 See argumentation in A. Bausi, 2015, p. 117-118.

187Indeed, “figures of a cross” systematically appear on the left side of the Gospel text in the three Abba Garima manuscripts in front of the beginning of the Gospel episode to which the Gospel Chapters refer. We translate the term ሲራኮ፡ as “red”, as Alessandro Bausi proposed.64 The Ethiopian Eusebius is thus saying that he took the responsibility to copy the Chapter number to the Gospel text and to place the “xi-rho” sign in front of the pericope introduced by the Chapter.

  • 65 For the state of the art on the ancient forms of Ethiopian prepositions ending in -a in independent (...)

188It is also interesting to note the orthography of the preposition ኀበ፡ systematically applied in the manuscript Abba Garima B: in this passage of the Letter to Carpianus ኀበ፡ appears as ኀቤ፡.65

189c) As discussed above, the initial lines of the Ethiopian recension of Eusebius’ Letter attribute the preceding text of the Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels to Ammonius of Alexandria. After this assertion comes a mysterious phrase in which the Ethiopian Eusebius assigns to Ammonius one more literary product.

  • 66 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 225-227 (appendix III).

190Here is the text based on Abba Garima A (f. 1r) and Abba Garima B (f. 2r):66 §2,4 ወእምዝሰ፡ አርእስተ፡ (B ኣርእስተ፡ A) ምንባባት፡, which we would rather translate literally in this way: ‘[Ammonius composed the discourse] and after it, moreover, the headings of the readings.’

191In the Abba Garima Gospels, the word አርእስት፡ (lit. “headings”) seems to stand for the Gospel Chapters, as most final titles of Lists of Chapters testify, for example: አርእስተ፡ ነገር፡ እምወንጌል፡ ማቴዎስ፡ ‘Chapters of the narration from the Gospel of Matthew’ (A, f. 7ra; B, f. 8rb; C, f. 8rb). This term normally means a title given to a Gospel episode.

  • 67 Bausi mentions the difficulty in correct understanding of this technical term, among others: A. Bau (...)

192At the same time, we can observe that the term ምንባብ፡ (“reading”) employed in the Ethiopian Letter (§2,4) is used in the three Abba Garima manuscripts to mean still another thing:67 a Gospel pericope (a Gospel reading) recited on a certain liturgical occasion according to the liturgical rubric (see Tables 6, 8, and 9 for numerous occurrences of the use of ምንባብ፡ inside liturgical rubrics of the first hand). Still, it is not impossible that ምንባብ፡ meant in Eusebius’ Letter a Gospel episode in a wider sense, with no reference to the technical sense of the term in which it is used elsewhere in the three manuscripts.

193If so, the titles, “headings”, or the Gospel Chapters are for the Ethiopian Eusebius authored by Ammonius. Thus, Ammonius would have composed the Discourse on the Harmony of Gospels and then created the Gospel Chapters, while the Ethiopian Eusebius took the responsibility to write the Canon numbers inside the Gospel text (see above, §a) and also to place the “xi-rho” sign near the Gospel episode introduced by a Chapter from the List of Chapters (see above, §b). These attributions seem to be the peculiarity of the Ethiopian recension of the Letter.

194These details are absent from the Greek text of Eusebius’ Letter, but they seem to fit well in the Abba Garima Gospels. Is it possible that the Ethiopian Letter of Eusebius was a translation from a lost Greek recension and not a purely Ethiopian recension? Indeed, the slight inconsistency of terminology mentioned above may point in this direction. If this should be the case, then we will have to claim that not only was the Ethiopian Eusebius’ Letter translated from a lost Greek recension, but also the content and the layout of the biblical apparatuses of Abba Garima Gospels must have been imported directly from the Greek, in order for the explanations of Eusebius’ Letter to make sense.

4.3 Inedited donation notes of Abba Garima C

195In what follows, we edit, translate, and comment on the notes C8, C9, and C10, which were not edited in Getatchew Haile, 2016.

4.3.1 Note C8

196Fol.: Abba Garima C, f. 51rb (= AG III, f. 310r)

197Text: መጸሕፍት፡ ፷፡ / ቀማይስ፡ ፳ወ፬።

198Translation: 60 books / 24 garments”

199Commentary: As long as no direct context is available for this short note, it can mean either a general list of Church property, or a record of a massive donation, or an order to be placed. The fact that considerable numbers of objects are mentioned (60 and 24 items) would rather suggest the first possibility.

