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An Epic Hero in the Maqāmāt?

Popular and Elite Literaturein the 8th/14th Century
Maurice A. Pomerantz
p. 99-114


Cet article traite de la Maqāma qāhiriyya, contenue dans les Maqāmāt rayyāniyya de Šaraf al-Dīn Abū ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥusayn b. Sulaymān b. Rayyān (702-770/1302-1369). La Maqāma qāhiriyya d’Ibn Rayyān fait référence à l’épopée populaire (sīra) de ʿAntar b. Šaddād. En étudiant les motifs tirés de l’épopée Sīrat ʿAntar b. Šaddād, cet article entend élucider les différences et les similarités entre la maqāma et la sīra. Il montre ainsi que la Qāhiriyya est un champ d’affrontement entre l’éthique de l’élite et les formes populaires.

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  • 1 See for example, the organization of Allen, Richards, 2006; Bauer, 2007, p. 151; Heath, (...)

1Few now employ the notion of “decadence” to describe Mamluk and Ottoman-era Arabic literature. Recent efforts instead have focused on the literary environment for which writers wrote. Scholars now point to the existence of popular culture and literature in the pre-modern period.1 Oral epics, poetry, and shadow plays existed alongside of elite forms. Yet these new categories and contexts pose problems. How did popular and elite literatures interact?

2This article discusses the Qāhiriyya from the Maqāmāt rayyāniyya of Šaraf al-Dīn Abū ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥusayn b. Sulaymān b. Rayyān (702-770/1302-1369). Discussing the motifs drawn from popular epic in this maqāma, the article argues that Ibn Rayyān’s Qāhiriyya alludes to the popular sīra. This, in turn, shows the Qāhiriyya to be a site where the ethics of elite and popular forms contend.

The maqāma in a Period of Change: The Maqāmāt rayyāniyya in the 8th/14th Century

3The maqāma is one of the longest lasting and widest traveling of premodern Arabic literary forms. After the foundational works of al-Hamaḏānī (d. 398/1008) and al-Ḥarīrī (d. 516/1122) later authors throughout the Muslim world adopted and adapted the form. Many writers composed maqāmāt in the 7th-8th/13th-14th centuries.

  • 2 Hämeen-Anttila, 2002, p. 126. For a discussion of al-Ḥarīrī’s collection, see Z (...)
  • 3 Stewart, 2006, pp. 145-158.

4The 8th/14th century was a period of  important changes to the maqāma. Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila states: “After al-Ḥarīrī, (…) maqama started to be seen as a more or less fixed genre, and al-Ḥarīrī’s picaresque/philological maqama became the model for some two centuries until the genre started disintegrating in the 14th century.”2 Devin Stewart describes what he terms a “widening” of the maqāma genre during the same period. As Stewart notes, “from the fourteenth century on, the term maqāma comes to denote simply an epistle, written in rhymed prose, which indulges heavily in formal rhetorical flourishes and aspires to elegance.”3

  • 4 Hämeen-Anttila, 2002, pp. 335-339; Guo, 2012.

5Modern scholars have studied and edited only a fraction of the texts from this period. In the absence of detailed studies it is premature to outline the reasons for these changes and to what extent they are indicative of larger trends. Nonetheless, one can point to various features of the maqāma that were changing. Perhaps the most immediately recognizable is language. Hämeen-Anttila points to the existence of so-called “vulgar maqāmas” that employ dialect noting the possible influence of these works on the shadow plays of Ibn Dāniyāl.4

  • 5 Pomerantz, 2015a.
  • 6 A similar collection of ten maqāmāt is the Maqāmāt ʿAbbāsiyya of ʿAbd al-Raḥīm  (...)

6The maqāmāt of the 8th-9th/14th-15th centuries foreground narrative artistry over philological complexity. I have noted the way in which one Mamluk author, al-Ṣafadī al-Barīdī (fl. first quarter of the 8th/14th c.) in his Maqāmat al-faraǧ baʿd al-šidda emphasizes narrative features of the maqāma through intertextual references to anecdotes from the genre of “relief after hardship” tales.5 The Maqāmāt rayyāniyya represent another example of the important role of narrative artistry in the maqāmāt of the Mamluk and Ottoman periods.6 Is this emphasis on dialectal language and narrative artistry a result of new audiences for the maqāma form?

Ibn Rayyān and his Maqāmāt rayyāniyya

  • 7 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, XII, pp. 369-377.

