1I have been traveling to Italy since 1964 when I was stationed with the United States Army in Frankfurt am Main in what was then referred to as ‘West’ Germany. My first trip to Italy was with my wife Suzanne (Nicoletti) when we drove down and back through the Gotthard and Brenner Passes in our 1964 Volkswagen. I would call this initial excursion ‘Naive’ tourism as we understood little about Italy, other than what we had learned from popular media, of what we were to experience. Because our Italian grandparents had immigrated to the United States in the late 19th century, the stories they told were of an Italy that no longer existed. Additionally, neither of us had more than a passing familiarity with the Italian language. The many more trips I took, with or without my wife, that followed were what I call ‘Scholar’ tourism as they were for research as well as collegial exchange in conferences and lectures. These later ventures required a better understanding of both the destinations and the language. Between 1980 and 2010 I was travelling to Italy (viaggi in Italia) at least once a year on average. On one of these trips, to deliver a paper at the Mediterranean Congress of Social Psychiatry in Udine, we took our children with us. For them the experience was totally naive as indicated in Figure 1 of my oldest daughter Kristin in Pisa in 1981 where the historic site is of secondary interest to the posed tourist.
Figure 1. Kristin Krase, Pisa, 1981
- 1 Support for some of the photographic research presented in this essay was provided by the psc\cuny (...)
2The central focus of my many research expeditions in Italy were, firstly, visual studies of Italian vernacular landscapes and, secondly, visual impacts of immigrants to Italy. Much of my visual ethnographic work in Italy has resulted in an archive of thousands of still photographs. As to my ‘Roots’ tourism (turismo delle radici), there have been three extremely meaningful ventures all of which also provided opportunities for visual documentation. These diverse touristic experiences have found expression in a wide variety of academic and journalistic outlets. As will become apparent herein, sometimes the visits to Italy have also served as foils for political and social commentary. In this visually enhanced essay, discussions and examples and of each type of tourism will be provided1.
3Although most people have a common sense understanding of tourism, Susan S. Fainstein, a leading international expert on the subject, provides a more functional understanding:
One of the things important to remember is that much travel is not for personal fulfilment, it is not for recreation, it is not for leisure. The tendency is to equate the term tourism with going to some place to have fun. But, in fact, if you are at a conference, you have a more serious purpose, on the one hand; but on the other, maybe you will see an old friend or go to a museum, maybe you will conduct some business. There are many reasons why people travel. From the point of view of the tourism industry, it really does not matter why people come, and in fact, the kind of traveler that most cities are interested in attracting is the business traveler. Therefore, because of its simplicity, I use the definition of the tourist as the World Tourism Organization of the United Nations. According to this definition the tourist is any person who travels more than 50 miles and stays overnight. This includes people going for any number of different reasons (Fainstein, 2007, p. 5).
4Although the term ‘Scholar Tourism’ is my own invention, it was alluded to by Fainstein as to travellers attending conferences or other ‘more serious’ purposes. Perhaps narrower than it ought to be, I define ‘Scholar Tourism’ as travel of more than 50 miles with an overnight stay to engage in research and study, or to share the fruits of academic labor.
5As a visually-oriented social scientist, an important distinction I make amongst my own Naive, Scholar, and Roots Tourism to Italy has been my orientation toward, and expectations of, the local visual scenes. John Urry would describe the common visual attitude during Naive excursions as a ‘Tourist Gaze’ which derives from expectations that tourists already have in the search for ‘authentic’ experiences (Urry, 1990, 1996, 1995). I must note here that this visual attitude is not limited to the more narrowly defined and demand-driven ‘heritage’ tourism to which he refers. Urry, and others such as Jan Rath (2007), were concerned in their work about the negative effects of tourism on local populations. For example, as to naive immigrant tourism to places such as European Chinatowns, Rath agreed that locals can «lose their autonomy and become curious, exotic or otherwise ‘objects’.» As a result, called for innovative approaches to better understand the process by which «expressions of immigrant culture can be transformed into vehicles for socio-economic development to the advantage of both immigrants and the city at large» (Rath, 2007).
