Bibliographie
List of archives consulted
Papers of Professor Frank Willett, University of Glasgow Archive Services, Glasgow, UK, GB248 ACCN 3120.
The Goodwin Papers, University of Cape Town Libraries: Special Collections, Cape Town, South Africa BC 290.
William Buller Fagg Collection, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, London, UK.
Melville J. and Frances S. Herskovits Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York, USA, Sc MG 261.
Kenneth Murray, List Of Places In Ife Known Or Believed To Contain Antiquities: Compiled November, 1943, Revised October, 1948, the National Museum, Lagos, Nigeria.
Études
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Notes
F. Willett, 2004, I.2.
A.T. Aderemi, 1937.
Ciroma’s contributions as an archaeologist in Nigeria were especially important, he going on to work at other key sites such as Benin City and Igbo Ukwu (L. Moloney, 2004).
F. Willett, 2004, I.2; S.P. Blier, 2015.
T.L. Evans, 2024a; 2024b.
A.B. Babalola et al., 2018; G. Chouin, A. Ogunfolakan, 2018; A. Ogundiran, 2020; T.L. Evans, 2023.
F. Willett, 2004, I.2.
C.A. Folorunso, 2011; F. Kense, 1990; A. Ogundiran, 2015.
G. Chouin, 2008; A. Ogundiran, A. Ogunfolakan, 2017; M.J. Sheridan, C. Nyamweru, 2008.
Four archives provided useful material, including the three mentioned in the body text. Some additional unpublished descriptive information about Osangangan Obamakin was obtained by the author from a fourth notable archive: the Melville J. and Frances S. Herskovits Papers, at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in New York. See below for further information.
Yorùbá orthography: Ọ̀sángangan Ọbámákin (R. Abiodun, 2014).
Throughout this article, where possible, I identify finds from Osangangan Obamakin with Frank Willett’s (2004) system of classifying the art of Ife, although some of the objects excavated in 1953 were not given attributions by him. References to this are abbreviated for convenience as, e.g., FW S110: his initials followed by S110 – his ID number for the object.
F. Willett, 2004, II.5.
This is contained in a document entitled LIST OF PLACES IN IFE KNOWN OR BELIEVED TO CONTAIN ANTIQUITIES: COMPILED NOVEMBER, 1943, REVISED OCTOBER, 1948. It is an invaluable record of Kenneth Murray’s reconnaissance of heritage sites in Ife and elsewhere housed at the National Museum in Lagos, and helped guide the work of B. Fagg and Goodwin in 1953. I am grateful to Dr. Léa Roth for sharing it with me.
This is presumably a reference to the Ibadan Road, north of the grove, or, alternatively, to a road running through Modakeke to the south of the grove. Most reports suggest it was about the same distance either way, through areas of forest.
As discussed below, the site was close to a river, apparently separating Ife proper from Modakeke. The pool that Murray mentions here is probably the same as that described by Goodwin, who observed “… a clump of bamboo with stagnant water at its foot” near “cross-paths”. This appears to have been a sacred location, sacred perhaps to Esu, as the 1953 team observed a “sacrifice” here consisting of one of their finds taken by a local: “… we found a new “sacrifice”, one of our own pots from the shrine, still with our number on it, but carefully bored through at the bottom. It had been filled with bamboo leaves and set alight, but had only half burnt.” (UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII).
Such deep shafts are common in the archaeology of early Ife, seen at a number of sites, and probably the source of a lot of the legends pertaining to underground tunnels and passageways in the city. See discussion below.
Unpublished evidence suggests that this feature was associated with Osangangan, only peripherally with Esu. This is an important detail, as subsequent publications citing this early work have tended to repeat the idea that the entire feature is associated with Esu. This is discussed further below. The correct spelling and grammar (excluding tone markers) is “Ojubo Esu” – the point of propitiation for Esu. This article retains the spelling of the archaeologists to be authentic to the archival record and does so with double quotation marks to emphasize this.
