• 1 We define the term “local saint” as referring to saints who were traditionally active in Ethiopia a (...)
• 2 The transliteration system of the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica will be used for terms in Ethiopian lang (...)
• 3 The Christian sites dedicated to St. Yared in the Sǝmen have not been, to the best of our knowledge (...)
• 4 In the past the term Fälaša has been widely used to refer to the Betä Ǝsraʾel, but this term is con (...)

1Among the local saints of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church,1 few, if any, can be considered as renowned and influential as Qəddus (St.) Yared, the composer, according to Ethiopian tradition, of numerous elements of Ethiopian Orthodox liturgical music and hymns.2 Traditions regarding this saint’s early life and acts in Aksum, Christian Ethiopia’s Late Antique capital, are widely known, much less so his association with the Sǝmen Mountains. In fact, the holy sites dedicated to him in these mountains have been virtually unknown outside of the local sphere until recently and have not yet been addressed in scholarly literature.3 One of the remarkable features of this holy man is that he is not only recognized as such by Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, but also by the Betä Ǝsraʾel (Ethiopian Jews),4 and at least recently, by the Kǝmant as well, with each community considering him an adherent of their religious tradition. No other example of a local saint or holy man shared by all or some of these religious traditions is known to us. Both Betä Ǝsraʾel and Ethiopian Orthodox holy sites associated with him are located in the Sǝmen Mountains, in close proximity to each other.

• 5 S. Dege-Müller, B. Kribus, 2021.

2Modes of interaction between the Betä Ǝsraʾel and Ethiopian Orthodox Christians in association with the Sǝmen Yared sites have been addressed by the present authors in a separate publication, which did not examine the sites in detail.5 The present study seeks to examine these sites—their characteristics, development over time, associated religious activities, and pilgrimage practices. Through this examination, it plans to shed light on the roles of these sites in the sacred geography and religious and ideological discourse of each community, as well as on the historical processes that shaped them. Though information on the Kǝmant Yared traditions is at present too scarce for a detailed examination, their association with a specific site in the Sǝmen Mountains and the implications that arise from it for the role of the Sǝmen Mountains in this holy man’s commemoration, will also be examined. We will argue that sacred geography served, in the northern Ethiopian Highlands, as a realm of identity expression and interreligious discourse and hence should be examined along regional rather than solely denominational lines, taking into account its manifestation in the plurality of cultural and religious groups of a given region.

• 6 The Solomonic dynasty derives its name from its traditional descent from King Solomon and the Queen (...)
• 7 For a detailed overview on this process, see S. Kaplan, 1992, p. 79-96; J. Quirin, 1992, p. 40-88.

3The Sǝmen Mountains constitute a unique test-case for examining interreligious interaction in Ethiopia involving the Betä Ǝsraʾel. The rise of the Christian Solomonic dynasty in 1270 was followed by a gradual process of territorial expansion and institution of Solomonic rule in regions beyond the former Solomonic heartlands.6 The consolidation of this dynasty’s rule in the regions inhabited by the Betä Ǝsraʾel (fig. 1) was accompanied by a military struggle (15th–17th century), in which autonomous Betä Ǝsraʾel factions were gradually brought under direct Solomonic control.7 The last region in which the Betä Ǝsraʾel maintained their political autonomy was the Sǝmen Mountains, where they were definitively defeated only by the Solomonic emperor Susǝnyos (r. 1607–1632).

• 8 Betä Ǝsraʾel oral tradition is a rich source of central importance in shedding light on their past— (...)
• 9 For examples of mentions of these wars in Solomonic royal chronicles, see C. Conti Rossini, 1907, p (...)
• 10 One example is the involvement of the Betä Ǝsraʾel leader Gedewon in the succession struggles that (...)
• 11 See, for example, S. Kaplan, 1992, p. 57-59; J. Quirin, 1992, p. 52-57.

4Betä Ǝsraʾel political autonomy and the Betä Ǝsraʾel – Solomonic wars are described in the royal chronicles of Solomonic monarchs, feature prominently in the Betä Ǝsraʾel oral tradition,8 and are mentioned in contemporary sources written by Middle Eastern and European Jews.9 These accounts indicate that the relations of Betä Ǝsraʾel political leadership with the Solomonic kingdom were complex—Betä Ǝsraʾel political leaders were deeply involved in Solomonic politics.10 In the course of the wars, allegiance of individuals to each of the warring sides was not necessarily based on religious affiliation.11

• 12 See, for example, Y. Kahana, 1977, p. 112, 154.
• 13 Däǧǧazmač Wǝbe Ḫaylä Maryam was governor of the Sǝmen and surrounding regions from 1826 and of Sǝme (...)

5Following their final military defeat, the Betä Ǝsraʾel of the Sǝmen remained a significant part of this region’s population. At least some Betä Ǝsraʾel managed to retain or acquire land rights in the Sǝmen in later centuries, unlike many of their co-religionists outside this region who lived as tenants on land owned by Christians.12 Individuals to whom a Betä Ǝsraʾel descent was attributed exercised significant political power in this area, most prominently Däǧǧazmač Wǝbe Ḫaylä Maryam during the mid-19th century.13 Thus, the dynamics between the Betä Ǝsraʾel and Christian, Solomonic society were markedly different in the Sǝmen than in other regions of Solomonic Ethiopia, a situation which, as we shall see, had an impact on the community’s sacred geography and holy sites in this region.

• 14 Two academic articles on the topic of Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites were published prior to the survey, b (...)
• 15 The earliest known historiographic texts of the Betä Ǝsraʾel date to the late 19th century. See S. (...)
• 16 The term “oral history” refers to accounts relating to the narrator’s personal memories and lifetim (...)

6During the second half of the 20th century, virtually the entire Betä Ǝsraʾel community immigrated to Israel. As a result, the Betä Ǝsraʾel are no longer present as a community in Ethiopia, and their holy sites are largely abandoned, albeit serving as places of pilgrimage for community members residing in Israel. Prior to the present authors’ recent archaeological survey (see below), the material remains and precise locations of such sites had never been documented.14 Pre-late-19th century Betä Ǝsraʾel literature was almost exclusively restricted to scriptural and liturgical texts, while this community’s traditions (including those dealing with its holy men and holy sites) were transmitted orally.15 At present, due to a substantial cultural and linguistic gap that developed between the older and younger generations following the immigration to Israel, many aspects of Betä Ǝsraʾel oral tradition and oral history are undocumented and no longer being transmitted to the younger generation.16 The Betä Ǝsraʾel Yared traditions—alluded to briefly but not documented in detail prior to the present study—are one example of this.

• 17 D. McEwan, 2013.
• 18 The survey was conducted under the auspices of the ERC project “Jews and Christians in the East: St (...)