4.3.2 Note C9

200Fol.: Abba Garima C, f. 137va-b (= AG II-III, f. 398v)

201Text (below, proper names are underlined in Ethiopic and set in bold in English translations):

202(f. 137va) በአኰቴተ፡ ኣብ፡ ወወልድ፡ ወመንፈስ፡ ቅዱስ፡ ወሀብኩ፡ አነ፡ ይስሐቅ፡ ንጉሥ፡ ወስመ፡ ምንግሥትየ፡ ገብረ፡ መስቀል፡ ጕልታ፡ ማርያም፡ ዘደብረ፡ ሲና፡ ምድረ፡ አኃሐይሌ፡ ኵለንታሃ፡ በሢመታ፡ አቡነ፡ ሴት፡ በ፷ወ፯፡ ዓመተ፡ ምሕረት፡ እንዘ፡ ጳጳስ፡ አባ፡ በርተሎሜዎስ፡ ወእንዘ፡ በዐልተ፡ ቢሐት፡ ዛን፡ ገንበራ፡ ወእንዘ፡ መኰንነ፡ ትግራይ፡ እንታግባ፡ ወላእከ፡ ንጉሥሂ፡ ዘአጐለተ፡ አይለኩ፡ ለዲያቆናት፡ ጔታ፡ ዘኢይበውኣ፡ ሥዩም፡ ወቃለ፡ ነጋሢ፡ ወኢአውፋሪ፡ ዘአልቦ፡ ኅልፈ፡ ወኢፈረስ፡ ወኢአንበሳ፡ ወአልቦ፡ ግብረ፡ ካልአ፡ ወኢምንተኒ፡ ዘእንበለ፡ ለቅዱሳን፡ ባሕቲቱ።

203ወዘንተ፡ ዘገበርኩ፡ ለመድኀኒተ፡ ነፍስየ፡ ከመ፡ ይምሐረኒ፡ እግዚአብሔር፡ በጸሎታ፡ (f. 137vb) ለማርያም፡ ወላዲቱ፡ ወበስእለቶሙ፡ ለ፲ወ፪፡ ሐዋርያቲሁ፡ ወበጸሎተ፡ ኵሎሙ፡ ቅዱሳን፡ ወስማዕት፡ ተአሚንየ፡ ዘይቤ፡ እስመ፡ ጸሎተ፡ ጻድቅ፡ ትረድእ፡ ትክል፡ ወታሰልጥ።

  • 68 Read ወዘተዐገላ፡

204ወለእመቦ፡ ዘሄዳ፡ ወዘተአገላ፡68 እመሂ፡ ነጋሢ፡ ወእመሂ፡ መኰንን፡ አው፡ ሥዩም፡ ወእመሂ፡ ዘኮነ፡ ካዊኖ፡ ቅዉማነ፡ ወርጉማነ፡ ወእሱራነ፡ ለይኩኑ፡ በሰማይ፡ ወበምድር፡ ወኢይርከቡ፡ ስርየተ፡ ኀጢአቶሙ፡ በዝ፡ ዓለም፡ ወኢበዘ፡ ይመጽእ፡ ዓለም፡ አሜን።

205ወአንትሙሂ፡ ደቂቀ፡ መካን፡ ኢትርስዑኒ፡ በጸሎትክሙ፡ በሕይወትየ፡ ወአመሂ፡ ሞትየ፡ ግበሩ፡ ተዝካርየ፡ ወለእለ፡ እምድኅሬየ፡ ለክሙኒ፡ ከመ፡ ይኩንክሙ፡ በቍዔተ፡=

206Translation:

  • 69 NB: the verb is in present form.
  • 70 On the term, see A. Wion, 2016, p. 52, n. 7: (“L’awfāri était un chef militaire nommé par le souver (...)

207“(f. 137va) In gratefulness to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit. I, Yəsḥaq the king, my royal name [being] Gabra Masqal, gave a donation to Māryām of Dabra Sinā, the land of ’Aḫāḥayle in its entirety, within the jurisdiction of Abuna Set, in the 67th year of Mercy, under Metropolitan Bishop Abba Bartalomewos, under the Lady of Biḥat Zān Ganbarā, under magistrate (makwannan) of Təgray ’Ǝntāgəbā (?) and messenger of the king, who announced the donation, ’Aylaku la-Diyāqonāt (?) the Master (gwetā), so that there should enter69 into it any official (śəyum) or king’s representative, or any’awfāri70 without permission, not a horse, nor a lion or any other thing or whatever at all, – but only the saintly ones.

  • 71 James 5, 16.

208And I did this for the salvation of my soul, so that God may take pity on me through the prayers (f. 137vb) of Maryam His Mother, and through the intercessions of His Twelve Apostles, and through the prayers of all saints and martyrs, for I believe the one who says: “The prayer of a righteous person is powerful and effective.”71

209And if there be anyone who takes it away or does violence to it, be it a king, be it a magistrate (makwannən) or an official (śəyum), be it anyone who has authority, let them be excommunicated, cursed and bound on heaven and on earth, and let them not find remission of sins either in this world or in the coming one. Amen.

210And you, offsprings of [this] place, do not forget me in your prayers – neither during my life nor after my death! Make commemoration of me and of those who will be after me. And you, let you be prosperous!”

211Commentary: A donation note. The document mentions: 1) King Yəsḥaq, whose royal name is Gabra Masqal, granting the land of ’Aḫāḥayle to the monastery of Mary of Dabra Sinā. We also find several ecclesiastical and lay officials such as: 2) Metropolitan Bartalomewos, 3) Abuna Set, 4) Zān Ganbarā, Lady of Biḥat, 5) ’Ǝntāgəbā (?), the makwannən of Tigray, 6) messenger of the king ’Aylaku la-Diyāqonāt (?) the Master (gwetâ).

