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Oromo Court Intellectual, Catholic Martyr: Ṭino’s Negotiation of Identity, Faith and Power, 1600s–1638

Intellectuel de la cour oromo, martyr catholique : les négociations d'identité, de foi et de pouvoir de Ṭino, 1600-1638
Awegichew Amare

Résumés

Des témoignages directs datant de la fin du xviie siècle indiquent que la cour solomonide d'Éthiopie était réputée pour attirer des élites talentueuses issues de divers horizons ethniques et culturels. Cette étude reconstitue l'histoire de Ṭino Fäyissa, également connu sous le nom de Täklä Śǝllase. Cet intellectuel oromo s'est hissé aux rangs les plus élevés de la cour royale éthiopienne de la première moitié du xviie siècle, cours située dans la région nord-ouest près du lac Ṭana.
S'appuyant sur des sources primaires du xviie siècle, cet article situe l'identité et le rôle de Ṭino dans le contexte des premières rencontres d'un membre de l'ethnie Oromo avec la cour chrétienne, les missionnaires jésuites catholiques, le christianisme éthiopien et le catholicisme. La transformation de Ṭino, depuis ses origines en tant que membre d'une famille Oromo jusqu'à son martyre en tant que catholique, témoigne de ses multiples identités religieuses. Au service de l'État éthiopien, il fut sans doute le premier scribe royal catholique oromo et un conseiller vénéré du roi Susǝnyos et des missionnaires jésuites. Sa vie et son époque témoignent d'un des cas particuliers d'intégration des Oromos dans l'appareil d'État.

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Texte intégral

I owe heartfelt gratitude to Professor Anaïs Wion, my esteemed PhD supervisor, for her astute and perceptive observations on the complex interactions among Ethiopia’s diverse ethnicities and cultures, from which I greatly benefited while writing my dissertation. Moreover, her comments on this article have significantly enhanced its scholarly quality. In addition, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Wudu Tafette, Dr. Herman Margaux, and Dr. Deresse Ayenatchew for their invaluable insights and comments that I received during the early stages of my research. I am deeply grateful to the journal’s reviewers for their editorial work and insightful comments.

Introduction

  • 1 Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p. 118-174. This work comprehensively examines military conflicts, state (...)
  • 2 Awegihew Amare, 2022, p. 24-32.

1A brief account of the triad of epochal events in the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom that transpired during the eventful 16th and 17th centuries offers a historical framework to broadly situate the identity and agency of historical figures, both collective and individual. These events include the great expansions of the pastoral Oromo, court political rivalry due to the endemic succession disputes, and the introduction of Catholicism to the royal court and core provinces. The pastoral Oromo people, whose origin, expansion, and integration in the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom are subjects of historiographical debates, moved from what is now southern Ethiopia from the mid-16th century. In the following decades, several Oromo groups rapidly infiltrated not only the territories of the Christian Kingdom, including Šäwa, Amhara, Bägemdǝr, Goǧǧam, Dämbǝya, Lasta, Angot, and Tigre, but also its military and cultural institutions.1 By the end of the same century, Oromo warriors and war commanders were recruited into the Christian military regiments, marking a significant shift in the dynamics of power.2 These outcomes are not surprising, given the speed at which the people successfully penetrated the core territories of the Christian Kingdom and the growing tendency among Ethiopian Christian sovereigns to integrate them.

  • 3 Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p. 365-401.
  • 4 Awegihew Amare, 2021, p. 464-483.

2The closing decade of the 16th century plunged the Ethiopian Christian state into a period of intense political instability. Following the death of King Śärsä Dəngəl in 1597, the royal dignitaries were divided among themselves concerning the succession of power. Over the ensuing fourteen years, two kings briefly reigned on three separate occasions, underscoring the extent to which the Christian court was plagued by competing power factions.3 In 1607, Susǝnyos, the least likely candidate for power and who had fled the politically divided court in Dämbǝya to the Oromo of Šäwa, ascended to the throne, embarking on one of the most impressive and lengthy reigns by the Solomonids of Ethiopia. Disfavored by the royal dignitaries, his move to join the Oromo as a fugitive had lasting ramifications, particularly regarding his policy of actively integrating the Oromo into the institutional framework of the Christian state.4

  • 5 J.T. Pawlikowski, 1971, p. 179.
  • 6 Girma Beshah and Merid Wolde Aregay, 1964; L. Cohen, 2009.
  • 7 Tadesse Tamrat, 1998, p. 17-30.
  • 8 A historiography of the Jesuit mission, themes treated, and comprehensive list of secondary literat (...)
  • 9 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 517-546.
  • 10 A. Martínez, 2015, p. xxxii.

3King Susǝnyos’s reign (1607–1632) was marked by the waning of political factions overshadowed by more acrimonious and violent religious conflicts that took on political underpinnings. Following the king’s conversion to Catholicism in 1619, the Ethiopian Christian state, which had been founded on Christianity5 since the conversion of King ʿEzana (r. 330–365/70?) of the Aksumite Kingdom, was turned into a Roman Catholic state.6 The conversion of the royal family marked the beginning of a ferocious baptism campaign aimed at converting the Ethiopian Christian populace, which the Ethiopian historian Taddesse Tamrat, in his article published in 1998, called evangelizing the evangelized”.7 The Jesuits’ success, led by the Spaniard Paez, in converting King Susǝnyos to Catholicism in 1619 proved to be short-lived.8 The staunch anti-Catholic resistance culminated in a civil war that resulted in the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1632.9 This had grave repercussions for the Jesuits—locally known as burtukan or färänǧ10and their congregants, who included Catholic converts from a multitude of ethnicities, notably the Tǝgrayan, Amhara, Agäw, Damot, and even Oromo.

  • 11 For a brief biography of F.M.E. Pereira, see H. Pennec, 2022. p. 353-383.
  • 12 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, p. xvii-xxvi.
  • 13 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843-844.
  • 14 Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 48, 50, 52.
  • 15 Getatchew Haile, 1995; Getatchew Haile, A. Lande, S. Rubenson, 1998; H. Pennec, 2003; D. Toubkis, 2 (...)

4Scholarly works have addressed the life and times of Ṭino at various analytical depths and from different methodological perspectives. The late 19th-century Portuguese Orientalist Pereira, renowned in Ethiopian studies for his philological contributions, appended introductory commentary to his 1892 Portuguese translation and edition of the Gәcәz chronicle of King Susǝnyos (1607–1632).11 This chronicle, a vital source of our knowledge about the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom in the 17th century, provides an account of Ṭino’s death.12 Drawing upon the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, and the Jesuits’ accounts of Ethiopia edited by Beccari, Toubkis contributed a concise summary of Ṭino’s career to the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica (2007).13 In his 2015 monograph, Mohammed Hassen examines Ṭino’s interpretation of the significance of the Abbaa Muda, the Oromo’s spiritual father, in people’s religious, cultural, and military aspects of life.14 Seminal scholarship on the complex relations between Catholic Jesuit missionaries and Ethiopian royal authority from 1557 to 1633 provides critical insight into the religious and political ambience of the period.15

  • 16 P. Paez, 2011.
  • 17 C.F. Beckingham, G.W.B. Huntingford, 1954.
  • 18 C. Beccari, 1903.
  • 19 C. Beccari, 1903. See also L. Cohen, A. Martínez, 2006, p. 190-212.
  • 20 B. Tellez, 1660. The English edition of the book is in Idem, 1710.

5The Gәcәz chronicle of King Susǝnyos of Ethiopia and contemporary Jesuit mission accounts constitute the primary sources, containing numerous references on Ṭino’s life and political career. Of particular significance are the accounts left by Paez,16 Almeida,17 and Mendez.18 Ṭino was a contemporary of leading Jesuit missionaries to Ethiopia—notably Paez, Almeida, and Mendez—and cultivated a close friendship, especially with Paez, who headed the mission from 1603 to 1618. The fifteen volumes of documents from the Jesuit mission, edited between 1902 and 1917 by the Jesuit scholar Beccari, who was commissioned by the Jesuit order to aid in the canonization of Catholic missionaries killed in Ethiopia,19 along with the compilation of Jesuit travels in Ethiopia by Tellez in 1660,20 further lend a greater degree of credibility to the available accounts referring to Ṭino.

6A thorough account of Ṭino’s life and achievements, with a focus on the elevation of his position and his fluidity of identity within the multiple cultural interactions in the court circle of the Ethiopian state, awaits further research. An Oromo intellectual who rose to the high positions of royal chronicler and adviser to King Susǝnyos during a time of intense military conflict between the Oromo and the Christian state, Ṭino offers a microcosmic view of the integration of Oromo elites into the Ethiopian state apparatus. More revealing is an analysis of how this historical figure wielded noticeable influence over the events of the 17th century, which in turn shaped the course of his life.

