• 1 Palamedes was an excellent and attractive topic for the Sophists’s declamatory or epideictic discus (...)
• 2 According to Eustathius, the myths in Homer´s narrative are a device to draw people toward truth th (...)
• 3 See Librán M., “Philostr. Her. 20.2: Una posible alusión a El juicio de las armas de Esquilo,” CFC (...)

1Palamedes’s sparkling intelligence made him a πρῶτος εὑρετής (primus inventor).1 He became, in the eyes of the Greeks, the incarnation of knowledge and creative genius, honesty, and benefits for humankind. Eustathius of Thessalonica, in his Commentary on Homer's Odyssey, says2 of Palamedes ἐφεῦρε πεσσοὺς κυβοὺς τε τερπνόν ἀργίας ἄκος (Eust. ad Od. I, 107).3

• 4 See Brélich A., Gli eroi greci, Rome, 1978, p. 168–169.
• 5 See R. Pfeiffer’s edition of Callimachus, I, 439 and ff. I cite the fragment from Pfeiffer’s editio (...)
• 6 See Romero Mariscal L. P., “Ajax and Achilles Playing a Board Game: Revisited from the Literary Tra (...)

2To understand this hero, who dates back to the pre-Homeric period, it is important to remember that he was born in Argos. Two examples demonstrate the significance of this city. The first relates to the Elean temple of Tyche in Argos: Α. Brélich4 has argued that Palamedes’s invention of dice may have deep cultural roots in cleromancy. Strong evidence for this hypothesis lies in the fact that according to Pausanias (II, 20, 3), Palamedes dedicated the dice he invented in the Elean temple of Tyche in Argos, the tutelary deity of fate: πέραν δὲ τοῦ Νεμείου Διὸς Τύχης ἐστὶν ἐκ παλαιοτάτου ναός, εἰ δὴ Παλαμήδης / κύβους εὑρὼν ἀνέθηκεν ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ναόν. Moreover, there is a fragment from Callimachus5 that mentions the rock on which Palamedes played chess. Once the symbolism of the aforementioned games is recognized, their mythical import becomes more obvious. In fact, besides their connotations of leisure and of childhood, knucklebones and perhaps dice contain, as I have previously argued, another symbol: the idea of randomness and uncertainty and a tie with cleromancy.6

• 7 Clúa J. A., “Euripides’ Palamedes, the idea of Progress and the invention of Writing (I)” in E. Car (...)
• 8 See Clúa J. A., “El mite de Palamedes a la Grècia antiga: Aspectes canviants d´un interrogant cultu (...)

3The second example relates to propaganda efforts by the city of Argos: As I have noted in another paper about the invention of writing,7 E. D. Phillips saw Palamedes as a figure representing the Minoan-Mycenaean civilization, as opposed to the Homeric military aristocracy. However, there is no reason not to think, as A. Kleingünther claims that Palamedes gradually came to be perceived as the creator of the alphabet, among other inventions (heurémata),8 along with the rise of the idea that he had been given a gift by the gods, perhaps due to propaganda efforts by the city of Argos during the seventh century BC, which was trying to establish its political and artistic hegemony over the Peloponnese through the use of this mythical character who embodied the inventions once attributed to King Pheidon.

• 9 See J. A. Clúa, “El mite de Palamedes,” op.cit., p. 70, note 3. See Platthy J., The Mythical Poets (...)
• 10 See J. Platthy, ibidem, 193.

4I have previously9 linked this hero with the Greek word πάλος, that is, with individual fate, which nods to Palamedes’s own fatal destiny. He was said to have invented games in which the chance involved in shaking and throwing dice plays a crucial role, such as κύβοι and a type of πεσσοί. The meaning of πάλος (destiny), derived from the shaking of the helmet from which the stone is extracted, links Palamedes to divination. J. Platthy10 states that ‘he is the fate-deviser for whom Fate, the goddess Tyche, in her old temple at Argos, sanctifies the dice he invented.’ If we credit what is admittedly a highly debatable etymology, the first part of his name may also be related to the noun πάλος.

