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On the Anatolian Origins of Some Late Bronze Egyptian Vessel Forms

Hélène Bouillon
p. 1-10

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This article summarizes one part of my doctoral research, and was carried out in Turkey during the summer of 2014, with a scholarship from the IFEA. My acknowledgments go to Jean-François Pérouse, director of the IFEA, and to Olivier Henry and Aksel Tibet for their advice and assistance with contacts during my stay. I also thank Éric Jean, Ekin Kozal and Aslı Özyar for their kind help during the summer, and Marie-Henriette Gates for proofreading and corrections.

  • 1 Aldred 1979; Redford 1993; Warburton 2001.
  • 2 Shaw 2000: 224 (map).
  • 3 Freed 1982; Jacobsson 1994; Phillips 2008.
  • 4 Caubet 1991; Bevan 2007; Sparks 2007.
  • 5 Lilyquist 1997; Feldman 2005; Aruz 2009; Lilyquist 2012; Aruz 2013.

1New Kingdom Egypt has long been thought to be an Empire, whose political power extended over Nubia and a great part of the Levant1. While the expression ‘Egyptian influence’ is in fact quite vague, and fails to describe a well-defined phenomenon2, Egypt’s cultural impact on the Near East remains a topic that is commonly used to explain many iconographies and artistic forms3. One of the most characteristic subjects of this supposed Egyptian prestige is luxury vessels4. Current research, however, has tended to reappraise Egypt’s influence. Late Bronze Age artefacts are now being placed in a broader spectrum of investigation about contacts, exchange and international trade and diplomacy5.

  • 6 See the Oxford chronology in Shaw 2000.
  • 7 Midant-Reynes 2003.
  • 8 British Museum AE 63057 (Harrell 2012: fig. 22).
  • 9 Cf. Louvre Museum E 23206 and E 23238.
  • 10 Vandier 1952: t. 2, fig. 523.
  • 11 Produced between 2650 and 2250 B.C., approximately (Kammerer-Grothaus 1998).

2The Egyptian tradition of vessel-making is very ancient. During the Badarian period (late 5th - early 4th millennium B.C.)6 the first appearance of luxury vases is linked to the beginning of a social hierarchy visible in cemeteries7. The most important tombs contain the first Egyptian stone vases, but also the first zoomorphic ivory vases8. The first use of metal in the manufacture of vessels took place during Nagada II (3500-3200 B.C.): gold and silver leaf adorns the lip or handles of the vases9. Tombs and cultic contexts of the following Dynasty I (3000-2890 B.C.) introduced small vessels in faience10. The major innovation of the Old Kingdom (2686-2160 B.C.) was the development of metalwork. It allowed the production of powerful tools for drilling and shaping stone vases, and soon, artisans also created vases entirely in metal. Thus appeared the first imitations of metal vases in other materials, including ceramics of high quality, commonly known as Meidum ware11. This phenomenon of imitation, already observed in earlier times between ceramic forms and stone vessels, is one of the keys to the typological study of luxury tableware in Ancient Egypt. Metal and stone were the two materials of choice for luxury vessels. Unfortunately, the recyclability of the former usually prevented its preservation. Thus the typological study of luxury vases necessarily relies on stone vases forms.

  • 12 Bissing 1907; Reisner 1931: 130-177; Petrie 1937; El-Khouli 1978; Aston 1994.
  • 13 PM I-II, IV-VI; Montet 1937; Vercoutter 1956; Wachsmann 1987.
  • 14 Yon 1981: 35, 38.
  • 15 Merrillees 1989.

3The evolution of Egyptian vessel forms from Neolithic times onwards has been studied since the end of the XIXth century, essentially as a clue for dating12. During the New Kingdom (1550-1069 B.C.), corresponding to the Late Bronze Age, many new forms and techniques appeared in Egypt (Fig. 1), most of them during the reigns of Hatchepsut (14731458) and Tuthmosis III (1479-1425). We can recognize the same forms on wall-paintings and reliefs in tombs and temples, among the gifts presented to the king or the gods, or brought by merchants (Fig. 2)13. Some of them are of well-known origin. For example, the bilbil form derives from the Base Ring juglets of the LB I and II in Cyprus14, used, according to R. S. Merrillees, for opium trade and imported to Egypt from the Second Intermediate Period to the reign of Amenhotep IV-Akhenaton15. Other forms are more difficult to trace. Such is the case for the horizontal loop-handled amphora and the flask.