Identity, agency, and structure

  • 21 In qubee Afaan Oromo, Ṭino is spelt xinnoo and xiqqoo (lit. ‘small’); A. Mawadza and Amanuel Alemay (...)
  • 22 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843.
  • 23 Azzaž is a common term for a civil administrator. It is a title given to an official or a group of (...)
  • 24 The term was historically used in Gәcәz sources to refer to several Oromo clans until the mid-20th (...)
  • 25 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208. All translations are mine unless noted otherwise.

7To start with, Ṭino is known by multiple appellations. One is the Oromo term Ṭino, which denotes a person of small stature.21 There is no indication of whether this was his first name or a nickname. If, as Toubkis suggests,22 it was a nickname, he likely had another forename; however, the sources remain silent on this matter. Later in his life, Ṭino assumed the title of azzaž (lit. commander)23 and hence he was known as azzaž Ṭino. As titles are given to reflect different stages of status and position, they are rarely conferred upon a nickname. Therefore, it is very likely that Ṭino was not only his given name but also his preferred name. In his chronicle of King Susǝnyos, he identifies himself by his Amharic baptismal name, Täklä Śǝllase (lit. plant of the Trinity), but still adds his Oromo name in its original form: ወይብል: ጸሓፌ: ዝንቱ: ታሪክ: ዘስሙ: ተክለ: ሥላሴ: ዘበልሳነ [‘ጋላ’]: ሰመይዎ: ጢኖ” (And the writer of this chronicle, whose name is Täklä Śǝllase, (who) in the language of the [‘Galla’]24 they called Ṭino).25

  • 26 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 209; P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.
  • 27 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 519.
  • 28 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 111.
  • 29 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 111, 140.

8Ṭino also goes by two other names. As indicated in the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, an account of events of the reign and activities of the king, which he co-authored, Täklä Śǝllase was the name frequently preceded by ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz (lit. writer of the order), a title conferred on a royal chronicler.26 Beccari, in the index of his 1903 collection of the Jesuits’ accounts, places Zäśǝllase followed by azzaž Ṭino in parentheses, suggesting that the two names refer to the same person.27 However, upon a close examination, it becomes clear that abba Zäśǝllase, whom the Jesuit Mendez, in Beccari’s edition, refers to as Fǝqurä Haymanot (lover of faith”, in Gәcәz),28 was executed for converting to Catholicism, followed by azzaž Ṭino, who met the same fate.29 Therefore, the evidence clarifies that the two names in Mendez’s account denote distinct individuals.

9In his Latin letter of 10 October 1639 addressed to Pope Urban VIII, head of the Catholic Church, regarding Catholic martyrs and imperial perpetrators, Mendez identifies Ṭino as Basilius.

  • 30 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 179; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxv.

Outshining all in his authority, wisdom, and perseverance was the senator Basilius, who, although he had the faith and mind of a giant, they called Ṭinno, which means “the little one,” on account of the very small slightness of his body. He had been the secretary of the elder emperor Susənyos, but those who were laboring for the destruction of faith removed him from his side.30

  • 31 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 251.

10It is unclear whether Basilius, which is a Catholic name associated with St. Basil the Great, the famous Bishop of Caesarea, was used by the Jesuits to replace Täklä Śǝllase. Wendy Belcher, editor of the translated Jesuit correspondence compiled in Beccari’s volumes 11–13, observes that he is called both Basilius and Ṭinno but never Täklä Śǝllase”.31 In other Jesuit primary sources, however, Täklä Śǝllase and Ṭino are the two predominant names used to refer to him.

11As indicated above, Täklä Śǝllase and Basilius are used interchangeably with Ṭino in the sources, reflecting the continuing preservation of Ṭino’s ethnic heritage on the one hand and his shifting religious identity and status on the other. Notably, Täklä Śǝllase was not dropped from use even after he underwent reconversion to Catholicism. To clarify, the varying nomenclature reflects his shifting identity: Ṭino denotes his Oromo birth name, Täklä Śǝllase his Ethiopian Orthodox baptismal name, and Basilius his Catholic baptismal name.

  • 32 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xvii.
  • 33 Concerning the origin and history of the texts compiled in the short chronicles that present a gene (...)
  • 34 R. Basset, 1882.
  • 35 J. Perruchon, 1897, p. 360-372.
  • 36 F. Béguinot, p. 109, fn. 2. Qǝne, plural, qéneyat, from qänäyä, ‘to intone, to compose, to sing a h (...)

12The exact details of Ṭino’s birthplace and date of birth remain unknown to us. However, quoting Tellez, Pereira states that Ṭino was brought up by the monks of Täklä Haymanot of Däbrä Libanos, one of Ethiopia’s eminent monasteries, where he eventually professed into the order.32 However, the author does not specify the date of Ṭino’s encounter with the monastic fathers. The editions of the short chronicles (historical texts developed since the late 17th century independently from the ‘official annals’ of royal chroniclers),33 published by Basset34 and Perruchon35 make no mention of him, perhaps owing to their reliance on variant recensions of the text. By contrast, Béguinot’s edition includes notes indicating that, in the final years of the rule of King Śärsä Dəngəl (1590s), Ṭino studied and practiced the art of qǝne with a group of priests under the tutelage of one Abib.36 Assuming that he was in the middle of his training in his early twenties, which is the case with many students of qǝne bet, it is probable that he was born in the early 1580s.

  • 37 Luba, Oromiffaa, denotes the generation-grading or age-group system of the Oromo.
  • 38 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 203.
  • 39 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 205.
  • 40 Mohammed Hassen, 1994, p. 48.

13According to the timeline of Oromo expansion, it was the Robaale luba37 (1570–1578) which, for the first time, moved to Šäwa in 1572/73.38 According to the time of birth hypothesized above, Ṭino was a member of the next luba—that is, the Birmağ luba of the Borän, which from 1578 to 1586 conducted raids from Däwaro to Damot and Dämbǝya.39 While it can be inferred that Ṭino belonged to the region’s first generation of Christianized Oromo,40 one could also argue that Ṭino’s life trajectory had no connection with the Oromo groups and was instead a personal journey.

14Sources about Ṭino’s parents offer only an incomplete picture. In his 1985 publication, Aman Belay, an Ethiopian scholar of religious literature and church history, identified Fäyissa as Ṭino’s father.

  • 41 Aman Belay, 1985, p. 340.

…[ዐፄ ሱስንዮስም] በዚህን ጊዜ ልጃቸውን ፋሲለደስን፣ ወንድሞቻቸውን አዛዢ መልካ ክርስቶስ፣ ብላቴን አፈ ክርስቶስ፣ ብላቴን ጌታ ሣህለ ክርስቶስ፣ ራስ የማነ ክርስቶስን፣ ዋናውን አዛዢ ጢኖ ፈይሳን ጠርተው የእስክንድርያ ሃይማኖት ይመለስ፤ የሮም ሃይማኖት ይርከስ፤ ፋሲል በተዋሕዶ ይንገስ ብላችሁ አዋጅ ንገሩ ብለው ተናገሩ።41

At this time, King Susǝnyos summoned a council that included his son Fasilädäs, his brothers azzaž Mälka Krǝstos, blatten Afä Krǝstos, blatten geta Sahlä Krǝstos, ras Yämanä Krǝstos, and chief azzaž Ṭino Fäyissa, and instructed them to issue a proclamation that the Roman faith is overindulged, the Alexandrian faith is restored, and Fasilädäs is the rightful heir to the throne under the Orthodox faith.

  • 42 Also fayyisuu, A. Mawadza, Amanuel Alemayehu, 2017, p. 27.

15While Aman’s claim that Ṭino was in the service of the royal court during King Fasilädäs’s ascension to power is doubtful, Fäyissa is an unmistakable Oromo name, which can variably be translated as cure”, savior”, or healer”.42 However, the author provides no source for the name of Ṭino’s father, leaving the claim difficult to verify. His information is unique, as Fäyissa’s appellation does not occur in other secondary sources. Though it may be difficult to acknowledge it as an established historical fact, it reinforces the scholarly assertion about Ṭino’s Oromo ethnic pedigree. Unfortunately, no sources provide information about Ṭino’s paternal or maternal parentage.

Ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz Ṭino in the service of the Ethiopian state

  • 43 Gendäbärät was a village and a region to the southwest of Gudəru. In the provincial administration (...)
  • 44 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 30, 94-95.