  • 72 This date can theoretically be reckoned as 959 or 1491 AD, if the document bases its calculation of (...)
  • 73 S. Kaplan, 2014.
  • 74 G. Lusini, 2003; S. Tedeschi 1991, p. 1012b-1013b. For the last synthesis and information on Bartal (...)

212The date is given explicitly as “the 67th year of Mercy”.72 The constellation of these data and names points out to the year 1415 AD. The king Yəsḥaq in question must be King Yəsḥaq I of the Solomonian dynasty who bore the royal name of Gabra Masqal and ruled from 1414 until his death in 1430.73 The bishop Bartholomew mentioned in the text must be Bartalomewos, the Ethiopian metropolitan of Egyptian origin, active in the years 1398/9-1438 and famous for heated theological debates with the Eustathians.74 The donation of the land was thus given during the second year of the reign of King Yəsḥaq I Gabra Masqal.

  • 75 On the Ladies of Biḥat, see M.-L. Derat, 2020, p. 44-45, 47. One will note that this title is also (...)

213We also learn the names of several personalities active in 1415: Abuna Seth, obviously the abbot of the monastery of Māryām of Dabra Sinā; ’Ǝntāgəbā(?), the magistrate (makwannen) of Tigray; the king’s messenger bearing both the complex name ’Aylaku la-Diyāqonāt (?) and the title gwetā, “the Master”. The name Zān Ganbarā belongs to the landowner of the locality Biḥat (በዐልተ፡ ቢሐት፡), ‘Lady of Biḥat’, a title given to queens.75 Consequently Zān Ganbarā must be the name of a queen related to the king Yəsḥaq I Gabra Masqal; the name of this royal person does not seem to have been known before.

214The name of the donated land is ’Aḫāḥayle, written አኃሐይሌ፡; its whereabouts is unknown.

215The donation is referred to as gwalt. The messenger of the king announces the donation, if we understand correctly the C-form verb of the same root employed in the text: አጐለተ፡. If so, it cannot be excluded that the king’s messenger inscribed the donation note personally, in his function of an official acting on the part of his royal superior.

216See also several remarks on a link with note C4 above, (3.5 Historical context).

4.3.3 Note C10

217Fol.: Abba Garima C, f. 138rb, 137vb (= AG II-III, f. 399r, 398v)

218Text:

219(f. 138rb) በአኰተተ፡ አብ፡ ወወልድ፡ ወመንፈስ፡ ቅዱስ፡

220መጽሐፈ፡ መልእክት፡ እምኀበ፡ ንጉሥ፡ አጽናፈ፡ ሰገድ፡

221ስማዕ፡ ዘንብለከ፡ ወዘንኤዝዘከ፡ በነገረ፡ አብርሃም፡ ወመምህር፡ ዘቤተ፡ ገሪማ፡

  • 76-] corrected from -

222ናሁ፡ ተረትዐ፡ አብርሃም፡ በ፷ወ፪መስክር፡ ዘትቤ፡ ሠናየ፡ ኮነ፡ ወሠናየ፡ ገበርከ፡ እንተ፡ ባሕቱ፡ ይጽሐፍ፡ በወንጌል፡ በቃልነ፡ ከመ፡ ይኩን፡ ለተዝካረ፡76 ነገር፡ ለትውልደ፡ ትውልድ።

  • 77 ሐሰሰ፡] read ኀሰሰ፡
  • 78 እትዋራረድ፡] read እትዋረድ፡

223ሐሰሰ፡77 አብርሃም፡ ከማሁ፡ ይቤ፡ አዋርዱኒ፡ ምስለ፡ መነኮሳት፡ ዘቤተ፡ አባ፡ ገሪማ፡ ወሶበ፡ ይቤልዎ፡ ለመምህር፡ ተዋረድ፡ አበየ፡ ወይቤ፡ እፎ፡ እትዋራረድ፡78 አነ፡ ዘኢነበረ፡ በአበውየ፡ ወበዝንቱ፡ ነገር፡ ወሀብዎ፡ ለአብርሃም፡ ወተሰይመ፡ ፬ዓመት።

  • 79 ወጸእት፡] read ወፀእት፡(?)

224ወወጽኡ፡ መነኮሳት፡ እምደብሮሙ፡ ሓፄጌ፡ ወይቤልዎሙ፡ ይኩንክሙ፡ ፍትሐ፡ ወያስተራትዕክሙ፡ ኩሞ፡ ወወሀብዎሙ፡ ቃለ፡ ሓፄያት፡ እምወጸእት፡79 ዣኖ፡ እምጠቃቅናቺ፡ ተክለ፡ ማርያም፡ ምስለ፡ ከታብ፡ አብጽሕዎሙ፡ ኀቤየ፡ ወሊትኒ፡ እምሐሉኒ፡ በጽኑዕ፡ ማሕላ፡ ከመ፡ ኢያደሉ፡ ለመኑሂ፡ እምከልኤሆሙ፡ ወባሕቱ፡ ከመ፡ አዳንዮሙ፡ በርቱዕ፡