Fig. 1

Fig. 1

Table of new forms of Egyptian luxury vases in the New Kingdom

Fig. 2

Fig. 2

Canaanite merchants represented in the tomb of Kenamun TT162

Grimal and Menu 1998: 162

  • 16 Daressy 1902: pl. IV, n° 24009, pl. V, s 24021 and 24023.
  • 17 Holthoer 1977: 102.
  • 18 Bissing 1907: pl. IV, n° 18734; Daressy 1897: n° 1 51.1.
  • 19 Aston 1994: 152.
  • 20 Nolte 1968.
  • 21 Petrie 1891: pl. XX, 2.
  • 22 CG 51102 in Cairo Museum (PM I.2: 562-564).
  • 23 Aston 1994: 152 (shape 176 b).
  • 24 From Ain Shems (Sparks 2007: cat. 580); Ashod (Sparks 2007: cat. 571); Beth-Shan (Sparks 2007: cat. (...)
  • 25 Nolte 1968: pl. 8.16; Phillips 2008: n° 78.
  • 26 Garstang 1901: pl. 18; Petrie 1891: pl. 27.4.

4The ceramic amphora with horizontal loop handles first appears in Egypt in the tomb of Maiherperi (KV 36)16, but an earlier, Second Intermediate period example from Nubia is reported by R. Holthoer17. The first example in stone was found in Saqqara and bears the cartouche of Tuthmosis III18. The last ones come from Memphis and date to the XXth dynasty19. The stone amphorae are usually big, but a miniaturized form was adapted for glass. This type is often called an amphoriskon20. We also find rare examples in faience21. The horizontal loop-handled amphora could be sealed with a lid, like the fake vessels found in the tomb of Amenhotep III’s father in law, Yuya22. The type evolved during the Late Bronze, becoming less globular and with a broader neck and smaller handles23. The stone amphora is also well known in the Levant, south and north24. The glass type has rarely been found in the Near East, but two examples are known from the Aegean: in Rhodes and Kalyvia (Attica)25. There also is a Levantine stone type, called lugged-flask or lugged-pyxis, on which the handles are very small26.

  • 27 Pella (James and McGovern 1993: fig. 111); Pella (Bourke and Sparks 1995: fig. 7); Tell Deir Alla ( (...)
  • 28 Randall-MacIver and Mace 1899-1901: pl. 44.
  • 29 Gurob (Petrie 1891: pl. 17.9 and 18.22); Sedment (Petrie and Brunton 1924: I, pl. 66.8); Saqqara (B (...)
  • 30 Gurob (Petrie 1891: pl. 17.35, 18.13, 18.15, 18.17, 20.11).
  • 31 Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge E 13.1901 (Randall-MacIver and Mace 1902: pl. 44).
  • 32 In stone: Tell Atchana (Woolley 1955: pl. 82.22); Beth Shan (Sparks 2007: cat. 366); Tell Qasile (M (...)
  • 33 Aston 1994: 157 (shape 195 b).
  • 34 The Iron Age version is often called ‘New Year’s flask’ because of the apotropaic formula inscribed (...)
  • 35 Ayrton 1904: pl. 17.20.
  • 36 Yalçın 2006: 609, n° 132.

5The lentoid flask is a second common form of luxury vessel in the Late Bronze Age. The first attestations in stone in Egypt date from the reign of Tuthmosis III in Abydos and Gurob27. One of them is a variant called a Ring flask, comprising a tubular body28. Faience29, glass30, or even ivory31 examples have also been discovered in Egypt. Furthermore, the flask is well known in the Levant and the Aegean in the entire range of materials32. During LB IIB, corresponding to the early Ramesside period in Egypt (ca. 1300-1100 B.C.), the body of the stone version became elongated, and no longer circular33. Although the production of stone flasks seems to cease after the Late Bronze Age, the ceramic and faience industries maintained this form until the end of antiquity34. Metallic examples are rare, undoubtedly due to the recyclable nature of metal. One tin example with a lid was discovered in a tomb of the XVIIIth dynasty in Abydos35. It is worth noting that the only other metallic flask attested so far was found in the Uluburun wreck36.