16The sources are silent about the exact time that Ṭino and Susǝnyos first became acquainted. However, suggestions can be forwarded within the broader historical context of relations between Susǝnyos and the Oromo. Following the death of King Śärsä Dəngəl in 1597, the nobles of the royal court favored Yaʿǝqob to assume the throne, as they sought to exploit his inexperience. The rival claimant, Susǝnyos, was outraged by the decision, which also placed his life in jeopardy. Subsequently, he rebelled and sought refuge among the Oromo groups in Gendäbärät and Wäläqa.43 By studying the sequence of events, we can conclude that it is probable that during this particular juncture, Ṭino was residing at Däbrä Libanos monastery. During his time as a royal rebel, Susǝnyos maintained close relationships with the monks of the same monastery, who attempted to negotiate with royal dignitaries on his behalf. He had convened meetings with them in 1597, 1600, and 1607 and befriended abba Abrǝham, his contemporary, the abbot of the monastery.44 Even though it is not exactly known whether or not Susǝnyos ever met Ṭino during one of his visits to the monastery, it is very likely that, by the last decade of the 16th century, the two were in what is now the northern region of Šäwa, as a rebel prince and a church student, respectively.

  • 45 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii.
  • 46 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843-844.
  • 47 J. Perruchon, 1897, p. 360; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 4.
  • 48 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 470-483.
  • 49 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 94-95.

17Pereira dates Ṭino’s entry into Susǝnyos’s camp to 1619, corresponding to the time he was appointed court historian.45 However, Toubkis suggests an earlier date, based on the chronicle’s account that Ṭino was already in the king’s service when Śǝʿǝlä Krǝstos converted to Catholicism, c. 1612.46 Despite the paucity of sources, the two probably had a prior friendship, even before Susǝnyos’s second arrival in Šäwa in 1597. This is given the fact of Susǝnyos’s first experience with the Borän tribe of the Oromo, who incidentally adopted him after killing his father in 1585/86, a story reported by the short chronicles edited by Perruchon and by the royal chronicle of King Susǝnyos.47 As indicated earlier, although Susǝnyos was handed over to his immediate family by the Oromo, he later returned to the same group as a rebel in 1597. In the meantime, he became versed in their language, culture, and military tactics and recruited both Oromo and Amhara soldiers to fight for the throne.48 With the support of his Šäwa Oromo–Amhara forces, the court faction that favored him, and the guidance of the monks of Däbrä Libanos, Susǝnyos finally ascended to the throne after defeating King Yaʿǝqob on 10 March 1607.49

  • 50 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xvii.

18The vital information regarding the partial rewriting of the first version of the chronicle of King Susǝnyos indicated in the same chronicle may also provide a clue to suggest the time Ṭino joined Susǝnyos’s camp. The historical trajectories preceding Susǝnyos’s coronation, meticulously documented in the first 22 chapters of the sovereign’s chronicle by abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl, were re-written by Ṭino upon assuming his role as a royal scribe in 1612.50 It is likely that he was intimately familiar with the events in question, so much so that he was unconvinced by the documentations of the previous chronicler. Therefore, it is plausible that Ṭino may have been recruited to Susǝnyos’s camp before 1607.

  • 51 P. Paez, 2011, p. 357; A. Martínez, 2015, p. 186.
  • 52 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 109.

19Although the details of Ṭino’s service in the court of King Susǝnyos are not well documented, the royal chronicle and the Jesuit sources inform us that he eventually became one of the king’s chroniclers, as well as a trusted counselor and close friend. Initially, the task of chronicling King Susǝnyos’s reign was given to abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl, who was also educated at Däbrä Libanos and held the position of qes aṣe (father confessor). He was a teacher of King Susǝnyos and held several important positions at the royal court. He was converted to the Catholic faith through his close relationship with the second Jesuit mission (1603–1632) and was highly regarded for his knowledge of political and religious matters.51 He was also one of the informants used by Pedro Paez to compile his remarkable account, História da Etiópia.52

  • 53 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 75; C. Beccari, 1905, p. 432 ; Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 456.

20Abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl’s most significant contribution to King Susǝnyos’s chronicle was the composition of its first part, which covered the king’s early years until his coronation in 1607. He wrote the first 22 chapters, after which he disappears from the historical record. The last we hear of abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl is what Ṭino tells us in Chapter 24 of the royal chronicle, receiving an award for his service from King Susǝnyos, which can be dated to 1612. In the same year, the task of chronicling the king’s reign was passed on to azzaž Ṭino.53

  • 54 C. Beccari, 1905, p. 581.
  • 55 About Ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz, ጸሓፌ፡ ትእዛዝ, Gәcәz, lit. “scribe of order[s]”, title of the court official who (...)
  • 56 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii.
  • 57 S. Chernetsov and D. Nosnitsin, 2007, p. 460-461.
  • 58 S. Chernetsov and D. Nosnitsin, 2007, p. 460-461.
  • 59 According to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, a person’s baptismal name is chosen based on the day of (...)
  • 60 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208.
  • 61 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 82; Idem, 1905, p. v.
  • 62 P. Paez, 2011, p. 268.

21Ethiopian and Jesuit sources that mention Ṭino’s role as a court historian invariably stress his exalted position at the court, conversion to Ethiopian Christianity, and reconversion to Catholicism. In the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, he credits himself with having penned the bulk of the royal chronicle beginning with Chapter 23 and ending with Chapter 79, until he was eventually replaced by a third, unidentified chronicler.54 In his editorial notes on the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, Pereira argues that in 1612, or possibly even earlier, Ṭino assumed the titles of ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz and Ṣäḥafe ḥǝgg55 and began his work by revising the section of the chronicle that had already been penned by abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl.56 In their study of the office of the ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz” contributed to the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Chernetsov and Nosnitsin note that Ṭino was the first ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz known by name”.57 In this, they write off abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl, arguing that the title ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzazwas not explicitly applied to him.58 In any case, taking the name Täklä Śǝllase,59 Ṭino alludes to his role in the chronicle as he takes on the task of writing it.60 Nonetheless, it is problematic to date his baptism into Ethiopian Christianity or prove whether his name was concomitant with his official position. The Jesuits who were present in Ethiopia during this period were aware of him as the royal chronicler who later converted to Catholicism”,61 perhaps stressing the growing influence of Catholicism among intellectuals in prominent court positions and graduates of the Däbrä Libanos monastery, such as Ṭino and Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝ. Paez, a close acquaintance of Ṭino, attests that he was the chief secretary”.62

  • 63 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.
  • 64 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 124.
  • 65 Baḥrǝy argues that the social organization of the Oromo was a fundamental factor in their military (...)
  • 66 S. Chernetsov, 2007, p. 44.

22Ṭino enjoyed the freedom to present his account of events, perspectives, and interpretations, while remaining impervious to the influence of the court intellectuals.63 In his approach to analyzing events, he sought to base his analyses on verifiable empirical facts64 rather than on biblical perspective. By so doing, he adopts a more scientific and less theological approach, building on the incisive critique put forth by abba Baḥrǝy, Ethiopian Christian monk of the 16th century, who, in his account of the Oromo written in 1594, questioned the rationality and adequacy of divine intervention theory as a means of interpreting causation and effect.65 Moreover, Ṭino sets his narrative strictly chronologically and meticulously organized according to the years of the sovereign’s reign.66 The historical events he mentions were written in the immediate aftermath of their occurrence, evidently under the king’s close censorship, and were read before the principal nobles of the court.

  • 67 ወያንብብዋ (they will read), ወአንበብክዋ (I will read).
  • 68 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p . 208; (trans.), p. 160.

ወይብል: ጸሓፌ፡ ዝንቱ፡ ታሪክ፡ ዘስሙ፡ ተክለ፡ ሥላሴ፡ ዘበልሳነ፡ [‘ጋላ’] ፡ ሰመይዎ፡ ጢኖ፡ በእንተ፡ ናእሰ: ቆሙ፡ ወኢከዊኖቱ፡ ነዊኀ፡ ርኢኩ፡ ዘንተ፡ በዓይንየ፡ ወጸሐፍክዎ፡ እምአመ፡ ኮነ፡ ዝንቱ፡ ነገር፡ በ ፫፡ አውራኀ፡ ወለእመ፡ ሐሰውኩሰ፡ ይኩኑ፡ ብየ፡ ሰማዕተ፡ ኵሉ፡ መኳንንት፡ ወዓበይተ፡ መንግሥት፡ መናብርትኒ፡ ወዓዚዛን፡ እለ፡ መጽኡ፡ ለአሠርግዎ፡ ብስራት፡ ወለአስተሣንዮ፡ ትፍሥሕት፡ በከመ፡ ሥርዓቶሙ፡ ወሕጎሙ፡ ዘልማድ። ወያንብብዋ(?67)፡ ለመጽሐፍየ፡ ዛቲ፡ በቅድሜሆሙ፡፡ እስመ፡ ኢኮነ፡ ዘመኑ፡ ርሑቀ፡ ወኢይረብሐኒ፡ ለነፍስ፡ ወለሥጋ፡ ከመ፡ አነ፡ እትሀበል፡ ወእድፍር፡ ዘንተ፡ ሐሰተ።68

And the writer of this chronicle, whose name is Täklä Śǝllase in the language of the [‘Galla’] is called Ṭino because of the smallness of his stature. And I have seen this with my own eyes, and I wrote it down in the third month after this event happened; but if I have lied, let all the dignitaries and the great officials of the kingdom, the leaders and the chiefs, those who came to honor the good news and to make the joy better, as is their custom and their customary law, be witnesses to me. And I [they?] will read this book of mine before them; for the time is not far off, and it would not profit my soul or my body that I should tell and dare to lie [about] this.