  • 80 በእደ፡] the first letter is not well readable.
  • 81 መምሩ፡] read መምህሩ፡

225ወአምጽኡ፡ ብዙኀን፡ ሰማዕት፡ ፱መምህራን፡ ዘዳም፡ ዘደብረ፡ በኵር፡ ዘቤተ፡ በሐይላ፡ ዘመከነ፡ ያከስ፡ ዘቤተ፡ አባ፡ አለፍ፡ ዘቤተ፡ አባ፡ ስሙኤል፡ ዘሰለ፡ ደዊት፡ ዘደብረ፡ ማርያም፡ ዘቤተ፡ አባ፡ ትዮድሮስ፡ እሉ፡ መምህራን፡ ወካልአንሂ፡ መጽኡ፡ አእሩግ፡ እለ፡ ነበሩ፡ በሓፄ፡ <>እደ፡80 ማርያም፡ ወበሓፄ፡ እስከድር፡ ወተመስከሩ፡ በግዘት፡ ፷ወ፪ስብእ፡ ከመ፡ ኢይሰየም፡ ንቡረ፡ እድ፡ ዘቤተ፡ አባ፡ ገሪማ፡ ዘእንበለ፡ ፩መምህር፡ ዘመንኰሳ፡ ኀቤሃ፡ ዘወሀቦ፡ መምሩ፡81

  • 82 ጠይቅየ፡] read ጠዪቅየ፡

226ወዘንተ፡ ሰሚዕየ፡ ወጠይቅየ፡82 ፈነውኩ፡ ከታበ፡ ለሐፄጌ፡ ወነገርክዎሙ፡ ኵሎ፡ ዘኮነ።

227ወናሁ፡ አዘዙ፡ ሐፄጌ፡ እንዘ፡ (f. 137vb)ጽሐፍ፡ በአክሱም፡ ወበኵ<ለ፡> አድባራት፡ መጽሐፈ፡ ግዘት፡ ከመ፡ ኢይሰየ<መ፡> መኑሂ፡ በቤተ፡ ኣባ፡ ገሪማ፡ ዘእንበለ፡ መም<ህራ(?)> ባሕቲቱ፡

  • 83 ኢቲ፡] read ኢቴ፡(?)

228በዘነግሡ፡ ፲ወ፭ዓመት፡ <>ግሥትሂ፡ ኢቲ፡83 ሰብለ፡ ወንጌል፡ ወደጌ፡ አዝ<>ቺ፡ አዛዢ፡ ኩሞ፡ ወትግሬ፡ መኰንን፡ ራእስ፡ <ገና፡>

229ወዝ፡ ትእዛዘ፡ ንጉሥ፡ ዘተዓደወ፡ በምድሩ፡ <>ገሪማ፡ ውጉዛ፡ ይኩን፡ በአፈ፡ አብ፡ ወወልድ፡ <>መንፈስ፡ ቅዱስ፡ ወበአፈ፡ እግዚእትነ፡ ማርያም<> ወበአፈ፡ ጴትሮስ፡ ወጰውሎስ፡ ለዓለም፡ <ሜን፡>

230Translation:

231“(f. 138rb) In gratitude to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Spirit.

232A written document sent by King ’Aṣnāfa Sagad.

233Listen to what we are announcing to you and to what we are ordering to you concerning the case of ’Abrəhām and the abbot of the monastery of Garimā.

234So, here is the judgement of ’Abrəhām [in the presence of] 62 witnesses, which says: “Good it was and good you did that it be written separately inside the Gospel according to our voice so that the case might be remembered in generation of generation.”

  • 84 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”. The pluralis maiestatis is employed in verbs applied to the royal (...)
  • 85 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”.
  • 86 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”.

235’Abrəhām required attention saying: “He84 made me submit myself together with the monks of the monastery of ’Abbā Garimā”. And when He85 said to the Abbot: “Submit yourself, my father”, he said: “Why should I be under somebody who has not lived among my fathers?” And upon this word He86 conceded and fixed one year to ’Abrəhām.

  • 87 Lit. “to them” for “to their Majesty”.

236And the monks went from their monastery [to] the Majesty (ḥaṣ́ege), and they said to Him:87 “Let there be a lawsuit between you and let Kumo judge [between] you.” And He gave them Royal Messengers: Žāno from waṣa’ǝt (?), [and] Takla Māryām from the unit of ṭǝqāqqǝnāči, with a letter (kitab): “They shall come to me. And as for myself, I do swear with a firm oath that it is not suitable to anyone but to me to judge them in justice.”

237And they brought forth numerous witnesses – nine abbots: the one of Dām, the one of Dabra Bakwǝr, the one of the monastery of Baḥaylā, the one of Makana Yākas, the one of the monastery of ’Abbā ’Alaf, the one of the monastery of ’Abbā Sǝmu’el, the one of Sala Dawit, the one of Dabra Māryām, the one of the monastery of ’Abbā Tǝyodǝros. There came these abbots and other elders who had lived under the Majesty (ḥaṣ́e) <Ba>’ǝda Maryām and under the Majesty (ḥaṣ́e) ’Ǝskadǝr(!). And 62 men testified under excommunication that no nǝbura ’ǝd should be appointed to the monastery of ’Abbā Garimā if it not be the abbot only, who has been a monk therein, [or] someone to whom his Abbot allowed it.