  • 37 To the Hyksos are attributed the introduction of horse chariotry, gods riding horses (Leclant 1960; (...)
  • 38 Leonard 1996; Cohen-Weinberger and Goren 2004.

6Whether the original material for these two vessel types was ceramic or metal is difficult to determine. However, because examples in clay are more numerous, the ceramic corpus can help to indicate the geographical origins of the form. A first direction in which to is towards the nearest neighbors in ancient Palestine and south Syria: the Canaanites, who seem to have introduced to Egypt many new practices and fashions during the Hyksos period37 and in the following centuries. A familiar instance of such borrowings is the Canaanite jar38.

  • 39 Amiran 1959: 153.
  • 40 Amiran 1959: pl. 29.3.
  • 41 Farah North (Amiran 1959: pl. 9.19, 9.20), Jericho (Amiran 1959: pl. 11.13, 11.14, 13.9, 13.10).
  • 42 EB II: (Amiran 1959: pl. 15.14, 15.14); EB IV (Amiran 1959: pl. 22.12, 22.13, 22.14, 23.11, 24.10, (...)
  • 43 Amiran 1959: 166.
  • 44 Schaeffer 1949: pl. LX= Schaeffer 1978: fig. 4.1.
  • 45 Schaeffer 1978: fig. 5.15.
  • 46 Ugarit: Schaeffer 1978: fig. 23.3; Tell el-Ajjul: Amiran 1959: pl. 51.5.

7The first attestations of horizontal loop (or basket39) handles on amphorae (also called kraters) in the Levant date from MB II40; but most of them belong to the Late Bronze Age, in other words, the same period as their equivalents in other materials. As for the flask, small handles placed on either side of the neck are already visible on amphoriska produced in Canaan during EB I (ca. 3200-2900 B.C.)41, and the tradition continued throughout the Early Bronze Age42. The body of these vessels is round or oval and the bottom is flat. Their production was abandoned during the Middle Bronze Age, when Palestine potters began to create more jugs and jars, such as the Canaanite jar already evoked. When the pilgrim flask appeared, at the end of MB or the beginning of LB I, it was already the type called pilgrim flask43, with a lentoid body not previously known in Canaan. Thus, Tomb 57 at Ugarit (MB III - LB I), contained a flask with a ring-shaped body44; whereas a flask in the later Tomb 75 (LB I) was lentoid with three handles: two placed symmetrically on the shoulder, and the third on the more concave side of the vase, between the neck and the body45. Consequently, flasks with two symmetrical handles from neck to shoulder became widely distributed from Ugarit to Tell el-Ajjul46.

  • 47 Lilyquist 1996: pl. 5.3; Aruz 2009: 59.
  • 48 Amiran 1959: 134.
  • 49 Communication from P. Betancourt to Lilyquist (Lilyquist 1995: 9).
  • 50 Guichard 2005.
  • 51 Guichard 2005: 1967-169.
  • 52 Alacahöyük: Chalcolithic (Koşay and Akok 1966: pl. 148) and EB I (Koşay 1938: pl. LXIX, LXXVII); Be (...)
  • 53 The EB I flasks discovered in Beycesultan are globular (Lloyd and Mellaart 1962: pl. XVIII), but th (...)
  • 54 Betancourt 2008: 70-71, fig. 5.32.
  • 55 MacGillivray 1998: 80, 106.
  • 56 Cf. two jars in chloritite from Knossos and Mycenae (Bevan 2007: 117, fig. 6.13).
  • 57 Merrillees 2003.
  • 58 Merrillees 2003: 139.
  • 59 Montet 1969: pl. CXI, CXII.
  • 60 Evans 1928: 825, fig. 541.