7The Səmen Mountains and surrounding areas are almost completely unexplored archaeologically. Only one locality in these mountains, Däräsge Maryam, together with its immediate surroundings, has been the subject of detailed art historical research.17 The only archaeological research conducted in this region so far is the survey of Betä Ǝsraʾel monastic sites, led by the present authors.18 While the Yared sites themselves were not visited in the course of the survey, the information gathered and the methodology implemented were a starting point for the examination of these sites in context. This methodology, and the way it was implemented in the present study, will be briefly described here.

• 19 The only archaeological study of Betä Ǝsraʾel sites published prior to our research was the excavat (...)
• 20 Significant, in this regard, is the fact that many Betä Ǝsraʾel served as artisans, manufacturing p (...)
• 21 The only attempt ever made prior to the immigration of the community to systematically record the l (...)

8Betä Ǝsraʾel material culture in Ethiopia has seen very little research and documentation;19 it is, however, very similar in appearance to the material culture of other inhabitants of the northern Ethiopian Highlands. Thus, at present, a site cannot be identified as affiliated with the Betä Ǝsraʾel based solely on an examination of its material culture.20 The precise location of most Betä Ǝsraʾel sites has not yet been documented.21 For this reason, a “traditional” archaeological approach—surveying all sites in a given region and identifying those affiliated with the Betä Ǝsraʾel based on material remains—would not have been effective. However, since many of these sites were active until the late-twentieth-century emigration of the Betä Ǝsraʾel, there is still a considerable number of people who remember them in detail. Based on the information provided by such individuals, it is possible to locate these sites and pinpoint their different components. This was accomplished in the course of our research in the following way:

• 22 A field trip was planned for 2021 and preparations made, but it was ultimately decided not to embar (...)

10In the course of our research on the Səmen Yared sites, it was not possible to visit the localities themselves, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, followed by the conflict in the region of Tǝgray, which borders the Sǝmen Mountains.22 However, all other phases of the process described were carried out: all available relevant written and oral sources, as well as cartographical material and satellite images, were examined. Based on this information, the general location of the sites was determined, and interviews were later conducted with members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community familiar with the Betä Ǝsraʾel site commemorating Yared, in order to determine the accuracy of our identification. With regards to the Ethiopian Orthodox Yared sites, we were fortunately able to compensate, so to speak, for not being able to conduct fieldwork, by examining a series of videos and photographs depicting these sites, posted on YouTube and Facebook prior to our research. By comparing the landscape depicted in the footage with satellite imagery, we were able to establish the location of the sites and later to confirm this in communications with individuals familiar with the region. We hope and expect that future field trips to these sites will enrich our knowledge of the phenomena addressed in this study.

• 23 S.Dege-Müller, B. Kribus, 2021.

12In research conducted on multi-religious spaces, conflict between different religious groups surrounding holy sites is often emphasized. In the case at hand, we find no direct evidence for conflict surrounding the holy sites.23 Rather, it seems that each respective religion had its own, separate holy sites and was free to worship in these sites without interference. Thus, rather than emphasizing and seeking out competition, we hold to the following premise: that Yared’s heritage in the northern Ethiopian Highlands transcends religious boundaries, and that these sites should be viewed as indicative of the ways that each religious tradition developed and expressed this heritage. We hope that our study will play a part in documenting and preserving the heritage and legacy of this remarkable holy man for future generations.

• 24 See R. HaCohen, 2009; P. Marrassini, 2007. For an examination of the Betä Ǝsraʾel versions of this (...)

14Jewish–Christian relations in Ethiopia, both on a practical and an ideological level, are significantly different from such relations in the West and Middle East. Many core concepts taken for granted in the latter regions cannot be simplistically applied to Ethiopia. A concept which plays a key role in these dynamics in Ethiopia is that of Israelite heritage and ancestry. According to a tradition shared by the Ethiopian Orthodox and the Betä Ǝsraʾel, the Israelite religion was established in Ethiopia in the days of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. This tradition relates that the son of these two monarchs, following a visit to Jerusalem, was accompanied back to Ethiopia by a large number of Israelites, and in the years that followed, the Israelite religion became the dominant religion in the country. This tradition is expressed, in its Ethiopian Orthodox form, in a literary work known as the Kǝbrä Nägäśt (Glory of Kings) and commonly considered the national epic of Christian, Solomonic Ethiopia. It was compiled in the 14th century based on earlier material.24

• 25 See, for example, Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 71-72. This, of course, differs from the Ethiopian Or (...)

15According to Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition, the break between the two communities took place with the arrival of Christianity: those who remained faithful to the faith of their ancestors, the forefathers of the Betä Ǝsraʾel, departed from the capital and managed to maintain their sovereignty in the remote Sǝmen Mountains. Those who converted to Christianity reigned in Aksum and were the forefathers of the Amhara and Tǝgrayan peoples.25 From the Betä Ǝsraʾel perspective, the Yared traditions are set, so to speak, at one of the phases along this breaking point—at a time when the Israelites loyal to the old religion were departing Aksum and establishing themselves in the Sǝmen, against the backdrop of a military clash with the Christian Ethiopian state.

• 26 For a discussion on sources mentioning Gäbrä Mäsqäl and his association with Yared, see M. Heldman,(...)
• 27 For an overview of these events, see G. Bowersock, 2013.
• 28 Kǝbrä Nägäśt 117. See R. HaCohen, 2009, p. 284-285; Sergew Hable Sellassie, 1972, p. 159-160.
• 29 Getatchew Haile, 1982, p. 319-320; S. Kaplan, 1992, p. 39.

16In the Ethiopian Orthodox tradition, the reign of Gäbrä Mäsqäl, the Christian monarch who traditionally ruled during Yared’s lifetime, is considered part of a Christian golden age, brought about by his predecessor Kaleb.26 Though explicit mention of Christian–Jewish interaction is completely lacking in the Christian Yared traditions, it is arguably present in the broader context of the traditions regarding Gäbrä Mäsqäl and certainly present in the life of his predecessor: Kaleb is renowned for conquering the Jewish-ruled South Arabian kingdom of Ḥimyar in 525 CE and was thus considered a champion of Christianity against Judaism.27 A Christian Ethiopian tradition related in the Kǝbrä Nägäśt mentions a succession struggle between Gäbrä Mäsqäl (lit. “Servant of the Cross”) and his brother, named Ǝsraʾel (“Israel”) according to the Kǝbrä Nägäśt narration and Betä Ǝsraʾel (“House of Israel”) in other accounts. According to this tradition, Gäbrä Mäsqäl emerged from this struggle as the ruler of Ethiopia by divine providence.28 This has been interpreted in scholarship as possibly alluding to a struggle, in Aksum, between groups with conflicting religious views, one more committed to the Old Testament than the other.29 It should be noted that this is a scholarly interpretation of this tradition, rather than something mentioned explicitly in the tradition itself. Nevertheless, it seems likely that the broader context of the setting of the Yared traditions (with its connection to Jewish–Christian relations) inspired some elements in these traditions and played a role in the interreligious discourse expressed by them.