238And after I witnessed this and certified this, I sent a kitab to the Majesty (ḥaṣ́ege) and I told Him everything that happened.

239And this is what He, the Majesty (ḥaṣ́ege), ordered, so that it shall be written (f. 137vb) in ’Aksum and in all monasteries the decree (maṣhafa gǝzat) not to appoint anyone to the monastery of ’Abbā Garimā except <its> Abbot, in the 15th year of His reign, the queen [being] ’ite Sabla Wangel, and the dage ’azmāči [being] ʾazāži Kumo, and the makwanǝn of Tǝgray [being] rā’ǝs De<ganā>.

240And this is the king’s order: let the one who penetrates into the land of Garimā be cursed on behalf of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit and on behalf of Our Lady Maryam and on behalf of Peter and Paul, to the ages. Amen.”

241Commentary:

242The document relates the story of defending the autonomy of the monastery of Abba Garima by its abbot ’Abrəhām in front of King Galāwdewos (ruled 1540-1559).

243The document is dated the 15th year of the reign of Galāwdewos—that is, the year 1555 AD.

  • 88 M. Herman 2009.
  • 89 Kumo is also mentioned in the document issued under Galāwdewos and conserved in the Liber Axumae da (...)
  • 90 For Deganā, see the document II.51 from the Liber Axumae mentioned above: C. Conti Rossini, 1909, p (...)

244The document refers to Galāwdewos according to his royal name ’Aṣnāfa Sagad. Queen Sabla Wangel (1500-1567), his mother, is also mentioned.88 We also read the names of several officials: dage ’azmāči Kumo;89 Žāno, dispatched from a mysterious place or unit ወጸእት፡ to be the royal messenger, together with Takla Māryām, a military from the unit of ṭǝqāqqǝnāči; the makwanǝn of Tǝgray, of whose name only the first letters survive in the document: De(ganā).90 Two predecessors of Galāwdewos, kings Ba’ǝda Maryām (ruled 1468-1478) and ’Ǝskǝndǝr (spelled here as ’Ǝskadǝr, ruled 1478-1494) are also mentioned. ’Abrəhām, Abbot of Abba Garima monastery, is the only Church personality cited by name. Nine monasteries, other than that of Abba Garima, are listed in the document: Dām, Dabra Bakwǝr, Baḥaylā, Makana Yākas, ’Abbā ’Alaf, ’Abbā Sǝmu’el, Sala Dawit, Dabra Māryām, ’Abbā Tǝyodǝros.

245The plot of the story can be summarised as follows: King Galāwdewos asked ’Abrəhām, the abbot of Abba Garima to submit himself to a nǝbura ’ǝd, a civil administrator; the abbot did not comply. The monks of Abba Garima asked for a lawsuit between them and the king; they also seem to have asked that Kumo be the judge between the parties. King Galāwdewos convened a trial with the help of two officials Žāno and Takla Māryām, who received the title of Royal Messengers (ቃለ፡ ሓፄያት፡) on this occasion. At the trial, Galāwdewos acted as judge himself, whereas the Church gained the support of 62 witnesses, among whom were abbots of nine prominent Ethiopian monasteries. Some old witnesses are said to have already lived during the reigns of Ba’ǝda Maryām and ’Ǝskǝndǝr, the predecessors of Galāwdewos, and therefore could testify to the ancient custom of the monastery’s autonomy. The result of the trial was a confirmation of the autonomy of the Abba Garima monastery, comprising the interdiction to appoint a civil nǝbura ’ǝd to the monastery; instead, the abbot himself, or a monk to whom the abbot would give his permission, could be appointed to this dignity. The decree was written in Aksum and then made public in all monasteries.

246The first lines of the text are clear about the fact that the memorial note was written in the Gospel Abba Garima C at the prompting of Abbot ’Abrəhām. We can therefore conclude that the Gospel Abba Garima C was certainly in the monastery in 1555 AD.

5. Conclusions

247Systematic processing and rearranging of all available sets of images of the Abba Garima Gospels led us to a number of new observations.

248First of all, an effort was undertaken to produce a new foliation system, on the basis of studies of J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, for each of the three manuscripts and to apply it to the digital images. We unbound the manuscripts virtually and restored the original sequence of texts and of portions of texts.

249Then the manuscripts thus reconstructed underwent several approaches of codicological analysis that are sustainable when working on digital images—a search for quire structure, in the first place. At that point, ancient quire numbers emerged in all three manuscripts. The composition of their quire system was subsequently corroborated by obvious regularities inherent in the sequence of disordered folios, as witnessed by the earliest photographs and descriptions.

250The application of the codicological method was not devoid of unexpected consequences: thus, the discovery of the original system of quire numbering in ms. Abba Garima A (for sigla see 2.1) may now force art historians to face the question of a heterogenous origin of its beautiful illuminations of Canon Tables, because the quire numbered as first starts after the folios with illuminated Canon Tables. The recovered quire numbering clearly suggests that the quire with illuminations was not counted alongside other quires containing texts (see our reasoning in 3.1 quires). This fact suggests that illuminations were not part of the original manuscript.