A.J.H. Goodwin, 1958, p. 46.
A.J.H. Goodwin, 1958, p. 47.
Later authors (e.g., P. Ozanne, 1969; F. Willett, 1967, 2004) do not represent this area as a gateway point in Ife’s walls on maps, nor do they even consider this idea in spite of its being present in writings pertaining to the 1953 fieldwork. Ozanne did not directly observe the wall at Osangangan Obamakin but recorded that the line of the wall was “strongly evidenced” there, based on survey by Willett. He speculated that the wall here was part of the earliest phases of (“Medieval”) construction (P. Ozanne, 1969, p. 29–30, 44), though the sources and basis for this attribution are not clear.
P. Ozanne, 1969.
See G. Chouin, A. Ogunfolakan, 2015, 2018 for the archaeological evidence. Making reference to oral tradition, Ozanne reported that “traditions of the town are adamant in referring all of the walls to very recent times in comparison with the ancient works of art–the first half of the nineteenth century, with some perhaps a couple of generations earlier” (1969, p. 28); however, these traditions referred only to “ruins from this later period”, while Frank Willett and Catherine Fagg observed sections of what they identified as ruined walls which were not regarded as walls by local people, who explained them in alternative “imaginative ways except the true one”. This led Ozanne to interpret them as belonging “to times beyond surviving reliable traditions”. The basis behind Ozanne’s formulations on this is difficult to gauge given the lack of reliable evidence from absolute dating, and the destruction of many of these walls which he considered to be “Medieval” in date. Beyond Ozanne’s claims, Ife’s early prominence as an urban centre, and the presence of town walls reported in contemporary documentary sources pertaining to a number of “Medieval” Sahelian West African towns, is perhaps circumstantial evidence that there was likely to be some sort of wall fortification in the early period.
S.P. Blier, 2015, p. 20, 172.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 1/1/53, 3/1/53, p. 1–2; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 2.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 6–7.
P. Ozanne (1969, p. 29–30) seemingly implies that there was no ditch at this section of the wall (apparently based on Willett), but this may be conjectural. A.J.H. Goodwin (1958, p. 45), however, appears to have been of the opinion that a ditch accompanied the entirety of the wall where it was surveyed and visited in 1953.
This sectional arrangement is typical for sacred groves in Ife (and elsewhere), as outlined in other early and mid-20th-century sources (e.g., R.E. Dennett, 1910, p. 19–23; W.D. Hambly, 1935, p. 466; K. Murray, F. Willett, 1958, p. 137). As Idowu (1962, p. 127) writes, they were divided into “apartments” with different levels of access depending on the person’s identity and level of initiation. The most sacred, and restricted, parts of these groves were the places that held the most sacred emblems: at Osangangan Obamakin, this would have been the main shrine within the “chancel” (see below), which, traditionally, only a small number of privileged people could access. Shrines (ojubo) were conceptualised as “faces” of deities, through which they could be accessed.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 7.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 17/1/53, p. 7; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 7.
R.E. Dennett, 1910, p. 139. For other examples of this type of tree being used as boundary markers elsewhere in Africa, see J. Polet, 1983 (Côte d’Ivoire) and G. Chouin, 2002 (Ghana).
Bamboo patches have also been associated with anthropogenic features elsewhere in West Africa. For example, in southern Ghana, Chouin was informed that bamboo groves were connected with cemeteries, marketplaces, yam farms, and other human spaces where bamboo sticks deposited by various human activities (e.g., farming or architecture) would germinate (G. Chouin, 2009, p. 199, 337, 348, 357–358, 365–366, 350, 448–452). This tentatively lends further credence to the idea that there was an old marketplace and/or gateway at Osangangan Obamakin in the past, when it was perhaps a more intensively inhabited area. Bamboo patches have also been observed in close association with linear earthworks elsewhere in Nigeria, such as at Sungbo’s Eredo in Ogun State, and in the Benin-Ishan region (see T.L. Evans, 2025a, p. 226, 594–595).