• 30 Getatchew Haile, 2017 highlights the different qualities of the five known manuscripts containing t (...)
• 31 A. d’Abbadie, 1895, p. 219-220.
• 32 Tedros Abraha, 2009, p. 331; Getatchew Haile, 2017, p. 280. The manuscript was copied for d’Abbadie (...)
• 33 Getatchew Haile, W. Macomber, 1982, p. 67-68. The manuscript is accessible online through the readi (...)
• 34 A. Brita, 2010, p. 57-58. The Nine Saint are acclaimed for the “Second Christianization” of Ethiopi (...)
• 35 Scholars have pointed out the gradual development of Ethiopian liturgical music, and the chronologi (...)

17In examining the Yared traditions, we will begin with the Ethiopian Orthodox versions, which are documented more extensively and were committed to writing at an earlier date than their counterparts were. The main Ethiopian Orthodox sources that transmit the traditions about St. Yared are his Gädl (“Acts, Life”), the story of his life found in the Sənkəssar (Synaxary, saint’s calendar), and oral tradition. The textual tradition is not linear, but rather features variations in its small corpus of five known manuscripts.30 All known texts share common features, but in the endeavour to trace the traditions regarding this saint’s activities in the Sǝmen, minor details appearing only in some of the unpublished versions are sometimes the most important. The one version of the Gädlä Yared, from manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, d’Abbadie 227,31 which was edited and translated by Conti Rossini in 1904, appears to be the most corrupt.32 It was copied from another manuscript, allegedly from the 15th century, which has not been discovered so far. Currently the oldest known manuscript known to contain a version of Yared’s life dates to the 16th century: manuscript EMML 2054, a synaxary.33 Yared himself is also credited as the author of several Gädlat (pl. “Acts, Lives”) of important saints of the group known as the Nine Saints.34 The degree of historicity of the Yared traditions and the historical background for their development are a matter of scholarly debate.35

• 36 See C. Conti Rossini, 1904.
• 37 Gedewon is the Ethiopic form of the biblical name Gideon.

18According to the features common in the different narrations, Yared (known as Yared maḥletawi or maḥletay, “Yared the melodious”) was born in Aksum.36 He started at a young age the training to become a priest. After failing to memorize the Scriptures properly, he was punished and maltreated by his teacher Gedewon (sometimes called his uncle).37 Yared decided to run away, and he rested in a remote place under a tree. There he observed a caterpillar that struggled to climb up the tree and fell again and again. It succeeded only on the seventh attempt and ate the leaves on the tree. Yared understood from this that persistence is important. He returned to his teacher and memorized all the Scriptures within one day.

• 38 Disappearing is a common topos for Ethiopian holy men and women.

19He became a deacon at the most important church in Aksum, Aksum Ṣǝyon, and later got married, but at one point he discovered that his wife was not faithful to him and was having an affair. Yared planned to kill her lover, but God intervened and sent him three birds from Eden. The birds took him to heaven where he entered the heavenly Jerusalem. There he heard the heavenly melodies and harmonious music praising God. When Yared returned to Aksum he reproduced these melodies in church, and all the people, the priests, and the emperor gathered to listen. At a later performance, Emperor Gäbrä Mäsqäl was so moved by the music that he struck his staff into Yared’s foot without noticing, and the blood started running down the floor (fig. 2). Yared himself, however, was so entranced from his singing that he did not notice it either and kept singing. The emperor felt remorse for having injured Yared and promised to fulfil any wish he might have. Yared asked for permission to leave Aksum and to become a monk, and the emperor granted his wish. Yared travelled south to the harsh environment of Ṣällämt in the Sǝmen Mountains. There he spent the rest of his life praying, fasting, and teaching the people, among them the Agäw. He died there—some say that he disappeared—and his grave remains unknown.38

• 39 Abbebe Desie, 2016, p. 113.
• 40 Abbebe Desie, 2016, p. 18.
• 41 C. Conti Rossini, 1904, p. 20.
• 42 Getatchew Haile, 2017, discusses the quality of this manuscript EMML 1844 (p. 280). The manuscript (...)
• 43 Getatchew Haile, 2017, p. 272, quoting EMML 1844, fol. 186rb.

21Possibly the first text to describe a pilgrimage to the tomb of Yared is the Gädlä Zena Marqos, the Acts of the 14th-century Ethiopian saint Zena Marqos. According to the text Zena Marqos travelled to the Sǝmen Mountains to pray at Yared’s grave (no place-name is provided), where he remained in prayer for seven days beseeching God to reveal Yared to him—a request that God finally granted. The text continues that Zena Marqos loved the Zema-hymns of Yared, but that there were many Agäw people who did not love the hymns.39 The Gädlä Zena Marqos is known from eleven manuscripts, none of which however antedates the 19th century.40 The reference to the Agäw people living in the same area, which was mentioned already in the Gädlä Yared,41 is also found in the manuscript catalogued as EMML 1844.42 This manuscript contains a collection of Vitae, one dedicated to Yared and relating that he spent his time in the Səmen teaching the local “Agäw people, whose language is different”.43

• 44 For the Kǝmant, see F. Gamst, 2003; J. Quirin, 1998. For an overview regarding the scholarly debate (...)
• 45 D. Appleyard, 2003. Chloé Darmon has worked on the relations between the Agäw and Amharic languages (...)

22These descriptions raise the question of whether this mention of Agäw people in the Səmen is a mention of groups affiliated in some way with the Betä Ǝsraʾel. Modern scholarship views both the Betä Ǝsraʾel and the Kǝmant as descendants of groups that resided in the north-western Ethiopian Highlands prior to its wide-scale Christianization.44 The languages widely spoken by both groups prior to the 20th century belong to the Agäw language family, the family of languages considered indigenous to this region and gradually widely replaced by Amharic and Tǝgrǝñña, the Semitic languages of the dominant Christian society.45 To this day, passages in the Agäw language previously spoken by the Betä Ǝsraʾel are preserved in their prayers.

• 46 We extend our thanks to Anaïs Wion for sharing this information with us. The textual similarities o (...)
• 47 S. Hummel 2016; Amsalu Tefera 2018.
• 48 Täsfa Mikaʾel Gäbrä Śəllase, 1992/93, p. 262, for the month of Säne. Sergew Hable Sellasie, 1972, p (...)
• 49 Täsfa Mikaʾel Gäbrä Śǝllase 1992, p. 262, EMML 7619, fol. 12ra; our translation.