6I had written in a similar vein of the commodification of local scenes and practices in regard to the development of Italian American and other ‘Ethnic Theme Parks’ in this way:
Despite displacement of most of the ‘natives’ the most famous of American Little Italies are preserved as spectacles for the appreciation of tourists. Most of these Theme Parks contain Assimilation Museums and Anthropological Gardens. Assimilation Museums are places for the preservation and display of inanimate objects whereas Anthropological Gardens (Human Zoos) are places where the subjects of curiosity are maintained in their live state. In Assimilation Museums we find Memorabilia Exhibits, Archives, and Galleries run by groups devoted to the ‘Preservation of our Ethnic Heritage,’ ubiquitous monuments to Christopher Columbus, homes of the famous such as mayor Fiorello LaGuardia and the more infamous, like Al Capone. Anthropological Gardens are usually crisscrossed by Naples Streets and Columbus Avenues. There one can observe ‘Local Italians’ at memorial bocce courts, senior citizen centers, and social clubs. Video journalists use them as repositories for on-camera interviews about organized crime. Those left behind are the keepers of the tradition who can tell you how it was in the ‘good old days’ in the old neighborhoods (Krase, 1997, pp. 194‑195. See also Krase, 2004, 2019).
7In many ways tourism in Italy, which is one of its most important industries, suffers from the same commodification of local scenes, history, and performances. For example, one tour operator offers a small group «Godfather vs Mafia Tour & Sicilian Light Lunch»:
Compare the unforgettable storyline of The Godfather saga with real-life Mafia history during this in-depth guided tour of two Sicilian villages. See filming locations, like the church where Michael Corleone married his young bride, Apollonia. You’ll also hear true stories from Sicilian Mafia clans and learn about their grip on southern Italy. The small-group tour is limited to eight and concludes with a tasty pasta buffet at a typical trattoria. A Godfather-themed Mafia tour of Sicilian villages, plus light lunch and wine. Comfortable transport provided by 8 seater minivan, with hotel pickup. Get a peek at the real-life filming locations of the Francis Ford Coppola classic. Enjoy a classic Sicilian pasta lunch with a glass of Etna wine, made from volcanic vineyards (https://www.viator.com).
8Another problem has been the impact of ‘overtourism’ and especially Airbnb, on affordable housing and cost of living for local residents in Florence and Venice.
Tourists sprawled over sidewalks, garbage piled up in the streets, and thousands-strong lines to enter museums. Overtourism feels a long time ago now, but the after effects are still being felt in Italian cities, where locals have been squeezed out by Airbnbs, businesses have been drowned out by souvenir shops, and whole economies have been hijacked by tourism, and then hung out to dry (Buckley, 2021).
9Natalia Tomczewska-Popowicz and Vas Tras reviewed the many ways that the term ‘Roots Tourism’ has been used in the professional literature, such as ‘ancestral’, ‘genealogical’, and ‘diaspora’ and provided a concise definition:
Roots tourism – which we define as international travel to places of one’s own, or one’s family, relatives, or ancestral origin for sentimental or other emotional reasons – is a significant and growing part of global travel. There are many reasons for «traveling back» to where one or one’s family is from rediscovering one’s roots, searching for identity and belonging, visiting friends and relatives, exploring family history, reliving past memories, exploring the places from stories shared by family members or history books, or simply because of practical convenience or familial obligation (Tomczewska-Popowicz and Tras, 2022, p. 245).
10Despite the value of roots tourism for national and local economies in countries such as in Ireland and Scotland, in her overview of the limited phenomenon in Italy, Tiziana Nicotera found interest has been limited and that the offer of roots tourism services is inadequate despite potential benefits (Nicotera, 2021).
11A Professional Staff Congress/City University of New York grant for Photographic Research in Southern Italy during the summer of 1985 provided an opportunity for us to explore my wife’s Italian heritage as accidental roots tourists. When we shared the news of the trip with her relatives in New York City, they encouraged us to visit the hometown of her father’s family (Nicoletti DeGregorio) in Laurino in the Province of Salerno. To prepare, I borrowed a detailed Italian Auto Club road map that gave a direct route to Laurino from Potenza. The map indicated an odd-colored road (Strada Provinciale 11e and 11f) to Laurino. My lack of fluency prevented me from deciphering the legend, so we took the apparent ‘short cut.’ As we drove along the road it changed from a two-lane paved, to two-lane unpaved, to one-lane totally unimproved upon which we encountered goats and herders and one equally lost car going in the opposite direction. After unanticipated several hours of breath-taking views and back breaking bumps the devolution of the road reversed and we entered Laurino much worse for the wear.