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 5/1/53, p. 2.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 2.
A.J.H. Goodwin, 1958, p. 46.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V, p. 4.
P. Ozanne, 1969; F. Willett, 1967, 2004.
T. Falola, 1989, p. 73–74.
Melville J. and Frances S. Herskovits Papers, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York, Sc MG 261, Box 28 “Research Material: Field Trip--Africa, 1953 Diary”, p. 228.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3–4.
Ibid., p. 4.
See T. Falola, 2013; A. Ogundipe, 2012; J.A. Pemberton, 1975.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 17/1/53, p. 7.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 4.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 7/1/53, p. 4; 1 yard = 0.9144 metres or 3 feet.
F. Willett, 2004.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 4.
Ibid., p. 4.
Ibid., p. 5.
Note that references to “maize-cob roulette design” may be misleading, given that certain strip and string roulette decoration types have been commonly mistaken for it (see A. Haour, D. Keita, 2010; R. Soper, 1983, 1985; see also: A.J.H. Goodwin, 1953; M.D.W. Jeffreys, 1953; F. Willett, 1962; W.R. Stanton, F. Willett, 1963).
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
F. Willett, 2004, S110.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 9/1/53, p. 5.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, Other, 3/3/53.
Oral tradition suggested that this head was kept hidden under the inverted pot so that it would not see the sun – a concept perhaps connected with Osangangan’s reputation as having brought light to the earth. See F. Willett, 1967, p. 47, Plate 21; S.P. Blier, 2012, p. 3. Ife’s associations with the powers of light (of the sun and moon) were old, with the American Baptist missionary T.J. Bowen writing in 1857 that the sun and moon were “worshipped” there and that large “brazen” (brass) images of these were said to exist in the town at that time (see T.J. Bowen, 1857, p. 316–317).
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 7.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 3.
Ibid., 9/1/53, p. 4–5.
Ibid., 6/1/53, p. 3; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 3.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V. As Blier (2015, p. 350–351) has documented, Osangangan Obamakin was associated with elewo (crotal bells/rattles) – his “special prerogative” – and bringing light to the earth. The regular unearthing of “bell” objects at this grove likely relates to these associations.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 5/1/53, p. 2–3.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 7–8.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 1.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V; UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 7.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 8/1/53, p. 4.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part IV, p. 7.
Ibid., Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 9/1/53, p. 4–5.
J.A. Pemberton, 1975.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 1–2.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 8/1/53, p. 4.
Ibid., 9/1/53, p. 4–5.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 1.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3–4.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 9/1/53, p. 4–5.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VIII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 1.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 31/1/53, p. 11.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 1.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VIII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 31/1/53, p. 11.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VIII.
Ibid., Part VIII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 3/2/53, p. 12.
Ibid., 3/2/53, p. 12.
Ibid., 3/2/53, p. 12; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VIII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 19/3/53, p. 28.
F. Willett, 2004, T248.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 4.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3.
Annual Report of the Antiquities Service 1952–3, p. 8.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
T. Euba, 1984, p. 3.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 31/1/53, p. 11.
This interpretation may not be farfetched given the common occurrence of foundation sacrifices in the Yorùbá past, including in association with the entranceways of houses, villages and towns, although Idowu notes that typically people would have been buried alive (rather than decapitated) and “armed like sentries” (E.B. Idowu, 1962, p. 125). These sacrifices were referred to as A-d’-ibodè – “That which bars the gates” – referencing their role in guarding entranceways and preventing evil from entering (E.B. Idowu, 1962, p. 125). Human sacrifice, human skulls, and other body parts are commonly associated with monumental wall entranceways across West African contexts, such as in the histories of Ketu (E.G. Parrinder, 1967, p. 21–22), Dahomey (F.E. Forbes, 1851, p. 68–69, R.F. Burton, 1864, p. 290; R. Law, 1989, p. 404), Segou (K.C. Macdonald, 2012, p. 354), and the Hausa towns (H.L.B. Moody, 1969, p. 61–62; N. Aliyu, 2011, p. 48–49. 52).