  • 69 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160.
  • 70 F.M.E. pereira, 1892, (text), p. 166.

23Ṭino’s ability to report the truth is evident in a few passages of the chronicle, where he openly discloses the sources of his information. He asserts that he personally either witnessed the events69 or interviewed informants. In recounting the confrontation between King Susǝnyos and the rebel Yolyos, his son-in-law, in 1617, Ṭino not only states that he relies on the accounts of his informants but also compares their views on the retreat of Yolyos’s troops: ዝንቱ: ጐይዮቶሙ: ቦእለ: ይብሉ: በፍርሃት: ወቦ: እለ: ይብሉ: በትምይንት።” (This fleeing of theirs: “some say they fled out of fear, while others say they fled out of cunning”).70

24Through his unwavering appeal to truth and objectivity, Ṭino strives to strike a delicate equilibrium between the empirical evidence he presents, his perspective, and the interpretation of his audience. While his confession to refraining from falsehoods in the presence of dignitaries poses a formidable obstacle for a court historian seeking to maintain an independent voice, his undivided loyalty to the pursuit and presentation of truth appears to have propelled him to a position of authority in his enterprise.

State and society of the 17th century through Ṭino’s lens

  • 71 P. Paez, 2011, p. 47.
  • 72 P. Paez, 2011, p. 47.

25The chronicle of King Susǝnyos is a detailed account that sheds light on the last decade of the 16th and the first half of the 17th centuries. The only known manuscript of the chronicle was brought to Europe by the traveler James Bruce at the end of the 18th century and deposited in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The Gәcәz text was edited in 1892 by Esteves Pereira, who translated it into Portuguese eight years later. Both Paez and Almeida had access to the earlier version of the chronicle, part of which they translated and included in their respective works. Almeida—who outlived Paez, who passed away on 20 May 1622 in Gorgora—had the advantage of working from an original version and was even able to correct Paez’s errors.71 The latest edition of the account of Paez presents the differences in these translations of the chronicles.72

  • 73 M. Kropp, 1984, p. 53.
  • 74 M. Kropp, 1984, p. 53; D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 107.

26As Kropp notes, the text underwent numerous modifications during the course of writing, underscoring the importance attached to writing official history in court traditions. The numerous corrections made in the previous chapters, as evidenced in the scratched places and introduced rewrites, were likely the outcome of sensitive censorship, mainly due to the restoration of Ethiopian Christianity in 1632.73 Both Kropp and Toubkis agree that the correcting and rewriting of history appear to have occurred during the reign of King Fasilädäs to erase the memory of King Susǝnyos, the latter being deemed heretical and treasonous to his people.74

  • 75 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 113.

27Toubkis identifies that the first 22 chapters of the chronicle cover the decades between the birth of Susǝnyos in 1576/77 and his investiture in 1604. Chapters 22–30 cover the period from Susǝnyos’s enthronement to the death of King Yaʿǝqob in 1607. The first thirty chapters are largely devoted to the events that transpired during Susǝnyos’s journey to the throne, a storyline centered on one man. Chapters 31 to 99 deal with the period of his reign, with the last chapter ending with his death in 1632. In view of its importance to historiography, the chronicle provides a long account from the birth of Susǝnyos to the beginning of his reign, thereby filling the knowledge gap between the last four years of King Śärsä Dəngəl’s reign (1593–1597) and the death of Yaʿǝqob in 1607.75

  • 76 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text); D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 113.

28The chronicle of King Susǝnyos cogently reports the trilateral confluence of courtly power dynamics, Catholicism, and the Oromo factor, which has had profound implications for Ethiopia and the external world. As implied above, the first thirty chapters of the chronicle dealt with the decade-long chaos that followed King Śärsä Dəngəl’s death. The chapters provide detailed information about the Ethiopian Christian state’s power struggles, divergent political interests, types of military organizations, and socio-economic contentions. Susǝnyos’s trajectory from a contender to supreme power holder, however, is often over-emphasized in the narrative.76

  • 77 While the nature of Christ was the subject of the main theological contentions that took place betw (...)

29In addition to what is mentioned earlier, the chronicle serves as a significant source for studying the history of Catholicism during the period of the Jesuit mission to Christian Ethiopia. Here, it is important to emphasize that the chapters written by Ṭino offer valuable insights into a) the changing attitudes of the royal elites towards Catholicism; b) the Jesuits’ relations with the Ethiopian Christian court; c) Christological and theological discrepancies between Catholicism and Ethiopian Christianity;77 d) anti-Catholic sentiment and rebellions; and e) the religious and political contentions of the parties involved.

  • 78 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 11-12.
  • 79 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 79, 110-114.
  • 80 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 260.
  • 81 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-215.
  • 82 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.
  • 83 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.
  • 84 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.
  • 85 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.

30The Oromo feature significantly in King Susǝnyos’s chronicle. The storylines revolve around two major issues: integration and conflict. The chronicle offers a comprehensive narrative of Susǝnyos’s adoption by the Oromo and his subsequent return to the same group during his period of exile in Šäwa.78 However, since this section of the chronicle was written by abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl, the exact modifications made by Ṭino remain uncertain. In the part of the chronicle that he penned, Ṭino provides valuable information on the recruitment of Oromo troops and the integration of their fighting techniques into the Christian čäwa military regiments.79 He deliberately emphasizes their settlement in the most fertile regions of the state80 and their conversion to Christianity (first to Ethiopian Christianity and later to Catholicism) at the king’s command.81 The discussion of Oromo integration remained uncensored, as Toubkis correctly noticed, demonstrating the court’s keen interest in continuing to integrate the people into the royal court, the kingdom, and society.82 In contrast, the narrative also highlights the active incursions of the non-Christian Oromo into the Christian state,83 their clashes with the Christian čäwa regiments,84 and King Susǝnyos’s defensive campaigns against them,85 revealing the complexity of the conflict situation, which came close to destabilizing the state.

  • 86 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 129.

31As a royal chronicler with Oromo lineage, Ṭino had the official advantage of providing greater details about the Oromo in the royal chronicle. He maintained a mixed attitude towards the same people. It appears that Ṭino had a friendly attitude towards the Oromo groups that were integrated into the Christian state and who pledged their allegiance to King Susǝnyos. On the other hand, he exhibited a belligerent disposition towards other Oromo groups, who caused significant disruption through their militant movements in the central provinces, as well as towards those who declined to embrace Christianity.86 In doing so, Ṭino demonstrated his appreciation for the Christian state’s policy of integrating the Oromo.

  • 87 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 455-456.
  • 88 Baḥrǝy, 1954, p. 111-129.
  • 89 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 59 (trans.), p. 47.
  • 90 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (trans.), p. 336.

32Ṭino’s expertise extended to the intricate workings of Oromo society during the tumultuous first half of the 17th century, which saw both peaceful and conflictual interactions with the Christian state and society.87 He likely had access to the account of abba Baḥrǝy, a uniquely succinct documentation of the genealogy, cultural, and military practice of the Oromo of the 16th century.88 It is also probable that Ṭino had a personal acquaintance with abba Baḥrǝy. The name Baḥrǝy, not to be confused with a priest of the same name from the region of Märḥabete, is mentioned in the chronicle of King Susǝnyos as azzaž Baḥrǝy, one of the king’s advisers.89 It is recorded in Chapter 22, the final chapter penned by abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl before the responsibility was transferred to Ṭino. Pereira dates this phase of Baḥrǝy’s influential role at the court to around the year 1605.90 The temporal proximity in which Ṭino appears to have already assumed his place among the party accompanying the king is not unduly distant from the aforementioned year. If this possible encounter between Ṭino and Baḥrǝy holds any semblance of truth, it could be inferred that it may have exerted a salutary influence on Ṭino’s little interest in documenting the genealogy of the Oromo tribes, a subject that the Christian court was already well-informed about thanks to Baḥrǝy’s work in 1594.

33Ṭino is more interested in the Oromo traditional religion and the spiritual father, abbaa Muda. In Chapter 56 of the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, he narrates the event of the conversion of the Wäräntiša (spelled Wäränäša) tribe of the Bäräytuma branch in Dänqäz, which aroused his curiosity about their traditional religion.