12In town, we asked some on the street for the residence of la famiglia De Gregorio and were pointed the way. We entered the three-story stuccoed structure situated on a steep incline and knocked on the door. When we explained why we had come, we were warmly greeted. The unexpectedly small, three-generation extended family was just finishing dinner and they treated us like lost, royal, relatives. They quickly re-set the table and after we finished eating and drinking, we were invited to stay with them for a few days. Although my Italian was limited, we were able to converse in German, French, and a bit in English because we shared the table with Italians who spent many years working abroad. We thanked them for their kind invitation to stay but (truthfully) explained that
13were on our way to meet people in Sorrento and needed to make up for the time lost on the road through the mountains. After we left the house and waved goodbye, we were taken to a local bar and introduced to neighbors and friends over un caffè. When we finally departed, there were some tears, and we felt as though we were leaving ‘home’ (Krase, 2015).
Figure 2. Leaving Laurino, 1985
When this photo was shown to Suzanne’s cousin Kristina Massari, who had informed us about Laurino, she explained: «The woman in the downstairs window is zia Maria Maffia fu Gregorio. This is the house in which my grandmother grew up. My grandmother and her first cousin, Anna Gregorio Nicoletti, came over together. The man who is upstairs on the balcony is my cousin, Nicola Gregorio.»
14In later years, we learned of my wife Suzanne’s Italian roots on her mother’s side (Giordano Migliore) in Bari. Unfortunately, when we had visited Bari in 1985, we were unaware of this connection.
15As to my own Sicilian Roots Tourism, there have been two trips. The first was in the early summer of 2014 with a group of Sicilian American friends and their otherwise Italian American spouses. It was a road trip from Catania to Palermo and back and we naively visited the usual tourist spots along the ways such as Agrigento and Taormina. We also stopped in Sciacca to be royally hosted at a restaurant overlooking the fishing port by the family of one of our female Sicilian American companions. This was her roots tourism experience.
Figure 3. View from the balcony of the restaurant in Sciacca, Sciacca Fishing Port, 2014
16During the group’s stay in Palermo, and after naively visiting some of the many tourist sites, I made a brief pilgrimage with my wife to the hill town of Marineo about twelve miles from Palermo and adjacent to the Plain of the Albanians (Piana degli Albanesi). As to my roots there, my maternal grandfather Girolamo’s parents were Salvatore Cangelosi (1833‑?) and Maria V. Licastri (1833‑1902) who came from Marineo and settled with many other Marinese on Elizabeth Street in Manhattan (Gabaccia, 1984). Shortly after arriving in Marineo, I asked a man on the main street of the town where I might find people named Cangelosi and Trentecoste. His humorous response, in Italian, was those names were «like Smith in America.»
Figure 4. Man on the Street in Marineo, 2014
«Quei nomi sono come “Smith in America.” This gentleman was kind enough to tell me about his five brothers who migrated to New York.
17While in the Commune of Marineo, I visited the Beccadelli Castle (See Figure 10). My grandfather Girolamo Cangelosi had told my mother that he had lived in the castle as a boy. In fact, he had worked there as a stable boy. The castle is now a unesco Heritage site housing an archeological museum that celebrates the historical contributions of the many groups that settled in the area and left their imprint on the landscape and the people. I also visited the 17th century church, St. Ciro’s, where my great-grandparents (bisnonni) were married, and the nearby town cemetery containing their remains and which was richly decorated with variants of the names Cangelosi, Licastri, and Trentacosti.
18It might seem strange to the reader that my Roots Tourism came so late in life (I was 71 at the time) and that my ties to my Sicilian relatives were so weak. In this regard, I must note that my mother’s successful immigrant entrepreneurial Sicilian parents were not happy with her choice of a working class, non-Sicilian (or even Italian) husband. As a result, during our childhood my siblings and I had very limited contact with my mother’s family. Even in adulthood, when I became interested in my ethnic backgrounds, I was unaware of any relatives in or near Marineo. In more personally or family-intense Roots Tourism, people tend to do genealogical research and make contact with even distant relatives before and after arrival. According to Natalia Tomczewska-Popowycz and Vas Taras, roots tourism stresses sentimental or other emotional reasons for
«traveling back» to where one or one’s family is from, rediscovering one’s roots, searching for identity and belonging, visiting friends and relatives, exploring family history, reliving past memories, exploring the places from stories shared by family members or history books, or simply because of practical convenience or familial obligation (2022, p. 245).