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 4.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
Ibid., Part VI.
One simple sketch by Goodwin of a design that he refers to as “basket surface” (UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 9–10) represents the ‘ladder’ pattern (as defined by P. Garlake, 1977), common in 11th to 15th century Ife assemblages and created using a specific type of carved wooden roulette. However, Goodwin’s conflation here with maize-cob designs suggests that, in this instance, he is very likely not referring to the distinctive ‘ladder’ pattern and instead to braided strip roulette designs which more closely resemble maize-cob impressions (see footnote above) and are typical of 19th century contexts in Ife (see, for example, G. Chouin et al., 2023, p. 20–21).
Ibid., Part VI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2. Ceramic crucible fragments, with colourful glaze left from the glass production process (a key industry of early Ife), were popular objects among later West African communities, including those who rediscovered them (R. Lander, J. Lander, 1832, p. 180–181; L. Frobenius, 1913, p. 97; F. Willett, 2004). It is probable that, like the glass beads they helped produce, they were associated with powers such as ase and thus with activation of the power and authority of people and deities (see A. Ogundiran, 2002, p. 434–437; R. Law, 2011; A.B. Babalola et al., 2017, p. 733–734).
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 4/2/53, p. 12.
Annual Report of the Antiquities Service 1952–3, p. 8.
Such stone axes were associated with certain deities and frequently occur in shrine contexts in Ife and elsewhere in West Africa (see G. Connah, 1964; L. Roth et al., 2021, p. 42).
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 17/1/53, p. 7.
E.g., see P. Garlake, 1974, 1977.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 4.
Ibid., p. 5–6.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 15/1/53 and 17/1/53, p. 6–7.
Ibid., 15/1/53, p. 6.
Ibid., 16/1/53, p. 7.
Ibid., 16/1/53, p. 7.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 16/1/53, p. 7.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
Ibid., Part VI.
Ibid., Part VI.
Ibid., Part VII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 17/1/53, p. 7. As at the Ogun shrine, the “basketry design” may be a reference to braided strip roulette designs, indicative of a relatively recent (19th-century) date.
Ibid., 17/1/53, p. 7.
Ibid., 21/1/53, p. 8.
Ibid., 17/1/53, p. 7.
Ibid., 19/1/53, p. 7; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 20/1/53 and 21/1/53, p. 8. “A.J.H.G. watched shrine wall (so carefully uncovered) ‘demolished’ by W.B.F. who subsequently said that there were not any walls anyhow!”
Ibid., 21/1/53, p. 8. This appears to be a case of the difference in scope of experience in field archaeology between B. Fagg and Goodwin on the one hand and W. Fagg on the other.
Ibid., 21/1/53, p. 8.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
Ibid., Part VII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 22/1/53, p. 8–9; UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 24/1/53, p. 9.
Ibid., 26/1/53, p. 9.
Ibid., 26/1/53, p. 9–10.
Ibid., 27/1/53 and 28/1/53, p. 10.
Ibid., 29/1/53, p. 10–11.
Ibid., 29/1/53 and 30/1/53, p. 10–11.
Ibid., 30/1/53, p. 11.
Ibid., 30/1/53 and 31/1/53, p. 11.
Ibid., 2/2/53 to 5/2/53, p. 11–12.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2.
B. Fagg had assumed that the hard gritty layer below the shrine accumulation represented an undisturbed subsoil with no further material beneath it (UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2.).
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part XI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 24/2/53 and 25/2/53, p. 22.
Ibid., 2/3/53, p. 25.
Ibid., 3/3/53, p. 26.
Ibid., 3/3/53, p. 26.
Ibid., 19/3/53 to 23/3/53, p. 28–30.
Annual Report of the Antiquities Service 1952–3, p. 8.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 28/1/53, p. 10.
F. Willett, 2004, II.5.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 6.
Ibid., p. 6.