• 11 Zographou-Lyra G., “Ulysse et Palamède: les deux héros ingénieux et la violence,” Revue de Philosop (...)

5However, it is possible that his name had its origins in the ability or dexterity of his hand (παλάμη).11 Such an interpretation is undoubtedly very appropriate for this inventor, because, on the one hand, the Pre-Socratic philosophers awarded enormous importance to the human hand due to man’s work in creation and, on the other, with the advent of the Sophist movement in the classic period, there were a series of interesting associations between Palamedes and this symbol.

• 12 Anna Comnena, Alexias, 1, 3, 1 and 2 Leib 1967: 15. See. Costanza S., “Political and Ethnic Identit (...)

6In the first apogee of lyric poetry, Palamedes was not represented in the same way as he was from Pindar onwards, when he, and not Odysseus, carried the epithets of σοφός κυριωτερος. And in the Middle Ages, for example, the ability to cleverly resolve complex issues was considered worthy of the cunning of Palamedes (τὸ δὲ σκέμμα σοφόν τε καὶ Παλαμήδειον), as Anna Comnena remarks.12

• 13 Malalas, Chronographia, V 9, Thurn p. 76-77, ll, 85-93.

7John Malalas, the Byzantine chronicler, is the link between ancient and Byzantine reflection on this mythical theme. In his Chronographia (a compendium of universal history), Malalas dedicates Book V to the events and aftermath of the Trojan War. In this work there is a medallion dedicated to Palamedes, whose merits as πρῶτος εὑρετής of the games are celebrated13:

• 14 See Costanza S., “Palamede, inventore dei giochi da tavolo, corrispondenze planetarie e zodiacali n (...)

8S. Costanza14 has astutely elucidated the correspondence between board games and planetary movements, and shown that Malalas’s account of the myth of Palamedes establishes a set of astrological ideas:

• 15 I share Costanza’s opinion on ‘la divinità è il motore dei corpi celesti nel cosmo così come delle (...)

9S. Costanza15 also speaks of ‘hopelessness’ (‘disperazione’) in the game to which the Chronographia alludes:

• 16 Clearchus, fr. 11 Wehrly, 49 = fr. 120 Taïfakos, in Schol. Pl. Lg. 5,739a: Περὶ παροιμίας φησὶ τῆς· (...)

10Constanza moreover rightly emphasizes, regarding Chronographia, V 9, Thurn, the astral correspondence between board games and the movements of the planets on the assumption of cosmic sympathy: ‘Queste analogie sono enunciate nel ritratto di Palamede, un eroe del ciclo troiano, reputato tradizionalmente il primus inventor di strumenti lusori quali dadi e pedine e delle corrispondenti tipologie ludiche,’ and he mentions the phrasing of a fragment from Clearchus:16 Περὶ παροιμίας φησὶ τῆς· κινήσω τὸν ἀφ’ ἱερᾶς (‘secondo il proverbio dice: sposterò la pedina dalla linea sacra’):

• 17 See Clúa J. A., “Denotations and Connotations of the expression ἀπὸ γραμμᾶς κινεῖ λίθον (Theocritus(...)

11Nevertheless, I believe that Costanza’s analysis would be enriched by comparing this allusion with Theocritus’s remarks in Idyll VI, 18 about dice, and incorporating the cleromantic aspect. As I have indicated elsewhere,17 Theocritus’s use of hieré grámma can be linked with the idea of cleromancy and despair.

• 18 Sophocles, fr. 479 Radt. Furthermore, as W. B. Stanford has rightly pointed out, the example of Pin (...)

12The board game πεττεία was invented by Palamedes, Odysseus’s enemy,18 but commentators on this passage have overlooked its cleromantic nature. It is reasonable to suggest that this expression contains more than just a ‘sign of despair or frustration’ (the standard, canonical explanation). In other words, there is a connotation of κλῆρος, of randomness, ‘trying one’s luck,’ and in this light, the proverb can be interpreted more fully. My reading does not aim to replace the standard meaning assigned to this expression, but to present and emphasize the argument in favor of a possible complementary connotation of cleromancy (κλῆρος) or, perhaps, of randomness.