19On my second trip to Sicily in 2018, my wife and I took our three daughters, spouses, and five ethnically diverse grandchildren. For them, it was both a Naive and Roots experience as it included de rigueur visits to the must-see sights in Sicily. For me, it was a primarily roots effort in that I wanted to symbolically connect my progeny to my own. During our day trip to Marineo from Palermo, we explored the main street where preparation was being made for a celebration. I showed them the church, San Ciro’s, where their great-grandparents were married, as well as ‘my grandfather’s’ castle about which I had told them. Before we left, and after gelato on the main street, I took them to visit the town cemetery on the hill. I had hoped to lead them around the resting places of my forebears, but unfortunately the cemetery was closed on Mondays.
Figure 5. Krase Children and Grandchildren, Marineo Cemetery, 2018
Left to right, me, my daughter Karen, her daughters Amelia and Isabella Delgado, grandsons Spencer and Leander Letizia, grandson Jack Cahill, and their mothers Kristin and Kathryn. The sign on the right reads: venite o vivi a visitare i morti pria che la morte a visitare vi venga. fummo come voi sarete come noi. Loosely translated as «Come to visit the dead when you are alive before Death come to visit you. We were like you, you will be like us.»
20As already noted, most of my many visits to Italy have been as a scholar tourist to research or share my research on vernacular landscapes. Understanding vernacular landscapes is an exercise in visual and spatial semiotics. I have argued that ordinary people have the power to change the meaning of places and spaces by changing what those places and spaces look both like (Krase, 2012a). Although they were lying in plain sight, they went unnoticed, underappreciated, and in the worst cases ignored by urbanists. In this regard, Guy Debord had advised «The sudden change of ambiance in a street within the space of a few meters; the evident division of a city into zones of distinct psychic atmospheres; the path of least resistance that is automatically followed in aimless strolls (and which has no relation to the physical contour of the terrain); the appealing or repelling character of certain places – these phenomena all seem to be neglected» (Debord, 1955).
21Even when noticed by social scientists, vernacular landscapes served more as window dressing for the usual analysis of words and numbers that had been collected by more ‘scientific’ interviews, surveys, and more indirectly by massive amounts of demographic data (Krase, 2012b). For social spaces of any scale, Henri Lefebvre argued that the visual was central to their production and reproduction:
Thus, space is undoubtedly produced even when the scale is not that of major highways, airports or public works. A further important aspect of spaces of this kind is their increasingly pronounced visual character. They are made with the visible in mind; the visibility of people and things, of spaces and of whatever is contained by them. The predominance of visualization (more important than ‘spectacularization,’ which is in any case subsumed by it) serves to conceal repetitiveness (1991, pp. 75‑76).
22John Brinckerhoff Jackson was the first to bring me to critically examine the vernacular landscapes of Italian American neighborhoods that lay «underneath below the symbols of permanent power expressed in the “Political Landscape”» (Jackson, 1984, p. 6). Building on his insight, I have argued that common place sights such as commercial signs on stores and graffiti scribbles on walls can be seen as local markers of the powerful current processes of globalization (See also Lofland, 1985).
23One of the most important observers of public spaces was Erving Goffman. Vernacular landscapes are an important part of what Goffman referred to as the ‘front region.’ Goffman defines ‘region’ as any place bounded to some degree by barriers to perception (Goffman, 1959, 106). Most appearances in public are made in the ‘front region’ while in the ‘back region’ or ‘backstage’ the performance may be knowingly contradicted or planned out of sight (Goffman, 1959, p. 112). The vernacular landscape is the most publicly visible of all front regions. Ethnic vernacular landscapes are an important but often overlooked aspect of the material cultures embedded in urban streetscapes. They also change as a result of globalization, urbanization, modernization, and immigration. In many places in Italy and Italian America these forces have created visible examples of competing Asian, African, and Latin American cultural artifacts. What followed from my discovery of their heuristic value, was a long series of cumulative studies of changing Italian American and Italian vernacular landscapes.