8These new ceramic types seem to have entered the northern Levant first47. It is thus logical to look farther north for the possible origin of these forms. According to R. Amiran, the origin of the flask is mysterious but that of the krater could be the Aegean48. P. Betancourt links them to the relations between the Levant and the Minoan world during the Middle Bronze Age49. M. Guichard’s study of the Mari tablet corpus dealing with the furnishing of tablewares for the palace shows that most of the luxury vessels derived from international trade and exchange50. Minoan vases were imported but also imitated, and the main source of supply was in the northwest: from Aleppo to the south of Anatolia. Aleppo and Karkemish were the big centers at this time51, when they oversaw the trade system between Anatolia, Mesopotamia and the Aegean. To their north, Anatolia is a region or rather a congregation of regions where ceramic traditions were varied and rich, and where horizontal loop handles are known from the end of the Late Neolithic - through the Early Bronze Age52, together with the flask (Fig. 3)53. In the Aegean world, the horizontal loop handles were adopted with other new shapes and features of Anatolian origin during EM I (3200-2600 B.C.)54. The horizontal loop handles became a common feature during the Middle Bronze Age in Anatolia as well as in the Aegean55, where the ceramic form was imitated in stone56. It was also among the forms applied to Kamares Ware amphorae, which were imported to the Levant and Egypt57. The use of these imports indicates, as R. S. Merrillees states, middle class rather than royal connections58. However, some of these forms were copied in more luxurious materials, such as the silver vases found in the tombs I and II (ca. 1830-1770 B.C.) of the royal necropolis of Byblos59, and the faience vessel found in ‘Knossos treasury’, compared by A. Evans to the Gyblite vases even if from a more recent context (Fig. 4)60. The silver vessels from Byblos were contemporary with the archives from the royal palace of Mari, and can be considered an illustration of ‘Minoan type’ metal vases used in a royal context.

Fig. 3

Fig. 3

Amphora with horizontal loop handles from Beycesultan

Lloyd and Mellaart 1962: pl. XIII

Fig. 4

Fig. 4

Faience vase from the Knossos ‘treasury’

Evans 1928: fig. 541b

  • 61 Mellink 1989.
  • 62 Schoop 2011: 252-253.
  • 63 Lilyquist 2003.

9As for the lentoid flask, the form is undoubtedly of Anatolian origin: it is found in Western Anatolian sites like Troy starting with EB II (2600-2250 B.C.), and shortly thereafter in Central Anatolia at Acemhöyük and Kültepe61. The lentoid flask was eventually adopted and developed in the Karum Period, and maintained during the Hittite Period (Fig. 5)62. Whereas the little symmetrical handles of the so-called pilgrim flask were popular throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, the vertical handle and the ring-body seem to be northern features found mostly in Anatolia and the North Levant. The ring- flasks, even more ancient63, were rarely adapted to materials other than pottery.

  • 64 Kulakoğlu 1998.
  • 65 Lilyquist 1998.

10It appears that this generation of new luxury vessel forms was related to international trade. This intensified in the Near East during the Middle Bronze Age, at the instigation of Assyrian merchants during the Karum period (ca. 1950-1770 B.C.), and later - in the hands of north Syrian kingdoms such as Ugarit and Aleppo. The new forms that flourished during this period were the ones adopted by the Egyptian kings of the New Kingdom and their courtiers, including the three Asiatic wives of Tuthmosis III64and the general Djehuty, ‘overseer of the northern countries’ for the same king65.

Fig. 5

Fig. 5

Lentoid flask from Hattusha

Schoop 2011: fig. 5

  • 66 Pierrat-Bonnefois 2014: 177.

11Why is it so important to trace back the first appearances of these features and forms? They don’t say much about the techniques in use, or the artisans and workshops. The issue instead applies to ‘style’66, or even ‘fashion’. The fact that very ancient Anatolian shapes were imitated and transformed in North Syria, the Levant, the Aegean and Egypt, to become one of the most characteristic forms of Egyptian luxury vases, provides significant evidence of a different sort: it reflects the scope of artistic influences, and to some extent, counterbalances the archaeological data for Near Eastern luxury items, whose paucity blurs our perception of artistic exchange and influences.