• 19 See Alcaeus, fr. 351 Voigt, Sophron, fr. 127 Kaibel, CPG I 259-60, RE XIII 1970-3, and Austin R. G. (...)
• 20 As W. B. Stanford has correctly pointed out (“Growing Hostility,” in The Ulysses Theme, Oxford, 195 (...)

13If we look at the literal meaning (denotation) in the canonical or most accepted interpretation (connotation) of Theocritus’s Idyll VI, 18 we see that Daphne informs Polyphemus that Galatea will do everything in her power to kindle his affection and that she will ‘move the pebble from the line’ (ἀπὸ γραμμᾶς κινεῖ λίθον). As we know, ‘to move the pebble from the line’ was an old proverb, based on a board game (πεττεία) consisting of a board marked with five lines, wherein the movement of a type of counter from the ‘sacred line’ was a ‘sign of despair’ or ‘close frustration.’ Therefore, it would only be moved as a last resort, as shown in Alcaeus, fr. 351 Voigt and Sophron, fr. 127,19 among others.20

• 21 Campos Daroca J., “La envidia de los griegos: Aspectos de la memoria en la primera historiografía,” (...)

14According to Hyginus (fab. 105), Odysseus plotted the death of Palamedes through a trick: ad Agamemnonem militem suum misit, qui diceret ei in quiete uidisse se Minervam suadentem, ut castra uno die mouerentur. We find the motif of phthonos in the literary tradition of epic poetry, as J. Campos Daroca has stated:21 Agamemnon gives credence to the goddess’s warning and orders that the camp be moved for a day. Odysseus then takes the opportunity to bury gold under the place where Palamedes’s tent had been pitched. Odysseus writes a letter, supposedly from Priam, offering Palmedes that very amount of gold to betray the army. Odysseus gives the letter to a Phrygian prisoner, and then sends one of his soldiers to kill the Phrygian so that the letter will be found by the Greeks. When Agamemnon asks Palamedes for explanations and he declares himself innocent, they search his tent and find the gold, for which he is sentenced to death and stoned by the entire army.

• 22 Gow A. S. F., Theocritus, Cambridge, 1965.

15Let us return to the Theocritean expression καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ γραμμᾶς κινεῖ λίθον (Idyll VI,18) and its connection with the character of Odysseus. Here is the passage surrounding this expression in A. F. Gow’s edition:22

• 24 See Rumpel I., Lexicon Theocriteum, Georg Olms, Hildesheim, 1961, p. 166.

16In addition to Alcaeus and Sophron, Menander (fr. 269) and Plutarch (Mor. 783 B, 975 A, 1116 E) used this proverb, and Plato also alluded to it (Legg. 730 A). Its full form is τὸν ἀφ᾿ ἱερᾶς (κινεῖν) and, as stated, its most canonical explanation is ἐπὶ τῶν τὰ ἔσχατα κινδυνευόντων or τῶν τὴν εσχάτην βοήθειαν κινούντων. In fact, ἱερὰ γραμμή was shortened to γραμμή, hence I. Rumpel’s discussion of γραμμά in his Lexicon Theocriteum:24 ‘linea sacra VI 18: h.e. extrema, omnia experitur. Erant enim in ludo tesserario quinque lineae ab utraque parte, quibus totidem imponebantur calculi; media autem linearum ἱερά dicebatur, unde nisi re postulante calculus non movebatur.’

• 25 See. Gow A. S. F., op. cit., p. 122.