  • 91 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214 (trans.), p. 165.

ዓዲ: ይተአመንዎ: ለ፩: ብእሲ: እምኔሆሙ: ዘስሙ: አባ: ሙዳ: በከመ: ይትአመንዎ: አይሁድ: ለሙሴ: ወተንበላት: ለመሐመድ: ወየሐውሩ: ኀቤሁ: እምርሑቅ: ሀገር: ወይትባረኩ: እምኔሁ: በበረከተ: መዊእ: ወበበረከተ: ሰለባ: ወይተፍእ: ሎሙ: ምራቆ: በከርቤ: እሙንቱኒ: ቈጺሮሙ: ይጸውርዎ: በከርቤ: ከመ: ይኩኖሙ: ተስፋ: ለዕለተ: ፀብእ: ምስለ: ኵሉ: ዘይፃብእዎ91

Still more, they believe in a man among them, whose name is abbaa Muda, as the Jews believe in Moses and the Muslims [believe] in Muhammad, and they travel from a distant country and are blessed by him with the blessing of victory and blessing of booty [of war] and he spat upon them with myrrh and they enfold the myrrh and hold it to be their hope in the days of battle against those who make war with them.

  • 92 Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 50.
  • 93 Buttaa, Oromiffaa, denotes a ritual sacrifice or any feast performed by a generation-set that joins (...)
  • 94 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-215.

34Ṭino’s analysis of the Oromo traditional religion merits particular attention. As Mohammed observes, his work provides us with one of the earliest written records on the subject.92 Ṭino commences the discussion by emphasizing, if not exaggerating, the status of the abbaa Muda among the Oromo, whose blessing they sought before embarking on the Buttaa wars.93 However, while trying to connect different religious views, his comparison of the abbaa Muda with biblical figures such as Moses is all the more intriguing, since neither the spitting of saliva nor the intentional taking of booty appear in the Pentateuch. In any case, Ṭino insinuates that the Christian state lost territories to the expanding Oromo as they were dictated by spiritual guidance, which gave them strength and was used to justify violent actions, often portraying their enemies as non-believers. Indeed, the conversion of the Oromo to Christianity was a political gesture aimed at weakening the fury of their movements. This reinforces the author’s rationalization of Susǝnyos’s order to the Wäräntiša Oromo tribes to renounce their indigenous faith, persuading them that it ran counter to the tenets of Christianity.94 From a personal standpoint, Ṭino’s discussion of the discourse surrounding the abbaa Muda helped him amplify the intrinsic value he attributed to his conversion to Christianity. His depiction of Oromo traditions evinces a Christian bias, as he brands them as un-Christian observances embraced by adherents who have not undergone conversion. He writes in the chronicle:

  • 95 The name ወረነሻ (Wäränäša) is likely a phonetic variant or a corrupt form of Wäräntiša (ወረንጢሻ), as it (...)

ወዘንተ፡ ኵሎ፡ ልማዳተ፡ [‘ጋላ’]፡ ዘመሀሮሙ፡ ሰይጣን፡ ወላዴ፡ ስሕተት፡ አኀደጎሙ፡ ንጉሥ፡ ሥልጣን፡ ሰገድ፡ ወአዘዘ፡ ያጥምቅዎሙ፡ በስመ፡ አብ፡ ወወልድ፡ ወመንፈስ፡ ቅዱስ፡ ወተጠምቁ፡ ኵሉ፡ ወረነሻ95፡ ወተመጠዉ፡ ምሥጢረ፡ ሥጋሁ፡ ወደሙ፡ ለእግዚእነ፡ ወመድኃኒነ፡ ኢየሱስ፡ ክርስቶስ።

  • 96 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 215.

The father of deceit, Satan, taught the [‘Galla’] all these customs [that] King Sɘlṭan Sägäd ordered to be abolished. And he ordered that they be baptized in the name of the Father, of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. [Thus,] all the Wäränäša were baptized. They also received the mystery of the Eucharist—the Body and Blood of our Lord and Savior.96

  • 97 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-216.
  • 98 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-216.

35By employing a combination of severe criticism and contempt towards the traditions cherished by his fellow Oromo groups, he skillfully convinced the Christian elite within the court of his profound assimilation into the Christian lore. This allowed him to set categories of identity for the Oromo groups of the 17th century—followers of Jesus Christ—and that of abbaa Muda and positioned himself as a daring arbiter, audaciously judging the terms of transitions through conversion. Once he achieved a sense of contentment with his calculated interpretation, he deliberately relegated discussions on the Oromo traditional religion to the periphery. This subject resurfaces only once, in Chapter 56 of King Susǝnyos’s chronicle.97 In fact, his comparison between the traditional religion of the Wäräntiša Oromo and Christianity was flawed due to his use of theological denominators specific to Christianity, such as the notions of divine salvation, the afterlife, and biblical dietary laws.98 His limited engagement with the subject precluded him from proffering further contradictions.

  • 99 A. Chekroun, B. Hirsch, 2020, p. 474, fn. 74.
  • 100 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 27; G. Balashova, 2007, p. 281.

36Contempt for an old identity is commonly harbored by historical figures who have undergone a transformation of identity and have embraced a new religion, culture, and language. Abba Baḥrǝy, whose Oromo lineage is a subject of debate among historians,99 emerged as the antithesis of his cultural origins in his chronicle of the Oromo. Similarly, ǝččäge ʿƎnbaqom (1470–1560), a converted Muslim and the eleventh abbot of Däbrä Libanos monastery, authored Anqäsä amin (‘Gateway of Faith’), a Christian polemic against Islam.100 In this context, Ṭino’s position in the chronicle is not unfamiliar in historiography.

  • 101 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.
  • 102 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 111.

37Unfortunately, Ṭino did not complete the write-up of the chronicle of King Susǝnyos. His close relationship with the king, which transcended ethnic and social differences, and endured from Šäwa to Gondär for more than thirty years, eventually deteriorated. Relying on the works of Tellez and Mendez, Periera describes how the escalating anti-Catholic rebellions led to the highly anticipated fall-out between the king and his inner circle of devout Catholics and court intellectuals.101 Circa 1628/29, Ṭino was divested of his post as the court historian.102

From conversion to conviction: abba Ṭino’s life as a Catholic defender

  • 103 The Jesuit strategies and the societal reactions to their endeavors in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632 c (...)
  • 104 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 339.
  • 105 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 83.
  • 106 P. Paez, 2011, p. 269; C. Beccari, 1905, p. 386; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

38The Jesuits’ approach to converting Ethiopians to Catholicism centered on cultivating amicable relationships with the royal family and political elites, as well as showing reverence for the local culture and language.103 The Catholic missionaries attained their greatest success by converting key figures at the royal court, most notably King Susǝnyos—who publicly embraced the faith at Azäzo—and his brother, ras Śǝʿǝlä Krǝstos, the highly influential noble and governor of Goǧǧam.104 Ṭino was able to forge close ties with the Jesuits active at the court and became one of their informants there. Although it is unknown whether he spoke Spanish or Portuguese, his interactions with Paez, in particular,105 along with his frequent experience at court and travels with the Jesuits to religious councils for nearly two decades,106 suggest that he was not unfamiliar with the primary languages of the Jesuits.

  • 107 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xx.
  • 108 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xx-xxi.

39It is not well known what language was used in Ṭino’s letter addressed to the Italian Jesuit, Antonio Bruno, and his Portuguese companion, Diego de Matos, upon their arrival in Ethiopia in June 1620. Pereira presents this remarkable letter in Portuguese but does not tell us whether the original was written in the same language.107 In any case, Ṭino must have been cognizant of the linguistic comprehension of his audience when he included in his letter not only a warm welcome but also his confession of the Catholic faith, the doctrinal differences between the Catholic faith and Ethiopian Christianity, the rising wave of anti-Catholic sentiment, and other important matters that captured the attention of the Jesuit arrivals.108 This is not to forget the fact that the Jesuits could also speak Ethiopian languages, especially Amharic and Gәcәz.

  • 109 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 159; (trans.), p. 123.
  • 110 The čǝfära formation of the Oromo was a tactical trick that involved the breaking of a large army i (...)
  • 111 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 79.
  • 112 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 106.
  • 113 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160.
  • 114 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160. This hairstyle involves leaving an unshaved (...)