23Precise information about the actual location of Yared’s tomb is found in two other texts, which are closely related to each other: the Dərsanä Uraʾel (“Homily of Uriel”), and the Tarikä nägäśt (“History of the Kings”) of Zuramba monastery, microfilmed as EMML 7619.46 The Tarikä nägäśt manuscript is not older than the 19th century. Although one can assume that an older version of the text exists, no older written source with this motif has been found so far. The Dərsanä Uraʾel has a complex textual tradition, and its final compilation is dated only to the reign of the Ethiopian monarch Mənilək II (1889–1913).47 Both texts contain an account of a trip that Yared, abunä Arägawi, and Emperor Gäbrä Mäsqäl ventured on through heavenly support, visiting Ṭana Qirqos, Zuramba, and other places in Bägemdər.48 The accounts end with Yared’s arrival in the Səmen Mountains and are one of the rare examples of written Ethiopian Orthodox sources produced prior to recent years to mention Yared’s presence in a specific locality in these mountains—Däbrä Ḥawi. Both texts continue: “from this Däbər [“mountain, monastery”] did Yared disappear from the eyes of the people, and he took his place with the angels in heaven”.49 Beyond these textual witnesses the name of Däbrä Ḥawi is rarely found in the sources.

• 50 The Geʿez and Amharic term qes is currently used both among the Betä Ǝsraʾel and among the Ethiopia (...)
• 51 After providing reference to Qes Bǝrhan’s narration, Quirin states: “in less detail, another Beta I (...)

24The Betä Ǝsraʾel Yared traditions were transmitted orally and had not, prior to this study, been committed to writing. This is in keeping with the oral nature of Betä Ǝsraʾel hagiography and historiography. The only published reference to these traditions which preceded this study appears in James Quirin’s monograph, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews. Based on interviews with two prestigious Betä Ǝsraʾel priests, Qes50 Bǝrhan Baroḵ and Qes Mənase Zeməru,51 Quirin states:

• 53 J. Abbink, 1990, p. 416-420; Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 71-77; Getatchew Haile, 1982, p. 319-320; (...)
• 54 See, for example, C. Conti Rossini, 1907, p. 108, 152-154; Pereira, E., 1892, p. 151-152, 271, 281- (...)
• 55 Getatchew Haile, 1982, p. 319-320, who was, as far as we can tell, unaware of the Betä Ǝsraʾel Yare (...)

25The explicit mention, in the Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition, of a familial link between Yared and the Gideonite dynasty is significant: According to Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition, following their departure from Aksum, the community established itself in the Sǝmen Mountains and was ruled, until its final defeat at the hands of the Solomonic monarchy, by a dynasty of seven or nine kings, all bearing the name Gedewon.53 And indeed, a Betä Ǝsraʾel ruler in the Sǝmen bearing this name is mentioned extensively in the chronicles of the Solomonic monarchs Śärṣ́ä Dǝngǝl (1563–1597) and Susǝnyos.54 In this context, it is intriguing that, as stated above, the Ethiopian Orthodox Yared tradition also mentions a familial link between Yared and an individual by the name of Gedewon.55

• 56 In accordance with the norms of ethnographic research, we will maintain the anonymity of our inform (...)

26Several brief narrations relating to Yared were provided to us by members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community.56 The most detailed account was provided by a Betä Ǝsraʾel elder from the region of Wägära, which borders the Sǝmen on the west (see fig. 1). When we inquired of him regarding the holy site of Abba Rid (which we shall discuss in detail below), he mentioned that Abba Rid was Abba Yared (in reference to the individual the site is named after) and narrated an account he had heard from Qes Bǝrhan Baroḵ:

• 58 This term was used both by the Ethiopian Orthodox and by the Betä Ǝsraʾel. See A. Damon-Guillot, 20 (...)

27The elder confirmed that Yared (in the Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition) was a composer of zema (liturgical music).58

• 59 For a detailed overview on the mäloksewočč, their way of life, religious functions, and leadership (...)

28The reference to Yared as having studied under the mäloksewočč calls for a brief explanation regarding this institution and its significance in Betä Ǝsraʾel religious life: The religious leadership of the Betä Ǝsraʾel was headed by a priesthood, which included lay priests (qesočč, sg. qes) and high priests (mäloksewočč, sg. mälokse). Unlike the qesočč, who were part of lay society, the mäloksewočč dedicated their lives completely to the worship of God and the religious leadership of the community and observed purity laws necessitating physical separation from the laity.59 It should be noted that the Betä Ǝsraʾel mäloksewočč are commonly referred to as monks in popular and scholarly literature. However, since the English term “monk” is often associated with Christianity—and here we are dealing, rather, with a Betä Ǝsraʾel institution with unique features—many in the Betä Ǝsraʾel community prefer the usage of their own terminology in reference to this institution. Out of respect for the community’s wishes, we are employing this terminology here.

• 60 For an overview on the decline of this institution, see S. Kaplan, 1992, p. 150-151; B. Kribus, 202 (...)

29The mäloksewočč served as the supreme religious leaders of the Betä Ǝsraʾel and were charged with training and consecrating the lay clergy. Novices from the Betä Ǝsraʾel community who pursued a religious education would commonly spend several years studying under them. During this time, in order to be able to come in regular contact with the mäloksewočč, the novices observed purity laws comparable to those which they observed, and resided in the same compound, in isolation from the outside world. It was only with the decline of the institution of the mäloksewočč from the late 19th century that the lay priesthood took charge of advanced religious instruction and initiation into the priesthood.60 Thus, the mention, in the Betä Ǝsraʾel Yared tradition, of Yared’s receiving instruction from the mäloksewočč is a reference to a priestly novitiate.

• 61 Among the Betä Ǝsraʾel, some holy individuals were considered prophets and hence referred to by the (...)
• 62 This was related to us by Abeje Medhanie, a historian and member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community.

30A second important distinction between the Yared traditions of the two religious groups—and indeed, between the concepts of holy men in the two religious traditions—has to do with terminology: The title qəddus (saint) was not, to the best of our knowledge, used by the Betä Ǝsraʾel to refer to their holy men. Rather, they used the honorary title abba (lit. “father”), which in Ethiopia was commonly used to denote mäloksewočč and monks, but could also refer to priests or elderly or prestigious individuals.61 Hence, among the Betä Ǝsraʾel, Yared was known as Abba Yared rather than Qəddus Yared.62 It seems likely that this choice of title implies a detachment from Christian concepts of sainthood, as well as a close affinity between holy men and the institution of the mäloksewočč. Thus, we will use the term “holy man” rather than “saint” to refer to revered individuals from the Betä Ǝsraʾel community.

• 63 For the complete, detailed narrations, see Wovite Worku Mengisto, Kribus, forthcoming.

31Additional mentions of Abba Yared (in some narrations, Abba Rid; see below) by members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community shed further light on the Betä Ǝsraʾel traditions regarding this holy man.63 One member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community, originally from the Sǝmen Mountains, related that Abba Rid was a member of the Gideonite dynasty, whose family was from Aksum, a great man, who served as a leader and teacher and had many students. When Christianity spread in the kingdom, he could no longer teach there, and the authorities sought to execute him. He fled to the Sǝmen Mountains, where he resided on a high mountain and continued to teach. One day, as he was spending time in seclusion on the mountain, he disappeared. The people searched for him but could not find him. His students continued to lead the community. The place where he lived and disappeared was considered sanctified and was named after him—Abba Rid.