24Without using the term ‘vernacular landscapes’ social scientists like Herbert J. Gans (1962) and William Foote Whyte (1955) had provided vivid descriptions of Italian American neighborhoods. In the late 1980s, over a period of about two years, I visited, and photographed, most of the neighborhoods in New York City that were then referred to as ‘Little Italies’. In the process I found a number of common visual characteristics and published an article about them (Krase, 1990). That photographic collection was seen by urban and ethnic scholars as a documentary work. However, my perusal of the hundreds of images made me consider that their shared cultural source might be the neighborhoods in Southern Italy from where most of these first and second-generation Italian immigrants originated. In 1985, as a Scholar Tourist, I travelled to Southern Italy to search for visual similarities in neighborhoods in Italian cities, towns, and villages. My findings led me to think of human migrants of all sorts as other migratory animals that carry designs for living from their original home environments and adapt them to the resources and opportunities in new locales (Krase, 1993).
25I argued that if immigrants could, they would replicate the highly valued places and spaces from which they came, but in most cases they only created enclaves in which one might find examples of ethnic vernacular architecture. Groups like southern Italian peasants have created distinct landscapes and places that suited them even when the environments in which they settled were previously established. As they assimilated they adopted the environmental values of the dominant society. Therefore, only limited ‘traces’ of the original home territorial values can be found in their resulting landscapes and places. Over the decades since 1964, I have photographed vernacular landscapes in two dozen Italian cities and numerous villages and towns.
26Despite the striking architectural differences in places such as the residential caves in Matera and Ischia, the ‘White City’ of Ostuni and the fascinating trulli of Alberobello, some of the most important visible elements of Italian neighborhood culture that were carried to America were: Residential communities of Italians tend to be small scale and arranged so they facilitate intrafamily and interpersonal relations. Even where there are large concentrations of Italians in cities, the effective neighborhood community seldom is larger than a block. For most Italian Americans the ideal residential setting would consist of a few houses on a dead-end street; Italian neighborhood residents also seem to have a great tolerance, if not a preference, for high human density. In southern Italian culture, the person who seeks isolation may be seen as deviant or even ill. Italians clump together. Walking around Italian neighborhoods, spaces appear either empty or crowded. When people are in the spaces, they become filled, as one person attracts another. You might say that the ‘bubble’ of personal space of Italians, at least among family and friends, is relatively small; finally, and perhaps most powerfully, Italian communities endorse the supremacy of private (family) over public (nonfamily) values and interests in regard to territory and activities related to local spaces. The access to, and freedom of movement through urban spaces that most Americans take for granted is simply not available in southern Italian towns where homes are really walled compounds. Minimal area in front of private property is allocated for the convenience of passers-by. Relatedly, while private property in Italy is well-cared for, public property is seen by most citizens as solely the concern of government as reflected in the generally poor condition of public spaces (Krase, 1993). A common expression of the supremacy of private over public values and interests is the appropriation of public spaces such as sidewalks or streets for private uses as seen in Figures 6 and 7 below.
Figure 6. Carroll Street, Brooklyn, New York, 2015
This is a scene of some of the homes along Carroll Street in Brooklyn, New York. The residents of the neighborhood, although undergoing gentrification at the time, was predominately of Italian descent and had been so for almost a century. One should note not only the individuality of the building fronts but the way that the public sidewalk in front of the buildings has been turned into a private space.
Figure 7. The Quartieri Spagnoli Neighborhood, Naples, Italy, 2015
Street scenes like this one are often found in working-class areas of Naples and other cities in Italy. Notice in particular the clothes drying rack that has been set up on the street. We can see in this photo that the boundary between public and private spaces have been obliterated.
27Other Scholar Tourist trips to Italy studied the visual impact of immigrants. The support of the University of Trento for two trips and a month-long University of Rome, La Sapienza Rector’s Award made it possible for me to see how immigrants were changing the vernacular landscapes of Italian cities. Because I understood the power of commercial landscapes, I paid attention to West African street merchants, and ethnicized shopping districts such as Rome’s Esquilino (See Figure 8) and Milan’s Via Paolo Sarpi Chinatown in Milan (See Figure 9), as well as the markets in many other cities such as Palermo’s Vucciria and Ballarò Markets. Findings from this research have been published in several places (Krase, 2006, 2007, 2008b, 2009).
Figure 8. Little India Restaurant, Esquilino, Rome, 1998
There is a great deal of irony in this photograph of the ‘Little India’ Restaurant in Rome as the label ‘Little Italy’ has been widely applied to Italians neighborhoods in America and elsewhere abroad.