17In A. S. F. Gow’s detailed commentary,25 a great deal of information is provided on the ancient authors who analyzed the παροιμία. Among these, I would highlight the following facts about Eustathius and Pollienus:

• 26 Apollodorus, Library, 3, 13, 8. For the study of chance and other games, see Calvo J., Juegos de ni (...)
• 27 Kleingünther A., Πρῶτος εὑρετής: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte einer Fragestellung, Philol. Suppl. (...)
• 28 Phillips E. D., “A suggestion about Palamedes,” American Journal of Philology 78, 1957, p. 267–278 (...)
• 29 Delcourt M., “The Last Giants,” History of Religions 4, 1965, p. 209–242.
• 30 The translation is mine.
• 31 For the relationship between Athena and divination dice, see Zenobius, Proverbs, v. 75

18Although the origins of petteia, kybeia, and astragalismós have not been definitively established, there is proof that they have existed since Homer. Thus, the epic poet explains how Patroclus killed Clitonymus, son of Amphidamas, over a game of dice.26 The Egyptians had disseminated these games since the second millennium BC, but in Greece, Palamedes, the πρῶτος εὑρετής of measures or the letters of the alphabet, as reflected in this expression (primus inventor or πρῶτος εὑρετής, highlighted by A. Kleingünther27), was their inventor par excellence. On this thorny issue, it is advisable to follow the very plausible opinion of E. D. Phillips28 that dice and draughts (as well as the alphabet and other inventions attributed to Palamedes) were already present in the Minoan-Mycenaean tradition. However, the ancient origin of these inventions agrees perfectly with the shadowy nature of dice and chance games befitting a ‘titan-hero’ like Palamedes who, according to M. Delcourt,29 was fully anchored in the heroic period. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that divination by ‘pebbles’ or ‘dice’30 was discovered by Athena. In fact, in Athens, Athena Skiras was the goddess who presided over the scenes where warriors used dice or knucklebones.31 Furthermore, on the way to Eleusis there was a site dedicated to Athena Skiras for religious or mantic reasons, whereas mythology placed luck under the control of Hermes, the god of randomness, chance and fate. So, it could be argued that gambling belonged to the cultured and sacred sphere and that it had a strong tie with the ideas of chance, uncertainty, and cleromancy. In the Greek context, both Athena and Palamedes were inventors of games connected to a religious and cultural field, while luck, randomness, and chance were the realm of Hermes in common mythology.

• 32 See Hunter, R., Theocritus: A Selection, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 246–247.
• 33 See Clúa J. A., “Denotations and Connotations of the expression ἀπὸ γραμμᾶς κινεῖ λίθον,” op.cit., (...)
• 34 See. Hunter R., op. cit., p. 246.
• 35 It is possible to pinpoint the inspiration for these remarks, by indicating that when the Greeks co (...)

21R. Hunter32 put forward this hypothesis, which I believe accords with Daphnis’s witty or deceitful character, and aligns with how Odysseus appears throughout the Odyssey. Thus, by talking about board games (πεττεία) and Odysseus, it follows that those who read the passage in Theocritus, cognizant of Palamedes’s invention, would also think about the cleromantic and random nature of what Galatea wanted to achieve with Polyphemus. In another previous work,33 I have dealt with the possible connection between Daphnis and Odysseus and, in turn, on the connection between Odysseus and Palamedes and this board game (πεττεία). R. Hunter asks34 ‘Does Daphnis take the role of Odysseus? This would certainly fit his shifting mode of speech and his anonymity (Odysseus was after all “No Man”), and give particular point to Polyphemus’ dismissal of the prophecies of Telemos.’ As Gow’s commentary states that the circumstances in which this board piece ‘was moved cannot be further determined,’ the twofold interpretation of the expression becomes apparent: a mixture between randomness or cleromancy (connotation of κλῆρος, of a random nature, in order to try one’s luck) and a ‘sign of despair or frustration.’35

• 36 Remember the cleromantic nature of ‘un vaso in forma di astragalo a figure rosse, della metà del V (...)

23Not forgetting, of course, the symbology of the universe and the cosmic harmony, as mentioned in Malalas’s Chronographia: The chessboard symbolizes the universe as a whole, the twelve squares assigned to the two players the zodiac signs, while the pieces thrown onto the board depict the planetary motions.36