• 64 ʿEzana is the 4th-century Aksumite monarch who was the first such monarch to officially embrace Chr (...)
• 65 Torah is the Hebrew term for the Pentateuch, the Five Books of Moses. In Hebrew, the language in wh (...)

32A second member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community from the Sǝmen related that when the Aksumite king ʿEzana converted to Christianity,64 civil war broke out between those who stayed true to the Torah and those who embraced Christianity.65 At that time, Yared was the high priest. He composed many melodies. Due to the conflict, many Jews left Aksum in order to be able to continue to observe their religion. A large group of Jews went to the Sǝmen and crowned Gedewon as their king. Yared also departed to the Sǝmen, together with fifty students, to a place with a large cave. This place is named after him—Abba Rid.

• 66 The Sǝmen Mountains were formed due to volcanic activity—much of the Sǝmen constitutes the eroded r (...)

35Of special significance to the topic at hand is a ridge that connects the Heights of Ǧan Amora with those of Bäyäda, north of the Mäšäḥa River. This ridge departs from the B^waḥit Pass to the north, curving eastwards and south-eastwards and connecting with the Heights of Bäyäda 2.6 km north of Ras Dašän, thus roughly forming a crescent shape with its convex end facing north. Two mountain peaks that form part of this ridge bear names that indicate their association with St. Yared—Abba Yared (4416 m), in the northern part of the ridge, and Qəddus Yared (4442 m), 6.6 km south-east of Abba Yared and 8.6 km north-north-east of Ras Dašän.66 And indeed, the various sites associated with Yared in the Sǝmen are either on or near these peaks.

• 67 The location of several relevant localities in the Sǝmen that do not appear on this map were kindly (...)

36Several of the sites mentioned in the sources dealing with Yared appear on the Simen Mountains map produced by Hurni et al. (2003). Based on their location, as well as additional information, it was possible to identify the general area in which the holy sites associated with this saint are located.67

• 68 A. Gori, 2011; S. Kaplan, 2011a; D. Nosnitsin, 2015.

37Ethiopian Orthodox holy sites are the most widely known and widely researched from among the groups addressed here; hence, only general features of relevance to the topic at hand will be discussed, and the overview will be limited to holy sites within Ethiopia. As in other Churches, localities associated with the acts of saints or with divine intervention, as well as burial places of saints, are often the site of churches or monasteries that serve as places of pilgrimage. Prestigious relics have also been known to attract pilgrimage to the establishments in which they are kept. While pilgrimage to holy sites is not limited to specific times, annual holidays associated with specific locations serve as times of mass pilgrimage to these places. Notable among sites that serve as focal points of such pilgrimage are Aksum and Lalibäla, both considered holy cities and equated with Jerusalem. Dust from the tomb of a saint, as well as holy springs (ṣäbäl), often associated with prestigious religious compounds, are believed to contain miraculous healing qualities.68

• 69 For an overview of Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites and pilgrimage to such sites, with specific examples, se (...)

38Most Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites were sanctified due to their association with Betä Ǝsraʾel holy men. Some such places are located where traditionally members of the community performed acts of bravery demonstrating their commitment to their religion. It is believed that such sites are places where miracles took place—most notably, fire would descend from the heavens and consume the sacrifices offered by the community, as a demonstration of God’s favour.69

• 70 According to the Betä Ǝsraʾel religious tradition, Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites can only be accessed by (...)

39Unlike Christian holy sites, which are mostly church or monastic compounds (sometimes with associated holy springs), Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites were commonly open-air venues, at times with an associated prayer house. A central motif in Betä Ǝsraʾel pilgrimage to such sites is purity—only members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community, and only in a severe state of purity, could enter the sites (a tradition that was respected by the non-Betä Ǝsraʾel inhabitants of the region).70 During their stay at the site, members of the community would consume only uncooked legumes soaked in water, purify themselves daily by immersion in water, and pray frequently. It was believed that those who had reached a sufficient degree of purity and devotion would receive healing, or a message from the divine in their dreams. It was also believed that these sacred places were guarded by wild animals, which would harm people who entered them in a state of insufficient purity. Some such sites were holy springs believed to possess healing qualities, and pilgrimage to them entailed ablution.

• 71 በኅቡእ፡ ወበክቡት።, C. Conti Rossini, 1904, p. 22.
• 72 Sergew Hable Sellasie, 1972, p. 166; Oestigaard, Gedef Abawa Firew, 2013, p. 77.

40In accordance with his Gädl, St. Yared’s veneration centres around the town of Aksum, for which it is renowned in Ethiopia on a national level. The Gädl ends rather abruptly with Yared moving to Ṣällämt and teaching the local Agäw population. He ended his life in “secret and concealment”.71 There are, however, regional centres in which this saint is venerated (fig. 5). Among these are famous centres for traditional church education, and specifically—musicological classes (zəmmare, “sing, praise”), with a strong and clear connection to Yared. One is the monastery of Zuramba, where Yared is said to have composed his zəmmare hymns, or according to another tradition was even involved in its foundation, together with Zämikaʾel Arägawi (also known as abunä Arägawi), one of the Nine Saints. It is claimed that Yared’s prayer staff and his sistrum are still kept in the monastery. The other is Ṭana Qirqos, an island monastery on Lake Ṭana. Here they claim to still have an original manuscript of Yared’s Dəggwa (book of the liturgical music) and the ink container that he used to write it with.72

• 73 When trekking the vicinity of the sites dedicated to Yared in the Səmen Mountains National Park, lo (...)

41The connection of Yared to these two monasteries, with his paraphernalia, is very popular in the oral tradition and features, as we have mentioned above, in the Dərsanä Uraʾel and the Tarikä nägäśt of Zuramba. While these two places are renowned for their connection to Yared, Däbrä Ḥawi was, until recently, known mainly in local circles—in the Səmen Mountains and adjacent areas.73 A major factor in this is probably its remote location in the High Səmen and the strenuous hike in rugged mountain terrain required to access it.

• 74 The first three are films that were produced for the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwaḥədo Church (EOTC) TV c (...)

42The monastery of Däbrä Ḥawi has recently been the subject of a series of Ethiopian documentary films and has subsequently achieved fame on a national level.74 The footage in the films and the detailed accounts appearing in them of the Səmen Ethiopian Orthodox Yared sites and associated traditions shed considerable light on the topic at hand. Additional Ethiopian Facebook and Twitter accounts include photographs of the different sites. Most of these sources are very recent, roughly from October 2019 to May 2020. This might be due to the commemoration date of Yared, which is celebrated on 19 May (Gənbot 11 in the Ethiopian calendar). Some of the sources might have led up to this feast day. The films allow insight into the layout of the area, which includes at least three Christian sites associated with Yared. These are frequented by pilgrims, but the challenging journey to reach the area in the High Səmen is repeatedly mentioned.