Figure 9. Via Paolo Sarpi Chinatown, Milan, 2014
When I visited the Via Paolo Sarpi Chinatown in Milan, I was informed that it was undergoing a different form of residential change-gentrification.
28Over the many decades of my Naive, Scholar, and Roots touristic travels to Italy, I have featured some of my varied touristic Photographs in my I‑Italy.org alternative journalism Traces blog. The blogspace which I have occupied since 2007 is part of the Italian American Digital Project that describes itself as «the multimedia network for all things Italian in America.» Although there are many examples using my experiences as a tourist to Italy as foils for political and social commentary on Italy and Italian America, I have chosen only a few to end this essay.2
Figure 10. Beccadelli Castle, Marineo, 2014
29This is the ‘palace’ that my grandfather told my mother he lived in when he was boy in Marineo before coming to America. After he moved out, they seemed to have converted the castle into a museum that displays the many foreign influences on the locality. The Italian Right’s comically frantic attempts to turn back the clock to a time when non-Italians hadn’t polluted (or blessed) Italy’s shores are guaranteed to fail (as are face-lifts, liposuction, and hair transplants). Reporting for The New York Times from Rome last week, Elisabetta Povoledo wrote: «The Italian government said Thursday that the return of 227 migrants to Libya before they could land in Italy should be adopted as the new model for dealing with illegal immigration and be extended to the rest of Europe.» Commenting on these and related anti-immigrant moves in Italy George De Stefano wrote: «Not only has Premier Silvio Berlusconi wholeheartedly endorsed the leghista send ’em back policy; he aligned himself ideologically with the Lega when he recently declared that Italy will not become a multiethnic country.»
30Like it or not, Italy is already the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural nation that Silvio and his occasional sidekick (accolito) Umberto Bossi both abhor. On the other hand, Italy does have every right, and indeed every obligation, to combat illegal immigration and to also demand that the other members of the European Union contribute to the effort. Equally responsible for the human disasters that take place daily, are the North African countries from which so many of the tired and the poor are cast adrift on hardly sea-worthy craft after having paid hefty prices for their perilous voyage. Unfortunately, the Italian Right seems more comfortable with attacking diversity rather than the problems of migrants before and after they get to the promised land of Italy on their way, they dream, to economically sunnier shores (excerpted from Krase, 2016).
31Because I had recently witnessed the orgiastic rite of the Right as the Left retreated from governing Italy, I wondered what Italian Unity (Unità italiana) might look like were I ever to observe it up close and personal. Then I fondly remembered one warm summer night in Urbino a few years ago. It was July of 2006 and I had been invited to the University of Urbino to give a few lectures on Visual Sociology during its UrbEurope Summer School and enjoy a beautiful city and the exquisite Le Marche region. Our visit coincided with the graduations of Urbino’s students and the World Cup (la Coppa del Mondo) of Soccer (il Calcio) between the favored (la favorita) France and underdog Italy.
32We reserved a corner, ring-side, table at a restaurant on a small square where a large screen had been set up so that people in the town could watch the contest together. In virtually every other location in the city, bars and restaurants had converted their establishments into extensions of the world cup stadium. The space slowly filled with those of every age and sex, and by the start of the game, we were forced to watch the game under, around, and through those who stood just outside the perimeter of the restaurant and our obstructed view point.
33When the international battle ended in a tie, I decided to take a position near the front of the audience and try to capture its reactions during the sudden death shoot off. I photographed how people responded in unison with every shot until they burst into ecstatic fury with the win, hugging and kissing everyone in sight. They then moved en masse to the main square, Piazza Garibaldi, as folks from other parts of town joined them in a rare display of national unity (Excerpted from Krase, 2008a).
Figure 11. Celebrating Italy’s Soccer World Cup Victory, Urbino, 2006
34In this visually-enhanced autoethnographic essay, I have discussed several different and somewhat clashing approaches to the global phenomenon of tourism in order to demonstrate how the attitude of the tourist impacts both the experience itself and the products that emerge from that experience. In that regard, I devised what I believe are important differences between what I refer to as ‘Naive,’ ‘Scholar,’ and ‘Roots’ Tourisms. To illustrate those differences, examples of each type of tourism, along with a selection of photographs, have been discussed in a diverse collection of academic and journalistic contexts.