251Furthermore, approximative calculations based on the average number of characters per folio allowed us to determine how many folios were lost within the lacunae.

252The analysis of the Ethiopian recension of the Letter of Eusebius of Caesarea and its internal references to the navigational apparatuses present on the pages of the Gospels led us to the conclusion that the layout of the Tetraevangeliums of Abba Garima must have been created inseparably from the Letter of Eusebius and was probably inherited from a Greek model.

253A thorough analysis of the layout of the Gospel text led to the discovery of liturgical rubrics in all of the three manuscripts. Rubrics written in the main hand of the codices thus constitute reliable material for liturgical contextualization for the periods of their respective dating. Original liturgical rubrics contain traces of Greek terminology (Greek loanwords for “Nativity” and “Epiphany” are used; see 4.1.1). The mentions of separate feasts of Nativity and Epiphany give the terminus post quem for the dating of the Greek model of the liturgical rubrics: the Greek Tetraeuangelium with liturgical rubrics that served as the source for the creation of the Ethiopian prototype of the Abba Garima Tetraeuangeliums must be posterior to the mid-5th centurythat is, after the feast of Nativity appeared and was progressively adopted in the Churches of the Christian East, to be distinguished from the feast of Epiphany.

254Classification of liturgical rubrics led us to the observation that in manuscripts Abba Garima B and C later hands used a rarely attested unvocalised consonantal script. In our descriptions (3.4.2 and 3.6.2) we endeavoured to trace several regularities in their writing; it belongs to linguists and palaeographers to consider these cases with due attention.

255Further, the rearrangement of disordered folios helped to unveil a hitherto unnoticed pattern in placing memorial notes in mss. Abba Garima B and C (see 3.3 and 3.5). It was observed that in both codices donation records occur in front of the Gospels of Matthew and of John. A new nomenclature of memorial notes was proposed in accordance with the elucidated structure of Abba Garima B and C (see 3.4 and 3.6).

256The edition of a hitherto inedited donation note C9 (see section 4.3.2) and C10 (see 4.3.3) led us to an unexpected result: it was discovered that the most ancient donation note contained in ms. C is dated to 1415 and registers a donation not to Abba Garima monastery, but to another monastic institution, named Māryām of Dabra Sinā. Therefore, the illustrations and original liturgical calendar present in ms. C cannot be taken into account when discussing the ancient history of the Abba Garima monastery, at least before 1415 AD.

257Concluding, I would like to express my hope that this study of the structure of the Abba Garima Tetraevangeliums, as well as the new codicologically based foliation system, will help future researchers select pertinent samples for their carbon-14 analyses. It goes without saying that many of the questions that remained unanswered in our study can only be dealt with when reliable scientific documentation of carbon-14 tests is published.

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Documents annexes

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Notes

1 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 32-37 for an overview of studies by art historians, and 67-144 for the study of different artistic elements and possible contexts of the illuminations of Abba Garima mss.; among recent contributions of art historians, see Mercier, 2021. On the various chronological interpretations of the term “Aksumite”, see D.W. Philipson, 2012, p. 69-74, esp. fig. 20; see also A. Bausi, 2006b and A. Bausi, 2020.

2 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-64; R. Zuurmond, 2001, p. 8-10; B.M. Wechsler, 2005, p. xv-xxi; see also R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum, 2013; J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 205-209.

3 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a (introduction), R. Zuurmond, 1989b (Gospel of Mark), and R. Zuurmond, 2001 (Gospel of Matthew).

4 B.M. Wechsler, 2005 (Gospel of John).

5 For a résumé of results of recent research on this ancient recension, see R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum, 2013 (especially p. 235-240).

6 On recension Aa, see R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-56.

7 On recension Ab, see R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 57-64.

8 R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 62.

9 R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum, 2013, p. 237.

10 M.A. Knibb, 1999, p. 46-54.

11 For a recent introduction to the study of biblical paratexts, see P. Andrist, 2018.

12 See A. Pentkovsky, 1996 and S. Royé, 2013 (especially p. 55-57), with bibliography.

13 See the still classical study of the Greek tituli in H. Von Soden, 1911, p. 405-432.

14 First published and commented in Getatchew Haile, 2016.

15 D’Abbadie’s journal is preserved in the manuscripts BnF, Éthiopien d’Abbadie 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 272; the project “Carnets d’Antoine d’Abbadie” aims at the transcription and edition of the whole collection (see https://transcrire.huma-num.fr/scripto/13/item).

16 We have slightly changed the diplomatic transcription of the note, consultable here: https://transcrire.huma-num.fr/scripto/13/144/13214/show-talk.

17 J. Leroy, 1960a.

18 See B. Playne, 1954, p. 101-106 and J. Leroy, 1960b.

19 J. Leroy, 1960a.

20 See D.M. Davies, 1987, p. 287.

21 W.F. Macomber, 1979, p. 1-11.

22 J. Mercier, 2000; see also M. Bailey, 2010.

23 See the Preface by Michael Gervers in J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. vii-xi.

24 L. Capon, 2008.

25 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 40-41; see also M. Bailey 2013.