• 75 Amba is a Gəʿəz word used to refer to a mountain, often of table-top shape.
• 76 We could not yet establish the connection between these two saints, or why Krəstos Sämra is also ve (...)
• 77 Mummification is common as a natural phenomenon in the Ethiopian Highlands, mostly due to the very (...)

43The first and most important site is Däbrä Ḥawi or Ḥawi Amba,75 featuring the cave in which Yared lived and where he disappeared, which is now a monastery (we will refer to it here as the Cave Monastery). It also contains a holy water source (ṣäbäl), apparently called Abbay Yared, and which may also stand in connection to Abunä Arägawi. The spring is believed to have strong healing properties, especially curing blindness and other illnesses. According to the accounts in the documentaries, the cave consists of several chambers. A small church building, built in modern times outside of the cave, against the cliff, serves to protect the cave entrance from rocks falling down from above. The endemic baboon species, called Gelada (Č̣əlada) or bleeding-heart monkey, inhabit the rocky cliffs of the national park, occasionally causing rocks to fall when artistically climbing up and down the faces of the cliff. The church is dedicated to two saints: Yared and the female saint Krəstos Śämra.76 One of the cave’s chambers is called ənənum (“let us sleep”). It was too dark for the camera to film, but the narrator explains that is like “walking on snow” and that it still houses the bodies of Yared’s disciples.77 Another chamber is the actual place that Yared disappeared in. This is where the holy spring is located as well. The Cave Monastery seems to be the most ancient of the three Christian Yared sites, and it might be associated with the place where he disappeared as stated in some of the traditions.

• 78 Most probably from the chamber with the holy spring (personal communication with Abebe Asfaw, 30 Ma (...)

44There is yet another legend connected to the cave. There is holy ash within it that is collected by the faithful and said to have very powerful healing properties. Sacred ash is common in many churches and monasteries, originating from the incense that is burnt during Mass. In the case of Yared’s cave, it is said to originate on its own.78 In the documentary this ash is also featured; the monks explained that it was sent from heaven by angels. Every day it is there and can be collected: “It is special; its colour is different.”

• 79 The etymology of the word Hoč̣č̣o has not been established. There is a place on the trekking map ca (...)
• 80 https://www.facebook.com/1620932764891482/photos/pcb.2013802145604540/2013802058937882/?type=3 , la (...)

46Both the first and second site are referred to as Däbrä Ḥawi Qəddus Yared. The third site is the “stone seat” on which, according to legend, Yared sat for 22 years teaching the people, and which is called Hocho (Hoč̣č̣o[?]).79 Very spectacular photographs of this site can be found online. It is described as situated on the most rocky and steep mountaintop in the area, which is always cold and on which there is snow. The photographs depict a stone heap on a mountain peak, comprised of basalt field stones with rough edges, at the centre of which there is a circular depression surrounded by standing stones, with additional standing stones lining its centre.80 So far, we could not find any reference to this “stone seat” in written sources. However, in the documentaries a modern-day painting of Yared sitting in this seat and surrounded by his disciples is featured.

• 81 This is the number of hours indicated in the documentaries.

47The climate in the three sites is described in the documentaries as very cold. This is indeed typical of the High Səmen. Living conditions, even at the lowest site, are described as rough and difficult. Based on the descriptions in the films, it seems that all three are roughly located along one line, with the stone seat on the top of a mountain, the Cave Monastery a three-hour climb down, against a cliff, and the Valley Monastery another three hours further down into the valley.81 While the summit is completely devoid of vegetation, only some shrubs can be seen surrounding the Cave Monastery and on the cliff. In the Valley Monastery even some agriculture (including the cultivation of fruit trees) is possible.

• 82 See images in H. Hurni, 1982, p. 91. This was also reported by Marco Degasper (14 May 2020), and by (...)

48Based on the detailed landscape shots in the documentaries, Google Earth images and the information provided by Hans Hurni, we were able to clearly georeference the Valley Monastery (13.310108, 38.353765). It appears as the church of “Kiddus Yared” in a section of the updated Simen Mountains map Prof. Hurni has kindly shared with us. Identifying the precise location of the summit on which the “stone seat” is located is more challenging. A location on the Qəddus Yared mountain seems likely, based both on the distance as described in the documentaries and on the sharp and rocky landscape apparent in the footage, which is more typical of Qəddus Yared than of Abba Yared, the latter peak having a much softer geography.82 The Valley Monastery is located at an altitude of circa 3000 m, while the peak of Qəddus Yared is some 1400 m higher. Assuming that the cave is halfway between these two points, it seems to be a rather challenging climb.

• 83 This tradition was told to Hans Hurni in 1975 by a local man, near B^waḥit pass (personal communicat (...)

49One of the other famous endemic animals of the Səmen, the Walia ibex, is featured in an oral tradition about Yared. It is said that the saint travelled to the Holy Land, to visit Jerusalem, and returned riding this ibex. Thus, the Walia ibex was introduced to the Səmen Mountains.83

• 84 W. Leslau, 1974, p. 637.
• 85 Qes Asres Yayeh, 1995, p. 60-61.
• 86 Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 66.

50One of the prestigious holy sites of the Betä Ǝsraʾel is the holy site of Abba Rid in the High Səmen. The earliest description of this site written by a member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community is that of Taamrat Emmanuel, a Betä Ǝsraʾel scholar and public activist. It appears in his account of Betä Ǝsraʾel mäloksewočč and holy places, based on information obtained from members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community, and was published by Wolf Leslau: “Abba Rid, in Sämen, near Dǝbǝl. It was described to me as a place nearly always covered with ice, and that sometimes even under the ice, the half-naked faithful adore and pray.”84 To this description, Leslau adds a footnote stating: “Here follows a short paragraph in which Taamrat attempts to identify Abba Rid with Abba Yared, the Christian hymn writer (about 550), but the text is not very clear.” Abba Rid is also counted among the seven holy mountains mentioned by the Betä Ǝsraʾel priest Qes Asres Yayeh85 and appears in a list of Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites in which miracles would take place that was compiled by the Betä Ǝsraʾel priest Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä.86

• 87 The qes uses the Hebrew term Roš ha-Šanah, which refers to the Jewish holiday of New Year.
• 88 Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 59.

51Qes Ḥädanä also mentions a cave located on a mountain: “In the district of Sǝmen and in the area of Telemt [Ṣällämt] at Falashoshge”. He relates that the cave has a door, which opens only on New Year,87 and that once, when the door was open, a young shepherd was grazing his flock nearby. The sheep ran into the cave and the shepherd ran after them, but before they could leave, the door closed. A search for the shepherd was organized, but he was not found. The following New Year, the residents of the village prayed near the cave. During their prayer, the door opened, and the shepherd and his flock came out. He had grown, and the flock had increased in number. The villagers rejoiced and returned to their village singing and praising God. It was said that the cave was the place of the righteous.88

• 89 See Wovite Worku Mengisto, Kribus, forthcoming.