40Although the documentation is not conclusive to verify Ṭino’s proficiency in the language of the Jesuits, he was, without doubt, at least trilingual: proficient in Oromiffa, Gәcәz, and Amharic. He composed the chronicle of King Susǝnyos in Gәcәz, a language he likely acquired through church education at Däbrä Libanos monastery. In Chapter 45 of the chronicle, he translated the Amharic title ras into Arabic as waziir (Vazir).109 Though the extent of his proficiency in Arabic remains uncertain, it is known that he was proficient in Oromiffa, presumably his native vernacular. He demonstrates his linguistic command by translating some Oromo names and terms into Gәcәz, displaying his familiarity with Oromo naming conventions, and describing the internal workings of the Oromo society. In Chapter 27 of the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, he tells us that the čǝfära110 fighting formation originated from the Oromo, which greatly impressed Susǝnyos and led to its adoption.111 In Chapter 33, he further elaborates on the arrangement of Oromo fighters based on age groups, mentioning the luba, qǝrro, and qundala.112 At this point, he seems so familiar with these terms that he forgets to provide translations. In Chapter 53, he translates his Oromo name, writing that “Ṭino” signifies a person of short stature in the Oromo language.113 In Chapter 55, he tells us about the Oromo age-set system, in a way which elucidates his knowledge of the social structure prevalent in Oromo society. In this section, he explains that the Oromo men who have slain an enemy adopt a specific head-shaving style, which he calls gutu.114

41It is likely that Ṭino chose to use these Oromiffa words because he believed they carried cultural content that could not be adequately conveyed through a direct translation into Gәcәz. These words appear to have allowed him demonstrate his multi-cultural and multi-lingual background as well. However, given the sizable part of the chronicle that covers the Oromo, combined with his Oromo pedigree, Ṭino’s use of a limited number of Oromo terms in the royal chronicle is somewhat enigmatic. His reservation can be justified given that he was composing the chronicle in Gәcәz, intended to be presented before a court circle that was already grappling with the active raids of the Oromo.

  • 115 According to the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, Ṭino’s conversion is dated to 7104, which, converted t (...)
  • 116 Girma Beshah, Merid Wolde Aregay, 1964, p. 80-81.

42Ṭino’s conversion to Catholicism in 1611/12115 sparked a new wave of documentation, encompassing both truth and religious biases about his role in defending the religion and Catholic fathers. Studying the history of Luso–Ethiopian relations and the failed church unifications under the Roman authority, Girma and Merid inform us that Ṭino was identified with the title abba (‘father’) upon conversion and remained an ardent supporter of the faith.116 This title is bestowed on religious figures such as abbots, monks, bishops, and the patriarch. However, it is not certain whether Ṭino was a deacon or a priest by sacred ordination.

  • 117 Italian letters of the Jesuits written in 1624, 1625 and 1626 published by Father Gaspar Pays, quot (...)
  • 118 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix.
  • 119 P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.
  • 120 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix

43A study of the Italian correspondence of the Jesuits in Ethiopia from 1624 to 1626 reveals a narrative about Ṭino’s unwavering dedication to the Catholic faith: You cannot easily explain the fire of the Holy Spirit, and the passion of faith, the zeal of God’s honor and the rituals of the Holy Roman Church, which burn in that small body.”117 Pereira, referring to Jesuit accounts, states that Ṭino’s memory endures among the Jesuits as a gifted individual of sharp wit and exceptional talent,118 whose prowess in argumentation was so remarkable119 that he was greatly feared by followers of Ethiopian Christianity. Such was his influence that some were even moved to convert to Catholicism.120

44Paez’s description accurately captures the embellishment held in the Jesuits’ narrative of Catholic converts:

  • 121 P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.

He [Ṭino] was so satisfied and so steadfast that he said that he would die a thousand times for the faith of the Holy Roman Church, and now he upholds it with great fervour and zeal, and he brings many people to it by convincing them with arguments, for he is a very sharp-witted man of great understanding.121

45While the sources attest to Ṭino’s intellectual abilities, it was his conversion to Catholicism that appears to have occasioned the Jesuit narrative of his exceptionalism. He was, in fact, a contemporary of other highly accomplished court intellectuals such as abba Mǝhǝrka Dǝngǝl and potentially abba Baḥrǝy.

  • 122 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix.
  • 123 The reaction of Father Antonio Bruni concerning his first meeting with Ṭino is explained in a lette (...)
  • 124 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text),p. xviii-xix, fn.11.

46The Jesuits expressed their gratitude towards Ṭino for his vital role as a mediator between the Jesuits, the royal court, and the local population. He sent a welcome message to new Jesuit arrivals,122 greeted them upon their arrival at the royal court,123 and helped them approach the king with relative ease. He was one of their informants and companions during their stay in the sovereign’s kätäma.124 His capacity to establish a close bond with the Jesuits and to get along with them seems to have been made possible by his linguistic and interpersonal intelligence. Therefore, his contribution to the Jesuit mission was truly invaluable.

47Ṭino’s strong support for the Catholic faith, which was initially known only to a few Jesuits and royal elites in the court circle, gained a wider audience through his active involvement in religious debates. Cohen and Martínez’s entry on Jesuits in the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica supplies us with context:

  • 125 L. Cohen, A. Martínez, 2007, p. 277-280. See also L. Cohen, 2009.

The Jesuits also believed it was necessary to develop consistent arguments in order to grapple with the Christological and theological dogmas of Ethio­pian Christianity. Theological debates were held in both oral and written forms. The missionaries translated several theological works into Gәcәz, some with the active encouragement of Susǝnyos and his brother, Śǝʿǝlä Krǝstos. They translated liturgical and theological treatises written by the great Catho­lic reformers, as well as simpler texts for children and adults to learn about the “truths of Catholi­cism”. In addition, they composed their own texts to refute the theological tenets of Ethiopian Christianity. In all of this, they were helped by Ethio–Portuguese and Catholic Ethiopians (among those mentioned are azzaž Ṭino [Täklä Śǝllase], Akalä Krǝstos, and Fǝqrä Ǝgziǝ, a savant from Goǧǧam).125

  • 126 Ṭino raised a question to the church prelate: “Tell me what book there is in Ethiopia that I have n (...)
  • 127 Almeida detailed how Ṭino rectified Beträ Sǝlassie’s misconceptions regarding the two nature of Chr (...)
  • 128 C. Beccari, 1905, p. 386; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

48The controversy over the theological implication of the nature of Christ divided the royalty, church prelates, and the population. In the series of religious councils, Ṭino showed greater depth of arguments by his natural talent, depth of reading,126 and logical reasoning, to the extent that the Jesuits, who themselves were known for their intellectual prowess, cited his arguments.127 With Catholicism having relative success and winning significant local converts, an official proclamation, read out by Ṭino, was issued in 1621 at a council at Dänqäz, a breakthrough event well reported in the chronicle of King Susǝnyos and the account of the Jesuits.128 Paez’s description of the council vividly presents the opposing doctrinal positions held by the participants, which occurs in Book IV, Chapter 22 of the English translation of his text:

  • 129 P. Paez, 2011, p. 269.

Azzaž Ṭino then stood up and issued the proclamation, saying, ‘Christ Our Lord is a most perfect man and in Him, there are two things: manhood and Godhead, without exchanging and without mixing. Therefore, anyone who henceforth does not confess that there are two natures in Christ shall forfeit his property to the one who accuses him and his head to the king.’ After the people had dispersed, some gave thanks to God that the true faith had been declared and established, while others said, ‘What is different in what they have brought us from what our books say? Everything is in them.’ Others, falsifying this, said that they had issued a proclamation that in Christ there was no more than one nature, and that they should not receive the faith of the Roman Church.129

Stoned for belief: abba Ṭino’s harrowing account of persecution

  • 130 A. Martínez, 2007, p. 1194-1195; J. Wright, L. Grek, 2017, p. 29.
  • 131 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 29.
  • 132 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

49The available primary sources, while not plentiful, can offer valuable insights into seminal events leading to Ṭino’s exile and martyrdom. Tellez’s Historia general de Ethiopia of 1660 extracts valuable information from the letters of Father Bernardo Nogueira, vicar-general of the Jesuit mission appointed by Patriarch Afonso Mendez, and one of only eight Catholic priests left in Ethiopia in 1635. He secretly wrote several letters to Mendez about the Catholic martyrs in Ethiopia, until he was executed in Goǧǧam in 1653.130 Since Nogueira lived for more than a decade after Ṭino’s death, his letters to Mendez detailing the list of Catholic martyrs in Ethiopia, among whom was Ṭino, carry a relative degree of credibility.131 Pereira’s introductory notes to the chronicle of Susǝnyos, while drawing heavily on Tellez’s account, also incorporate additional biographical notes from Jesuit records, especially letters. He also provides a learned historical analysis of the sources to present epochal events in the life of Ṭino.132 These sources can help to highlight the tragic events in Ṭino’s life, set against the backdrop of the anti-Catholic opposition and the ensuing crackdown on the Jesuits and Ethiopian Catholic converts from 1632.

  • 133 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 517-546.
  • 134 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.
  • 135 Quoted in F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.
  • 136 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 461.
  • 137 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 341.