26 Available for registered scholars at https://w3id.org/vhmml/readingRoom/view/132896 (ms. A) and https://w3id.org/vhmml/readingRoom/view/132897 (ms. C).

27 A. Bausi, 2011.

28 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

29 See also J. Mercier, 2020.

30 Getatchew Haile, 2016.

31 Partially after J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 33 (table 2.1).

32 There are also new sigla D, E, F, G that correspond to fragments from manuscripts different from A, B, and C.

33 See corrections concerning AG III, f. 399A and 399B in J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 211-216 (Appendix II, by Matthew Crawford).

34 The folio 6rv is absent among the photographs taken by HMML in 2012 (for the link, see note 26); it is unclear whether it still exists. This folio was still present in the photograph set taken in 2005. It might have been lost or rearranged during repair interventions in 2006, in any case before the photographs of 2012.

35 At one point we can observe an unusual situation. The liturgical annotation a39 (f. 90ra) is placed on the left margin, in front of the incipit of the pericope; it is continued straightaway with the text of the 1st Chapter of the Gospel of Luke and the corresponding “xi-rho” sign. The slight strangeness consists in the fact that the text of the Chapter contains a mistake: instead of በእንተ፡ ጸሐፊ፡ “On the author” (as the List of Chapters on f. 88va reads), it has በእንተ፡ ፋስካ፡ “On the Passover”.

36 An interesting case of a mistake made during liturgical rubrication can be found in the note b49 (see below).

37 For the use of this term in the liturgical calendar, see E. Frisch, 2001, p. 73.

38 In our rendering, the characters were chosen to represent the accentuated shapes of the signs , even if they are charged with different phonetical values in syllabic Ethiopian script.

39 For a historical review of ancient epigraphical documents in unvocalised consonantial script, see for example D.W. Phillipson, 2012, p. 51-54. For ancient and later epigraphical documents in unvocalised consonantial script, see E. Bernand, A.J. Drewes, R. Schneider, 1991, nos. 185bis, 188, 189, 195 (partially vocalised), 196, 198, 199, 204, 205, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217, 218, etc.

40 I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to these important discussions of the topic.

41 There was probably a mistake made by the copyist during the insertion of the liturgical rubrics. The desinit mark ቁም፡ is placed twice, on f. 217rb (Jn. 6, 33) and on f. 217va (Jn. 6, 40). It is noteworthy that in both cases it comes after the words ሐይወተ፡ ዘለዓለም፡, which in the Ethiopic translation stand for both ζωὴν [διδοὺς] τῷ κόσμῳ (Jn. 6, 33) and [πιστεύων εἰς αὐτὸν ἔχῃ] ζωὴν αἰώνιον (Jn. 6, 40). We would suggest that the copyist first placed the desinit mark at Jn. 6, 33 and then corrected himself by placing the mark at the correct location: Jn. 6, 40.

42 On the identification with Eusebius, see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 67-82.

43 We are using the freestanding circumflex (^) to mark the place of a folio inside the outer bifolium of a quire—for example, if f. 103r^110v are two outer folios of quire XV, then “f. 103r^” will mean its initial and “f. ^110v” its final folio.

44 Now lost.

45 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016.

46 See A. Bausi, 2003a for the edition and an Italian translation of the Life (Gadla) of Abba Libanos, and A. Bausi, 2003b for a historical and philological discussion of the role this passage Mt. 25, 31 had in the Ethiopian hagiography.

47 We take into account here only the original liturgical rubrics of the three Gospels.

48 See E. Frisch, 2001, p. 60 and especially 145 (n. 6).

49 As for the rendering of the Greek phi (Φ) with the Ethiopian psa (), one will compare another ancient loanword from Greek based on the same root – ፓና፡ pānā calqued from φανή (lit. “torch”) (W. Leslau, 1991, p. 413). The Axumite translators might have been aware of the etymological link between ἐπιφάνεια “Epiphany” and φανή “torch”, and therefore the phonetical relationship οf the two terms on Ethiopian grounds would arrange them accordingly. Still, the transcription of the Greek name Ἐπιφάνιος in the Qǝrǝllos collection does not contain this peculiarity: it is spelled as ኤጲፋኒስ፡ ’epifānis (see for example B.M. Weischer, 1979, p. 23).

50 See for example E. Frisch, 2001, p. 60 (n. 4), 154.

51 The introduction of the feast of Nativity on December 25 and reinterpretation of the older feast of Epiphany of January 6 took place at different dates in different places of the Christian East (with the exception of the Armenian Church), but generally before the mid-5th century; see B. Botte, 1932, p. 9-31; H. Förster, 2007.

52 See R. Zuurmond, 1989a, p. 49-64; R. Zuurmond, 2001, p. 8-10; B.M. Wechsler, 2005, p. xv-xxi; see also R. Zuurmond, C. Niccum 2013; J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 205-209.

53 For the references, see below, 4.2.1 and 4.2.2.

54 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 155-159; see also p. 217-220.

55 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 217-220; see also R.W. Cowley, 1977, p. 162-164.