A.J.H. Goodwin, 1958, p. 46.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 6.
See G. Chouin et al., 2023, p. 20–21.
Ibid., p. 5–6.
He added: “Same applies to other figurine fragments.” (UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 6).
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VII.
S.P. Blier, 2015, p. 82, 148.
Annual Report of the Antiquities Service 1952–3, p. 8.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 2.
E.g., see L. Frobenius, 1913, p. 23–26; M. Herskovits, 1938, p. 359. See also J. Goody, 1962, p. 142–143; N. David, 1992, p. 88–89; I. Merkyte, K. Randsborg, 2009, p. 60, 66, for bell-shaped examples. See J.M. Davidson, 2012, for a useful summary of West and Central African shaft burials, including examples which bear some resemblance to Fagg’s sketch.
C. Chapelain De Seréville-Niel et al., 2024.
G. Chouin, Pers. Comm., 2025.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, ‘Some Archaeological Problems at Ife’, p. 4.
H. L. Roth, 1903, p. 43.
L. Frobenius, 1913, p. 93.
“Heaven” here is likely a reference to orun where the deities reside.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, Other, 3/3/53. The association between old deep holes and stories of ancestral origin, genesis, and the peopling of the world appear in other West African contexts – for example, see R. S. Rattray, 1923, p. 121-132, P. Shinnie, 2005, p. 10–12, for an example at Asantemanso, Ghana, where such a hole is also associated with a sacred forest; and M. Posnansky, 2015, p. 110–111, for an example near Hani, Ghana, an ancestral hole that appeared to be a bilega (water cistern) associated with old lithics (indicating ancient settlement).
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 28/1/53, p. 10.
S.P. Blier, 2015, p. 1.
L. Frobenius, 1913, p. 307–308. Such narratives were likely often based on memory of (re)discovery of old glass beads, crucible fragments, and figurative arts in deep shafts as successive communities found archaeological treasures from earlier centuries.
E.B. Idowu, 1962, p. 13.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 3.
Ibid., 6/1/53 and 7/1/53, p. 3.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 3.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part V.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 6/1/53, p. 3.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
F. Willett, 2004, II.5.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 16/1/53, p. 7.
UCT, J2.23, Goodwin, Part VI.
B. Fagg, 1953, p. 126.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, File No. 27/A/S.1. Ife Antiquities, Shafts.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg Diary, 25/2/53, p. 22.
Ibid., 9/1/53, p. 4–5.
F. Willett, 2004, II.5.
For example, see O. Myers, 1967, p. 6–7.
Despite growing evidence that at least sections of the wall network are recent in date. It is worth repeating, however, that we do not have absolute dates for the section of wall here, which Ozanne speculated was “Medieval”, and which conceivably (as an alternative interpretation) could have thus been much older in date, and/or reused and reconstructed in later periods (on the earlier foundations). This ambiguity in date may also apply to the abandoned market area.
See B. Lawal, 2008.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, Goodwin, ‘Ife Antiquities’, p. 3.
E.g., see P.J. Darling, 1984, 1997; P.C. Lloyd, 1959; T.L. Evans, 2025b, p. 317, 318; C. Schepers et al., 2025.
S.P. Blier, 2015, p. 82, 148.
R. Abiodun, 2014, p. 52–53, 241.
A. Ogundiran, 2020, p. 501.
See A.J.H. Goodwin, 1957, p. 71; J. Egharevba, 1960, p. 14–15; P.J. Darling, 1984, p. 40, 49–50; P.D. Girshick, 1995.
K.C. Macdonald, 2012, p. 353–356.
B. Agbaje-Williams, 2005; A.W. Gurstelle, 2013.
UG, ACCN 3120/1, B. Fagg, Notes, Other, 3/3/53
R. Abiodun, 2014, p. 52–53, 241.
F. Willett, 2004, II.2; G. Chouin, A. Ogunfolakan, 2015, 2018.
E.g., P. Shinnie, 2005; M. Posnansky, 2015.
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