7Ibn Rayyān (702-770/1302-1369), the author of the Maqāmāt rayyāniyya, served in the Mamluk administration for much of his life. In 745/1344-1345, he became supervisor of the dīwān in Hama, a position which he held until 748/1347-1348. He then went to Cairo. Ibn Rayyān returned to Aleppo in 749/1348-1349 where he again served in the state administration.7

  • 8 For the terms : dūbayt, mawāliyā, and bulayq, see Larkin, 2006, pp. 189-242.
  • 9 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, XII, p. 377, records an example of al-bullayq al-hazlī. See Talib, 2014, (...)

8Ibn Rayyān corresponded with the famed Ḫalīl b. Aybak al-Ṣafadī (696-764/1297-1363). Al-Ṣafadī records several examples of the poetry and letters which they exchanged. Al-Ṣafadī praises Ibn Rayyān’s talents as a poet. In addition to the standard forms, Ibn Rayyān also composed muwaššaḥs, zaǧals, mawāliyās, bullayqs, and dūbayts.8 Al-Ṣafadī particularly esteemed Ibn Rayyān’s al-bullayq al-hazlī. Ibn Rayyān also wrote a book entitled the Zahr al-rabīʿ on badīʿ which is not extant.9

  • 10 See van Ess, 1976, pp. 242-266 for his relationship with this scholar.
  • 11 See al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, IV, pp. 220-221; the dispute surrounded the verse:
    fa-lam yazal ya (...)

9Ibn Rayyān studied the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī with Šams al-Dīn b. al-Ṣāʾiġ (d. 725/1325) who was also the teacher of al-Ṣafadī.10 Al-Ṣafadī states that he once differed with Ibn Rayyān over the grammatical interpretation of one verse in the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī.11 The exchange clearly demonstrates the intimate knowledge that Ibn Rayyān had of the maqāma genre.

The Maqāmāt rayyāniyya

  • 12 The two extant manuscripts are: 1. Cairo, Institute of Arabic Manuscripts, copied (...)

10The ten Maqāmāt rayyāniyya are extant in two manuscripts.12 The maqāmāt have the following titles (folios are listed in the Ms Cairo and Ms Gotha, respectively):

  1. al-ʿUmariyya (ff. 2a-4a; ff. 260a-262b).
  2. al-Qāhiriyya (ff. 4a-8a; ff. 262b-265b).
  3. al-Sinǧāriyya (ff. 13a-19a; ff. 265b-269b).
  4. al-Wizāriyya (ff. 8a-11a; ff. 269b-272b).
  5. al-Ḥamawiyya (ff. 11a-13a; ff. 272b-275b).
  6. al-Wāsiṭiyya (ff. 24b-29b; ff. 275b-277a).
  7. al-Miṣriyya (ff. 19a-24b; ff. 277a-283b).
  8. al-Baṣriyya (ff. 29b-34b; ff. 283b-287b).
  9. al-Baġdādiyya (ff. 34b-41a; ff. 287b-293a).
  10. al-Ḥalabiyya (ff. 41a-46a; 293a-297).

11In the introduction to the work, Ibn Rayyān describes his mode of composition. He states:

  • 13 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo f. 2a; Ms Gotha f. 260a.

annī samiʿtu min al-ḥikāyāt šayʾan kaṯīran wa-staḥsantu min mā law ǧamiʿtuhu kāna ǧuzʾan kaṯīran fa-ntaḫabtu minhā ʿašaran wa-ntaqaytu minhā ġarāʾib law dārat ʿalā al-asmāʿ la-aršafathā ḫamran wa-sabat al-ʿuqūl bi-ḥusn bayānihā wa-inna min al-bayān la-siḥran fa-awdaʿtuhā durrān wa-abdaʿtuhā naẓman wa-naṯran wa-abraztuhā fī ṣūrat maqāmāt.13

I have heard many stories that I have enjoyed. If I were to collect all of that which delighted me it would have been a lot. Therefore I selected ten from among these and chose rare ones were they to travel to those hearing they would drink of them like wine and captivate their minds on account of their eloquence. For indeed clear expression is a form of licit magic. I deposited pearls in them, and created them with original verse and prose, and made them appear in the form of maqāmas.

  • 14 See Heinrichs, 1997, pp. 249-275.
  • 15 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo ff. 11a-13a; Ms Gotha f. 272b.
  • 16 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo f. 19a; Ms Gotha f. 277a.