50As Ṭino’s prominence grew, he drew the hostility of the anti-Catholic factions, which, in the late 1620s, were combining their onslaught, particularly from Lasta, Tigre, and Bägemdǝr provinces.133 The rebellions, led by the Ethiopian Christian faith prelates and the peasantry, targeted the Catholic political elite, Jesuit missionaries, and local Catholic converts. According to Toubkis, the anti-Catholic faction headed by Lǝsanä Krǝstos was responsible for Ṭino’s dismissal from office in 1628/29.134 Mendez rather blames the desperate King Susǝnyos, who, unable to control the Christian state tormented by anti-Catholic rebellions, accused ras Śǝʿǝlä Krǝstos, däǧǧazmač Qǝbʾa Krǝstos, and abba Ṭino of the series of disturbances.135 If Mendez’s argument holds truth, the king’s accusation might suggest that their strong deference to Catholicism could have impeded any potential relaxation of his radical pro-Catholic religious reforms to quell the rebellions.136 According to Martínez, their enthusiastic support bred overconfidence among the Jesuits regarding their own project, inducing them to push demands to limits that few Christian Ethiopians could tolerate.137

  • 138 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.
  • 139 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 146, 159-160.

51Meanwhile, Ṭino withdrew from the court in Dänqäz, to Fogära according to Toubkis, to join some priests who were hiding there to avoid persecution.138 The literature does not clearly indicate whether Ṭino went first to Fogära and later to Tigre, or vice versa. However, Beccari’s Jesuit documents often mention Ṭino’s withdrawal to Tigre in 1633, a year after King Fasilädäs ascended to the throne.139

  • 140 J. Wright, L. Grek, 2017, p. 29-30.
  • 141 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 341.
  • 142 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 461.
  • 143 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 153-154.
  • 144 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.

52Following the reinstatement of Ethiopian Christianity, the royal power was actively involved in the pursuit and persecution of individuals associated with Catholicism.140 A narrative laden with negative epithets such as buda (Amharic, ‘evil eye’) and qwälläfä (Gәcәz word for the uncircumcised) was constructed to justify the coming persecution.141 Though he had been in the same royal court with Ṭino, King Fasilädäs adopted a very hostile position against the Catholics.142 While in exile in Tigre, Ṭino had his possessions confiscated at the court.143 He appears to have been unfazed by the news, possibly due to the sheer strength of his frequently reported spiritual disposition.144 An intellectual of his caliber would undoubtedly be aware of the danger of practicing Catholicism in a kingdom governed by a king who was sworn to its eradication.

  • 145 According to Mendez’s missive, Ṭino was not apprehended but rather summoned and lured with lavish i (...)
  • 146 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.

53According to Pereira’s notes on the circumstances of Ṭino’s arrest, a group of individuals, perhaps members of armed units, were dispatched by King Fasilädäs to capture and bring Ṭino to the court. Finally, after close to six years as a fugitive, from 1633 to 1638, he was caught and arrested for fifteen days.145 During this period, he was given the opportunity to convert to Ethiopian Christianity and renounce his Catholic religion in exchange for his life. He was also promised to be given honors if he could join the religion of the new ruling elite. Ṭino not only declined both of these offers but also resisted torture, to remain loyal to his Catholic faith. He was, however, ready to participate in the religious debates to argue with the church clergy.146 The details of the debates, if there were any, between Ṭino and the church prelate are unknown. It is likely that the anti-Catholic momentum of the day would not have favored Ṭino’s position in any way whatsoever.

  • 147 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 306.
  • 148 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv. According to another account, Ṭino and many other Jesuit fat (...)
  • 149 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.

54The sentence of death by lapidation was imposed on Ṭino after it was realized that he would not renounce his Catholic faith.147 The Jesuits are well aware of what happened to him, and his death circumstances are briefly mentioned in the records. However, it is not known precisely where he was stoned to death. Pereira and Beccari recount that Ṭino was brought to the kätäma of the sovereign,148 which was, in all likelihood, King Fasilädäs’s royal capital, Gondär. In any case, Ṭino’s dialogue with those who gathered to throw stones at him reflected the fierce anti-Catholic aura that swept the royal capital.149

  • 150 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.
  • 151 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv; D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843.
  • 152 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 112.
  • 153 F.M.E. Pereira, (text), 1892, p. xxi.

55According to Pereira, who extensively referenced Tellez, who in turn relied on the letters of Father Bernardo Nogueira, the account of Ṭino’s martyrdom is documented. According to such Jesuit sources, there was no fear of the death penalty for Ṭino. So many stones were thrown at him that he was not only killed but also buried underneath them.150 This tragic death occurred on 9 March 1638.151 The news of the stoning to death of Ṭino (and many other Catholic fathers)152 captured the attention of Jesuit scholars, who have modeled it after the Acts of the Saints and Martyrs (ACTA Martyrum et Sanctorum) of the Christian church, which recount the suffering and death of Christian martyrs and group of martyrs.153

56The information passed on by the Jesuits regarding the gruesome death of Ṭino reveals the reality faced by many Jesuit fathers and local converts following the ascendancy of King Fasilädäs in 1632. However, it is crucial to consider this information within the broader contexts of knowledge production and dissemination. The demise of the Jesuit mission to convert Ethiopia to the Catholic faith ushered in a renewed effort to document the achievements of the mission, aimed at convincing their superiors that their endeavor in Ethiopia was very remarkable. Pereira’s introductory notes to King Susǝnyos’s chronicle draw on the information gathered by the same Jesuits whose work Tellez had published. The Jesuits who were contemporaries to Ṭino were profoundly excited by the existence of a Catholic martyr of an Ethiopian origin. They stressed his martyrdom in their meticulous documentation, considering it a testament to the epitome that Catholicism achieved in Ethiopia.

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Notes

1 Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p. 118-174. This work comprehensively examines military conflicts, state reforms, and population movements, with particular attention to the agency of political and religious leaders. A posthumous edition is a desideratum. Also see B.J. Yates, 2009; Mohammed Hassen, 2015.

2 Awegihew Amare, 2022, p. 24-32.

3 Merid Wolde Aregay, 1971, p. 365-401.

4 Awegihew Amare, 2021, p. 464-483.

5 J.T. Pawlikowski, 1971, p. 179.

6 Girma Beshah and Merid Wolde Aregay, 1964; L. Cohen, 2009.

7 Tadesse Tamrat, 1998, p. 17-30.

8 A historiography of the Jesuit mission, themes treated, and comprehensive list of secondary literature can be followed in L. Cohen, A. Martínez, 2006, p. 190-212.

9 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 517-546.

10 A. Martínez, 2015, p. xxxii.

11 For a brief biography of F.M.E. Pereira, see H. Pennec, 2022. p. 353-383.

12 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, p. xvii-xxvi.

13 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843-844.

14 Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 48, 50, 52.

15 Getatchew Haile, 1995; Getatchew Haile, A. Lande, S. Rubenson, 1998; H. Pennec, 2003; D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 107–34; L. Cohen, 2009.

16 P. Paez, 2011.

17 C.F. Beckingham, G.W.B. Huntingford, 1954.

18 C. Beccari, 1903.

19 C. Beccari, 1903. See also L. Cohen, A. Martínez, 2006, p. 190-212.

20 B. Tellez, 1660. The English edition of the book is in Idem, 1710.

21 In qubee Afaan Oromo, Ṭino is spelt xinnoo and xiqqoo (lit. ‘small’); A. Mawadza and Amanuel Alemayehu, 2017, p. 131.

22 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843.

23 Azzaž is a common term for a civil administrator. It is a title given to an official or a group of officials at the royal court who were responsible for supervising the execution of daily activities in several departments. See S. Chernetsov, 2007, p. 421.

24 The term was historically used in Gәcәz sources to refer to several Oromo clans until the mid-20th century. However, since it is no longer in use in scientific literature, it will not appear in the main text. In cases where it is included in direct quotations, it will be marked with parentheses.

25 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208. All translations are mine unless noted otherwise.

26 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 209; P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.

27 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 519.

28 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 111.

29 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 111, 140.

30 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 179; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxv.

31 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 251.

32 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xvii.

33 Concerning the origin and history of the texts compiled in the short chronicles that present a general history of Ethiopia, and whose last part forms a real chronicle, see M. Kropp, 1980, p. 358-372; S. Chernetsov, 2007, III, p. 44.

34 R. Basset, 1882.

35 J. Perruchon, 1897, p. 360-372.

36 F. Béguinot, p. 109, fn. 2. Qǝne, plural, qéneyat, from qänäyä, ‘to intone, to compose, to sing a hymn’, but also ‘to worship, to subject [to God]’, is a genre of Gәcәz literature. During the celebration of the Divine Office and after the distribution of Communion in the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahǝdo Church, this hymn expresses adoration, praise, and thanksgiving. See Habtemichael Kidane, 2007, p. 283-285.