52While Qes Ḥädanä did not state explicitly that the cave in question is located in Abba Rid, a second narration of this tradition, by a Betä Ǝsraʾel priest originally from the Səmen Mountains, confirms this:89 According to this narration, on the mountain of Abba Rid there was a cave, with a door that opens on the first of each month. Once, a sheep entered the cave, and when the shepherd entered to retrieve it, the door closed. The shepherd’s family searched for him, but to no avail. After a month, when the door opened again, the shepherd and the sheep came out of the cave unharmed.

• 90 Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 62. For an overview on the various traditions relating to Abba Ṣəbra, s (...)
• 91 Qes Ḥädanä Təkuyä, 2011, p. 64. The Hebrew script in which the name of this locality is written ('א (...)

53Qes Ḥädanä also mentions the site of Abba Rid as the birthplace of Abba Ṣəbra, the first mälokse of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (who, according to Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition was a contemporary of the Solomonic monarch Zärʾa Yaʿəqob, 1434–1468), and adds that Abba Ṣəbra was educated there for a long time.90 Elsewhere, the qes relates that Abba Ṣəbra is from the locality of ʾBRʾǦ in the province of Səmen.91 A tradition viewing Abba Rid as Abba Ṣəbra’s birthplace is an indication of the prestige of this site—Betä Ǝsraʾel mäloksewočč served as the supreme religious leaders of the community, and Abba Ṣəbra, as first and foremost among them, is held by the community in the highest regard.

• 92 See, for example, Sh. Ben-Dor, 1985, p. 43.
• 93 Qes Gobäze Baroḵ, 2007, p. 6 (Amharic section), p. 4 (Hebrew section).

54A few additional narrations of Abba Ṣəbra’s life relate that he was originally from the Sǝmen.92 The Betä Ǝsraʾel priest Qes Gobäze Baroḵ mentions a specific place-name in this region—he relates that Abba Ṣəbra was from Bäyäda.93 While the ridge in which the site of Abba Rid is most likely located (see below) is not strictly speaking in the Heights of Bäyäda, it is considered part of the present-day administrative region (wäräda) of Bäyäda. This is repeatedly mentioned in the above-mentioned documentaries on Däbrä Ḥawi. Hence, this ridge may have been traditionally considered part of Bäyäda. Alternatively, the qes’ mention of Bäyäda may be a reference to a village by the name of Bäyäda, which, according to the Simen Mountains map, is located on the heights bearing this name.

• 97 See S. Dege-Müller, B. Kribus, 2021, p. 269-271.
• 98 The name of this locality is most likely a form of the name “Fälašoččge”, which literally means “th (...)

56As we recently suggested, the similar sounds of the names Abba Yared and Abba Rid, and the fact that Abba Rid is associated with Yared (who is known as Abba Yared) in the Betä Ǝsraʾel tradition seem to indicate that these two sites are one and the same.97 If this is indeed so, it would indicate that the Betä Ǝsraʾel holy site or its immediate vicinity was inhabited by Betä Ǝsraʾel mäloksewočč at the time of Nahoum’s visit—and that the mountain known today as Abba Yared or its vicinity can be tentatively identified as the location of Abba Rid (figs. 6-8). This is also in accordance with the other localities mentioned in association with the holy site: Dǝbǝl, described by Taamrat Emmanuel as located near Abba Rid, is located 5.4 km south-south-west of Abba Yared and 6.4 km west-south-west of Qəddus Yared. Fälašošge, mentioned by Qes Ḥädanä as the site of the mountain in which the miraculous cave is located, is probably the village that appears in the above-mentioned Simen Mountains map under the name Felashasigi, 9.5 km east-north-east of Abba Yared and 8.1 km north-north-east of Qəddus Yared.98 A locality by the name of ʾBRʾǦ, mentioned by Qes Ḥädanä parallel to Abba Rid as the place of origin of Abba Ṣəbra, does not appear on this map. However, a locality bearing a similar name, Bärǧe, appears on the map, 5.2 km south-south-east of Abba Yared and 3.3 km west-south-west of Qəddus Yared. The likely proximity of this site to Abba Rid seems to be the reason that the qes refers to both as Abba Ṣəbra’s place of origin.

• 99 See Wovite Worku Mengisto, B. Kribus, forthcoming.

58Two members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel community from the Səmen Mountains mentioned Betä Ǝsraʾel pilgrimage to Abba Rid during the holidays, especially Passover. Pilgrimage would entail spending several days at the site in study and prayer.99

• 100 See Y. Kahana, 1977, p. 154-155; B. Kribus, V. Krebs, 2018, p. 326-327.
• 101 See S. Dege-Müller, B. Kribus, forthcoming; B. Kribus, 2019, p. 165-168; W. Leslau, 1974, p. 629.
• 102 Personal communication with Selamawit FsHa.

59Abeje Medhanie related that the holy site of Abba Rid was not the site of Yared’s burial, but rather an area where he lived. And indeed, among the Betä Ǝsraʾel, burial sites were considered impure and were not regularly accessed by the community. Members of the community would typically enter a cemetery only for the purpose of burying the dead and were required to purify themselves afterwards.100 Some Betä Ǝsraʾel holy sites included, within their compound, the burial place of a prestigious holy person, but it seems that the focal point of veneration at these sites was not at the burial place, but rather locations where the person in question traditionally lived.101 Abeje added that the community believes that the place has healing power—barren men and women could conceive after visiting the site.102

• 103 F. Gamst, 1969; J. Tubiana, 1955; 1999. We would like to thank the anonymous reviewer for bringing (...)
• 104 J. Quirin, 1998; O. Tourny, 2009.
• 105 Zelealem Yelew, who studied the Kǝmant language, states: “I suspect that the Kemant religion will d (...)
• 106 F. Gamst, 1969, p. 35, 37. In Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, the title qəddus is also used to ref (...)

60The Kǝmant religious tradition, which past studies have defined as “Pagan-Hebraic” due to its featuring both Old Testament-derived traditions and traditions of a likely local origin, is the least studied of the three religious traditions addressed here. Very few studies examine Kǝmant religious life in detail,103 and a few others briefly describe specific elements of Kǝmant religion.104 In recent years, the vast majority of the Kǝmant have embraced Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, and very few adherents of the Kǝmant religious tradition remain.105 Among the Kǝmant, the title Qəddus is used to refer to prestigious holy men of the past and to angelic beings, some biblical, others, as far as is known, without parallel in the two above-mentioned traditions.106

• 107 F. Gamst, 1969, p. 27-28, 35; J. Tubiana, 1955.
• 108 F. Gamst, 1969, p. 27 states that such prayer houses were built to prevent Christians from viewing (...)