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Woolley C. L., 1955: Alalakh: An account of the excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, 1937-1949, RRC-SAL 18, Oxford.

Yalçın, U. et al. (eds.), 2006: Uluburun Gemisi. 3000 Yıl Önce Dünya Ticareti, DBM Yayınları, Istanbul.

Yon, M., 1981: Dictionnaire illustré multilingue de la céramique du Proche Orient ancien, COM 10, Arch. 6, Lyon.

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Notes

1 Aldred 1979; Redford 1993; Warburton 2001.

2 Shaw 2000: 224 (map).

3 Freed 1982; Jacobsson 1994; Phillips 2008.

4 Caubet 1991; Bevan 2007; Sparks 2007.

5 Lilyquist 1997; Feldman 2005; Aruz 2009; Lilyquist 2012; Aruz 2013.

6 See the Oxford chronology in Shaw 2000.

7 Midant-Reynes 2003.

8 British Museum AE 63057 (Harrell 2012: fig. 22).

9 Cf. Louvre Museum E 23206 and E 23238.

10 Vandier 1952: t. 2, fig. 523.

11 Produced between 2650 and 2250 B.C., approximately (Kammerer-Grothaus 1998).

12 Bissing 1907; Reisner 1931: 130-177; Petrie 1937; El-Khouli 1978; Aston 1994.

13 PM I-II, IV-VI; Montet 1937; Vercoutter 1956; Wachsmann 1987.

14 Yon 1981: 35, 38.

15 Merrillees 1989.

16 Daressy 1902: pl. IV, n° 24009, pl. V, s 24021 and 24023.

17 Holthoer 1977: 102.

18 Bissing 1907: pl. IV, n° 18734; Daressy 1897: n° 1 51.1.

19 Aston 1994: 152.

20 Nolte 1968.

21 Petrie 1891: pl. XX, 2.

22 CG 51102 in Cairo Museum (PM I.2: 562-564).

23 Aston 1994: 152 (shape 176 b).

24 From Ain Shems (Sparks 2007: cat. 580); Ashod (Sparks 2007: cat. 571); Beth-Shan (Sparks 2007: cat. 572); Tell el-’Ajjul (Sparks 2007: cat. 570); Gezer (Macalister 1912: pl. CCXII); Kamid el-Loz (Sparks 2007: cat. 574); Lachish (Sparks 2007: cat. 575); Megiddo (Sparks 2007: cat. 576); Minet el-Beida (Caubet, 1991: 224, pl. III:13 and pl. III:14); Ras Shamra (Caubet 1991: 241, pl. IV.7).

25 Nolte 1968: pl. 8.16; Phillips 2008: n° 78.

26 Garstang 1901: pl. 18; Petrie 1891: pl. 27.4.

27 Pella (James and McGovern 1993: fig. 111); Pella (Bourke and Sparks 1995: fig. 7); Tell Deir Alla (Franken 1992: 64).

28 Randall-MacIver and Mace 1899-1901: pl. 44.

29 Gurob (Petrie 1891: pl. 17.9 and 18.22); Sedment (Petrie and Brunton 1924: I, pl. 66.8); Saqqara (Bissing 1902: CG 3673).

30 Gurob (Petrie 1891: pl. 17.35, 18.13, 18.15, 18.17, 20.11).

31 Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge E 13.1901 (Randall-MacIver and Mace 1902: pl. 44).

32 In stone: Tell Atchana (Woolley 1955: pl. 82.22); Beth Shan (Sparks 2007: cat. 366); Tell Qasile (Mazar 1985: fig. 4.1); Tell Deir Alla (Sparks 2007: cat. 1089); Enkomi (Jacobsson 1994: n° s 58, 59); Lachish (Sparks 2007: cat. 362, cat. 367); Minet el-Beida (Caubet 1991: pl. 3.1); Ras Shamra (Caubet 1991: pl. 10.2). In faience: Enkomi (Jacobsson 1994: n° s 166, 169, 170) and Kition (Jacobsson 1994: n° s 166, 168). In glass: Enkomi (Nolte 1968: n° 30; Jacobsson 1994: n° 85); Hala Sultan Tekke (Jacobsson 1994: n° 86); Kalyvia (Phillips 2008: n° 78).