37 Luba, Oromiffaa, denotes the generation-grading or age-group system of the Oromo.

38 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 203.

39 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 205.

40 Mohammed Hassen, 1994, p. 48.

41 Aman Belay, 1985, p. 340.

42 Also fayyisuu, A. Mawadza, Amanuel Alemayehu, 2017, p. 27.

43 Gendäbärät was a village and a region to the southwest of Gudəru. In the provincial administration of modern Ethiopia, it constituted a part of the awrağğa of Ğibat-Meča in Šäwa. Wäläqa, prior to the 17th century, was an administrative jurisdiction within the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom. Its geographic scope encompassed the region immediately south of the Abbay, extending northward to upper Šäwa and reaching as far as the Gǝšän River, likely comprising the territories of Goha Ṣǝyon, Därra, and Boräna. Presently, Wäläqa endures solely as a toponym denoting a river within the bounds of Boräna; Bairu Tafla, 1987, p. 920.

44 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 30, 94-95.

45 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii.

46 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843-844.

47 J. Perruchon, 1897, p. 360; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 4.

48 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 470-483.

49 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 94-95.

50 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xvii.

51 P. Paez, 2011, p. 357; A. Martínez, 2015, p. 186.

52 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 109.

53 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 75; C. Beccari, 1905, p. 432 ; Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 456.

54 C. Beccari, 1905, p. 581.

55 About Ṣäḥafe tǝʾǝzaz, ጸሓፌ፡ ትእዛዝ, Gәcәz, lit. “scribe of order[s]”, title of the court official who served as the royal secretary and scribe; see S. Chernetsov, D. Nosnitsin, 2007, p. 460-461. Leslau translates Ṣäḥafe ḥǝgg, ጸሓፌ፡ ሕግ, Gәcәz, as “lawyer” (W. Leslau, 1991, p. 227).

56 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii.

57 S. Chernetsov and D. Nosnitsin, 2007, p. 460-461.

58 S. Chernetsov and D. Nosnitsin, 2007, p. 460-461.

59 According to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, a person’s baptismal name is chosen based on the day of the week they were born and the particular angelic being or archangel associated with it. For more, see Rev. Marcos Daoud, 1952.

60 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208.

61 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 82; Idem, 1905, p. v.

62 P. Paez, 2011, p. 268.

63 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.

64 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 124.

65 Baḥrǝy argues that the social organization of the Oromo was a fundamental factor in their military victories: “How is it that the [Oromo] defeat us, though we are numerous and well supplied with arms? Some have said that God has allowed it because of our sins; others, that it is because our nation is divided into ten classes ...” Baḥrǝy, 1954, p. 125-126.

66 S. Chernetsov, 2007, p. 44.

67 ወያንብብዋ (they will read), ወአንበብክዋ (I will read).

68 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p . 208; (trans.), p. 160.

69 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160.

70 F.M.E. pereira, 1892, (text), p. 166.

71 P. Paez, 2011, p. 47.

72 P. Paez, 2011, p. 47.

73 M. Kropp, 1984, p. 53.

74 M. Kropp, 1984, p. 53; D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 107.

75 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 113.

76 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text); D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 113.

77 While the nature of Christ was the subject of the main theological contentions that took place between the Ethiopian clergy and the Jesuit fathers and local Catholic converts, the Jesuits were also highly critical of the Ethiopian Orthodox church’s incorporation of Judaic practices such as observing the Sabbath, practicing circumcision, and adhering to dietary laws, and this criticism is evident in their written accounts of their experiences. See Alvarez’s account of Judaic elements in Ethiopian Christianity, in J. Stanley, 1881, p. 34. Related assessment is made by the Jesuit J. Lobo; see D. Lockhart and G. da Costa, 1983.

78 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 11-12.

79 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 79, 110-114.

80 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 260.

81 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-215.

82 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.

83 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.

84 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.

85 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 129.

86 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 129.

87 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 455-456.

88 Baḥrǝy, 1954, p. 111-129.

89 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 59 (trans.), p. 47.

90 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (trans.), p. 336.

91 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214 (trans.), p. 165.

92 Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p. 50.

93 Buttaa, Oromiffaa, denotes a ritual sacrifice or any feast performed by a generation-set that joins the next senior gädaa grade. Buttaa wars are waged on schedule every eight years in new lands unconquered by prior gädaa grades. For more on the same subject, see Baḥrǝy, 1954, p. 111-129.

94 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-215.

95 The name ወረነሻ (Wäränäša) is likely a phonetic variant or a corrupt form of Wäräntiša (ወረንጢሻ), as it originally appears in Baḥrǝy’s account of the Oromo. Both names, therefore, designate the same group.

96 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 215.

97 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-216.

98 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 214-216.

99 A. Chekroun, B. Hirsch, 2020, p. 474, fn. 74.

100 Getatchew Haile, 1995, p. 27; G. Balashova, 2007, p. 281.

101 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.

102 D. Toubkis, 2004, p. 111.

103 The Jesuit strategies and the societal reactions to their endeavors in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632 can be followed in L. Cohen, 2009.

104 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 339.

105 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 83.

106 P. Paez, 2011, p. 269; C. Beccari, 1905, p. 386; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

107 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xx.

108 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xx-xxi.

109 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 159; (trans.), p. 123.

110 The čǝfära formation of the Oromo was a tactical trick that involved the breaking of a large army into multiple smaller units, which could then reunite and restructure as the situation demanded. The deployment of this formation was an intrinsic aspect of the people’s social organization, which was based on tribal and age-based groupings; C.F. Beckingham, G.W.B. Huntingford, 1954, p. 127-128.

111 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 79.

112 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 106.

113 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160.

114 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. 208; (trans.), p. 160. This hairstyle involves leaving an unshaved section of hair near the forehead.

115 According to the chronicle of King Susǝnyos, Ṭino’s conversion is dated to 7104, which, converted to the Gregorian Calendar, corresponds to 1611/12, and 1604 in the Ethiopian Calendar (F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii).

116 Girma Beshah, Merid Wolde Aregay, 1964, p. 80-81.

117 Italian letters of the Jesuits written in 1624, 1625 and 1626 published by Father Gaspar Pays, quoted in F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xviii, fn.11. “Small body” is a literal description of Ṭino’s physique.

118 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix.

119 P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.

120 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix

121 P. Paez, 2011, p. 259.

122 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xix.

123 The reaction of Father Antonio Bruni concerning his first meeting with Ṭino is explained in a letter quoted in F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text),p. xviii-xix, fn.11.

124 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text),p. xviii-xix, fn.11.

125 L. Cohen, A. Martínez, 2007, p. 277-280. See also L. Cohen, 2009.

126 Ṭino raised a question to the church prelate: “Tell me what book there is in Ethiopia that I have not read many times?” (F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv).

127 Almeida detailed how Ṭino rectified Beträ Sǝlassie’s misconceptions regarding the two nature of Christ; M.D. Almeida, 1905, p. 308; also in F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (trans.), p. 508.

128 C. Beccari, 1905, p. 386; F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

129 P. Paez, 2011, p. 269.

130 A. Martínez, 2007, p. 1194-1195; J. Wright, L. Grek, 2017, p. 29.

131 J. Wright and L. Grek, 2017, p. 29.

132 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxi.

133 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 517-546.

134 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.

135 Quoted in F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.

136 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 461.

137 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 341.

138 D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 844.

139 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 146, 159-160.

140 J. Wright, L. Grek, 2017, p. 29-30.

141 A. Martínez, 2015, p. 341.

142 Awegichew Amare, 2021, p. 461.

143 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 153-154.

144 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxii.

145 According to Mendez’s missive, Ṭino was not apprehended but rather summoned and lured with lavish incentives to embrace the Alexandrian creed, which he adamantly declined. In addition, it explains the temporal distance between his escape from the court and his eventual reappearance, spanning a period of seven years (J. Wright, L. Grek, 2017, p. 180).

146 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.

147 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 306.

148 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv. According to another account, Ṭino and many other Jesuit fathers were stoned to death near Axum; see C. Beccari, 1903, p. 306.

149 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.

150 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv.

151 F.M.E. Pereira, 1892, (text), p. xxiv; D. Toubkis, 2007, p. 843.

152 C. Beccari, 1903, p. 112.

153 F.M.E. Pereira, (text), 1892, p. xxi.

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Awegichew Amare, « Oromo Court Intellectual, Catholic Martyr: Ṭino’s Negotiation of Identity, Faith and Power, 1600s–1638 »Afriques [En ligne], Varia, mis en ligne le 11 février 2026, consulté le 13 mars 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/afriques/5409 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/15o39

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Awegichew Amare

PhD, Assistant Professor of History at the University of Gondar, Ethiopia

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