56 A. Bausi, 2019, p. 69.

57 See the critical edition in A. Bausi, 2015; for a synoptic edition with English translation, see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 225.

58 Sections according to A. Bausi, 2015, p. 122.

59 A. Bausi, 2015; the mss. Abba Garima A, B, C are referred to as Ga1, Ga3, and Ga2, respectively.

60 For parallel English translations of the Greek original and of the Ethiopian recension of the Letter, see J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 221-223 (appendix III).

61 J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson 2016, p. 225-227.

62 A. Bausi, 2015, p. 122-135 (Ethiopic text and translation); for the phrase in question, see p. 134-135.

63 It differs on several minor points from the critical edition by Alessandro Bausi (A. Bausi, 2015, p. 134-135).

64 See argumentation in A. Bausi, 2015, p. 117-118.

65 For the state of the art on the ancient forms of Ethiopian prepositions ending in -a in independent state and in -e in pronominal position, see A. Bausi, 2005. In other passages of the Letter the same feature occurs: እምኀቤ፡ for እምኀበ፡ in §1,2 (A. Bausi, 2015, p. 122); ሶቤ፡ for ሶበ፡ in §8,4 (A. Bausi, 2015, p. 130). In his edition of the Ethiopian Letter of Eusebius, Bausi adopts to the main text this form §1,2 እምኀቤ only, but not the other forms.

66 See J.S. McKenzie, F. Watson, 2016, p. 225-227 (appendix III).

67 Bausi mentions the difficulty in correct understanding of this technical term, among others: A. Bausi, 2015, p. 117.

68 Read ወዘተዐገላ፡

69 NB: the verb is in present form.

70 On the term, see A. Wion, 2016, p. 52, n. 7: (“L’awfāri était un chef militaire nommé par le souverain pour gouverner sur une région”).

71 James 5, 16.

72 This date can theoretically be reckoned as 959 or 1491 AD, if the document bases its calculation of the lunar cycle on the Era of Creation, but also as 883 or 1415 AD, if the Era of Mercy is based here on the Era of Martyrs. The latter possibility seems more likely within the medieval Ethiopian context, according to the chronological investigations of M. Chaine (see M. Chaine, 1927, p. 111-119 and 153, 163, 151, and 162, for the tables).

73 S. Kaplan, 2014.

74 G. Lusini, 2003; S. Tedeschi 1991, p. 1012b-1013b. For the last synthesis and information on Bartalomewos, see A. Wion, 2017.

75 On the Ladies of Biḥat, see M.-L. Derat, 2020, p. 44-45, 47. One will note that this title is also mentioned in the donation notes of the Golden Gospel of Dabra Libānos (see the index by A. Bausi, 2007, p. 85 (Bēḥat, Biḥat, Biḥāt); for the edition of texts see C. Conti Rossini, 1901, p. 177-219; see also N. Valieva 2020) and in the Liber Axumae (II-27, see C. Conti Rossini, 1909, p. 29-30 [text], C. Conti Rossini 1910, p. 34-35 [French translation]; see also A. Bausi, 2006a, 114).

76-] corrected from -

77 ሐሰሰ፡] read ኀሰሰ፡

78 እትዋራረድ፡] read እትዋረድ፡

79 ወጸእት፡] read ወፀእት፡(?)

80 በእደ፡] the first letter is not well readable.

81 መምሩ፡] read መምህሩ፡

82 ጠይቅየ፡] read ጠዪቅየ፡

83 ኢቲ፡] read ኢቴ፡(?)

84 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”. The pluralis maiestatis is employed in verbs applied to the royal personalities (aṣ́ege and aṣ́e).

85 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”.

86 Lit. “they” for “their Majesty”.

87 Lit. “to them” for “to their Majesty”.

88 M. Herman 2009.

89 Kumo is also mentioned in the document issued under Galāwdewos and conserved in the Liber Axumae dated to the year 1554-1555 AD and published in C. Conti Rossini, 1909, p. 43 (II-51; for a French translation see C. Conti Rossini, 1910, p. 51-52); see also G.W.B. Huntingford, 1965, p. 55 and A. Bausi 2006a, p. 126. Kumo was still powerful during the reigns of Galawdewos’ successors Minas (ruled 1559–1563) and Śarṣ́a Dǝngǝl (ruled 1563-1597); see for instance the Chronicle of Śarṣ́a Dǝngǝl: C. Conti Rossini, 1907a, 4-5 (text); C. Conti Rossini, 1907b, p. 6-7, 22 (French translation).

90 For Deganā, see the document II.51 from the Liber Axumae mentioned above: C. Conti Rossini, 1909, p. 43; C. Conti Rossini, 1910, p. 51-52; see also G.W.B. Huntingford, 1965, p. 55 and A. Bausi, 2006a, 126. I thank Anaïs Wion for the identification of these two personalities.

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Sergey Kim, « New Studies of the Structure and the Texts of Abba Garima Ethiopian Gospels »Afriques [En ligne], 13 | 2022, mis en ligne le 14 décembre 2022, consulté le 01 février 2023. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/afriques/3494 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/afriques.3494

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Sergey Kim

Maître d'enseignement et de recherche, Université de Lausanne (Switzerland)

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