33 Aston 1994: 157 (shape 195 b).

34 The Iron Age version is often called ‘New Year’s flask’ because of the apotropaic formula inscribed in hieroglyphs on most of them (Blanquet 1992).

35 Ayrton 1904: pl. 17.20.

36 Yalçın 2006: 609, n° 132.

37 To the Hyksos are attributed the introduction of horse chariotry, gods riding horses (Leclant 1960; Grandet 2008: 59-62), and the ‘twenty squares’ board game (Dunn-Vaturi and Bardiès-Fronty 2012: 52).

38 Leonard 1996; Cohen-Weinberger and Goren 2004.

39 Amiran 1959: 153.

40 Amiran 1959: pl. 29.3.

41 Farah North (Amiran 1959: pl. 9.19, 9.20), Jericho (Amiran 1959: pl. 11.13, 11.14, 13.9, 13.10).

42 EB II: (Amiran 1959: pl. 15.14, 15.14); EB IV (Amiran 1959: pl. 22.12, 22.13, 22.14, 23.11, 24.10, 24.18, 24.19).

43 Amiran 1959: 166.

44 Schaeffer 1949: pl. LX= Schaeffer 1978: fig. 4.1.

45 Schaeffer 1978: fig. 5.15.

46 Ugarit: Schaeffer 1978: fig. 23.3; Tell el-Ajjul: Amiran 1959: pl. 51.5.

47 Lilyquist 1996: pl. 5.3; Aruz 2009: 59.

48 Amiran 1959: 134.

49 Communication from P. Betancourt to Lilyquist (Lilyquist 1995: 9).

50 Guichard 2005.

51 Guichard 2005: 1967-169.

52 Alacahöyük: Chalcolithic (Koşay and Akok 1966: pl. 148) and EB I (Koşay 1938: pl. LXIX, LXXVII); Beycesultan EB II (Lloyd and Mellaart 1962: pl. IX, XIII, XVI).

53 The EB I flasks discovered in Beycesultan are globular (Lloyd and Mellaart 1962: pl. XVIII), but they become lentoid in the MB Karum period (Schoop 2011: 253).

54 Betancourt 2008: 70-71, fig. 5.32.

55 MacGillivray 1998: 80, 106.

56 Cf. two jars in chloritite from Knossos and Mycenae (Bevan 2007: 117, fig. 6.13).

57 Merrillees 2003.

58 Merrillees 2003: 139.

59 Montet 1969: pl. CXI, CXII.

60 Evans 1928: 825, fig. 541.

61 Mellink 1989.

62 Schoop 2011: 252-253.

63 Lilyquist 2003.

64 Kulakoğlu 1998.

65 Lilyquist 1998.

66 Pierrat-Bonnefois 2014: 177.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1
Légende Table of new forms of Egyptian luxury vases in the New Kingdom
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/docannexe/image/342/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 1,5M
Titre Fig. 2
Légende Canaanite merchants represented in the tomb of Kenamun TT162
Crédits Grimal and Menu 1998: 162
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/docannexe/image/342/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 356k
Titre Fig. 3
Légende Amphora with horizontal loop handles from Beycesultan
Crédits Lloyd and Mellaart 1962: pl. XIII
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/docannexe/image/342/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 124k
Titre Fig. 4
Légende Faience vase from the Knossos ‘treasury’
Crédits Evans 1928: fig. 541b
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/docannexe/image/342/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 76k
Titre Fig. 5
Légende Lentoid flask from Hattusha
Crédits Schoop 2011: fig. 5
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/docannexe/image/342/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 78k
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Hélène Bouillon, « On the Anatolian Origins of Some Late Bronze Egyptian Vessel Forms »Anatolia Antiqua, XXIII | 2015, 1-10.

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Hélène Bouillon, « On the Anatolian Origins of Some Late Bronze Egyptian Vessel Forms »Anatolia Antiqua [En ligne], XXIII | 2015, mis en ligne le 30 juin 2018, consulté le 30 mars 2023. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/anatoliaantiqua/342 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/anatoliaantiqua.342

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