61The only two written accounts at our disposal describing Kǝmant holy sites in detail were written by Gamst and Tubiana,107 and the documentation of such sites remains a desideratum for future research. Both accounts relate that Kǝmant worship commonly took place in the open-air, most notably in sacred groves. Gamst relates that these groves were known as degena and that prayer houses (šawang) are known to have been used in the late 20th century.108 Degena are dedicated to culture heroes and are used either for burial or as the site of worship on an annual holiday associated with the individual the holy site is dedicated to. Tubiana and Gamst also mention other types of Kǝmant sacred sites, typically located on prominent topographical features. These include sites dedicated to the supreme God (Mäzgǝna) and other supernatural beings, and sites believed to be the abode of spirits and known as qole. Burial places of the highest-ranking religious leaders (wämbär) can also be considered sacred, though religious ceremonies are not conducted in them.

• 111 Pictures can be found in F. Rosen, 1907, p. 457 and H. Hurni, 2005, p. 25, 26, 27.
• 112 F. Rosen, 1907, p. 458; H. Hurni, 2005, p. 15, with a picture of the church on p. 24.

63Mount Aber is the name of a steep mountain peak at the northern-western extension of the Səmen. Its rugged peak reaches a height of 3653 m and can be seen from the Gondär-Aksum highway.111 In addition, a locality by the name of Aber and a ridge by that name appear in the Dima map produced by the Ethiopian Mapping Authority (1998). This may be the mountain referred to in the above-mentioned account. It is notable that this locality is not in the immediate proximity of the other Yared sites discussed here (fig. 3); however, also here we find a church dedicated to Yared. Hurni in his 2005 report calls it Dabiya Kidis Yared church (Däbiya Qəddus Yared), and Felix Rosen describes it as a monastery in 1907.112 Rosen further mentions the Betä Ǝsraʾel presence throughout the highlands of the Səmen.

• 113 Personal communication with Guesh Solomon, 2021. H. Hurni, 2005, p. 14 states that Gilbena is the f (...)

64It should be noted that we were recently informed of yet another Yared site, also in the vicinity of those described here. According to the scholar Guesh Solomon, born in Ṣällämt, local tradition claims that Yared’s cave and church is located in Gəlbena (ግልቤና, on maps often “Gilbena”), but except for locating it on the map we were not able to inquire further regarding this site.113

• 114 The source commonly recognized in scholarship as the earliest to mention a group indisputably assoc (...)

66First, it is notable that despite the turbulent political history of these two religious communities in the Sǝmen, such sites, at least in recent years, existed side by side, a state of affairs which likely reflects a substantial degree of mutual respect and good will of the religious communities in question. Historically, the Sǝmen shifted from being a completely autonomous region largely populated by the ancestors of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (prior to the 13th–14th century Solomonic expansion), to a Betä Ǝsraʾel-governed autonomous region partially integrated in the Solomonic state (15th–17th centuries), to a Christian-governed region with a substantial Betä Ǝsraʾel population (up to the 20th century), to a region devoid of any Betä Ǝsraʾel population (at present).114 Thus, one can speculate that if the Yared sites of both religious communities are indeed of substantial antiquity, they would have been active side by side first under Betä Ǝsraʾel rule, and then under Christian rule. The Kǝmant tradition adds another level to this discussion which we cannot investigate at present.

• 115 See, for example, E. Pereira, 1900, p. 151-152, 271, 283.
• 116 For a discussion regarding the locations and characteristics of these strongholds, see B. Kribus, f (...)

67That the area in question is at the heart of the former Betä Ǝsraʾel autonomous region is reflected in the location of Betä Ǝsraʾel strongholds that were the focal point of the Betä Ǝsraʾel–Solomonic wars during the reign of the Solomonic monarch Susǝnyos. While pinpointing the precise locations of these strongholds remains our aim in future research, the names of the localities in which they were situated appear in Susǝnyos’ royal chronicle.115 Similar or identical names appear in the above-mentioned Simen Mountains map and yet others in its future updated edition, kindly indicated to us by Prof. Hurni. It is very likely that the former strongholds are located at or near the modern-day localities bearing the same name. Of special significance is the stronghold of Sägänät, which Susǝnyos’ chronicle describes as the seat of the leader of the Betä Ǝsraʾel political autonomy, Gedewon.116 The proximity of these localities to the Yared sites is striking (fig. 9).

• 117 M.-L. Derat, 2003; S. Kaplan, 2007, p. 988-989.

68The foundation of monasteries and churches was an integral element of Solomonic expansion and consolidation, and such institutions played a central role in Solomonic Ethiopia, as centres of Christianization, administration, religious education, commerce, and welfare.117 It may therefore be that following the demise of Betä Ǝsraʾel autonomy in the Səmen, local Christian sites of worship were strengthened or founded. The extent and scope of such a phenomenon remains to be determined.

• 119 Examples include the towns of Däbrä Tabor (Mt. Tabor), Däbrä Sina (Mt. Sinai), and Nazret (Nazareth (...)
• 120 S. Kaplan, 1992, p. 87 suggests that this act was viewed both as asserting Rädaʾi’s sovereignty ove (...)

70A similar practice of giving names of biblical mountains to localities in Ethiopia is common among Ethiopia’s Christian population.119 This is the only example known so far of such a practice among the Betä Ǝsraʾel. What is striking about this description is not only that the Betä Ǝsraʾel leader chose to equate his domain with biblical Israel, but also that this was viewed as an affront by the Solomonic chronicler (and hence, probably, by Solomonic authorities). This demonstrates the role of sacred geography in the discourse between the two communities.120

• 121 J. Abbink, 1990.

73Abbink has demonstrated that some of the Ethiopian Orthodox and Betä Ǝsraʾel traditions regarding their distant, mythical past form one domain of discourse, in which each community argues its legitimacy as the true heir of the biblical Israelites.121 Both communities share basic narratives (most notably the Kǝbrä nägäśt narrative outlined above), but some of the details as well as the meanings attributed to the narrative in each community differ, thus expressing the respective community’s worldview. Here, it is demonstrated that accounts of Yared’s life are also part of this interreligious discourse—and that this discourse was expressed not only in oral tradition, but also in sacred geography. Yared, the divinely inspired composer of sacred melodies, is a powerful symbol. He is linked, as demonstrated above, through the traditional setting of his acts, to wider themes and concepts associated with Israelite identity in Ethiopia. In a Betä Ǝsraʾel context, the Sǝmen Mountains are no less powerful a symbol—they are the focal point of Betä Ǝsraʾel sacred geography in Ethiopia, symbolizing the community’s kingship and bravery in its struggle with the Solomonic Kingdom and serving as the seat of its supreme religious leadership.