12Ibn Rayyān thus first heard these tales. He then recorded these tales in rhymed prose, added verses, and placed them in the form of maqāmāt (abraztuhā fī ṣūrat maqāmāt). Ibn Rayyān’s maqāmāt reflect an awareness of central features of the maqāma genre. He uses rhymed prose (saǧʿ) and often alternates between prose and verse (prosimetrum).14 An isnād ­precedes each of the ten maqāmāt. The Ḥamawiyya begins with the phrase: “I have learned from one of my friends, and those whose transmission I trust among beloved comrades (aḫbaranī baʿḍ aṣḥābī wa-man aṯiqu bi-naqlihi min aḥbābī).”15 The Miṣriyya opens: “I learned from some of the charming and elegant known for their affection and loyalty (aḫbaranī baʿḍ al-ẓurafāʾ mimman yuʿrafu bi-ḥifẓ al-mawadda wa-l-wafāʾ).”16 A first-person narrator relates every one of the ten maqāmāt. But there is no consistent hero trickster figure as in al-Ḥarīrī’s Maqāmāt.

  • 17 Al-Tanūḫī, al-Faraǧ baʿd al-šidda, IV, pp. 188-189. In the Wāsiṭiyya’s version of the tal (...)
  • 18 The frame tale of the Sinǧāriyya concerns the reason that a man possesses excep (...)

13Although Ibn Rayyān states that he heard the tales, several derive from written sources. The Wāsiṭiyya borrows its plot from a tale in al-Tanūḫī’s collection, Relief after Hardship.17 Ibn Rayyān’s Sinǧāriyya references the plot of both al-Ḥarīrī’s Sinǧāriyya and al-Hamaḏānī’s Maḍīriyya. Several maqāmāt refer to events during the Mamluk period: the Ḥamawiyya refers to the Ayyubid rulers of Hama, and in particular to al-Malik al-Muẓaffar, the progenitor of the Ayyubid line in Hama, ʿUmar b. Šāhanšāh Nūr al-Dīn (r. 574-587/1178-1191). The Wizāriyya reflects the cadres of administrative officials to which Ibn Rayyān belonged.18

  • 19 Al-Itlīdī, Iʿlām al-nās, 1990, p. 11.

14Ibn Rayyān’s maqāmāt do not seem to have circulated widely. Al-Itlīdī (d. 12th/18th century) reproduces Ibn Rayyān’s ʿUmariyya in his Iʿlām al-nās bi-mā waqaʿa li-l-Barāmika maʿa Banī ʿAbbās. Al-Itlīdī mentions Šaraf al-Dīn Ḥusayn b. Rayyān as the tale’s narrator.19

The Qāhiriyya

15The Qāhiriyya is the report of a man who knows the “history of the rulers” (aḫbār al-wulāt). He states that his neighbor was a government official. This neighbor told him a tale of how once he was working in the government administration in Cairo. This official’s tale is as follows:

  • 20 See Kramers, 1985.

16One day, the Sultan recognizes the official’s excellent performance and appoints him to supervise the affairs of the city of al-Maḥalla.20 The official turns out to be extremely capable. He collects a great deal of money and secures the roads from robbers. For this, the administrator becomes well-known in government circles. The story begins when, one day, the Viceroy (nāʾib al-sulṭān) resident in Alexandria sends a shipment of one hundred thousand dirhams to Cairo. He orders a military officer and group of ten guards to transport the shipment. A guide brings these men to a location on the banks of the Nile in the vicinity of al-Maḥalla. That night, a group of men attacks and robs them of the Viceroy’s money. Learning of this incident, the Viceroy sends an official missive (al-marāsim al-šarīfa al-sulṭāniyya) to the official. The Viceroy’s letter orders the official to arrest the perpetrator and restore the stolen money. It threatens further that if he does not find those responsible and the money, the Viceroy will hold him responsible.

17Fearing for his own life, the official is worried and cannot sleep. After gaining resolve through prayer, he summons a group of his own men who are “experienced” in affairs, informing them of the situation. He threatens them so that they recover the stolen money. He then informs them about the types of tricks.

18One of the senior military commanders, however, feels humiliated by the official’s speech. He dresses in poor man’s clothing, bringing with him bread and salt and leaves the city. He arrives in a nearby village where he visits the local mosque where he meets a group of travelers and sufis. There, the commander begins to complain of his loss of wealth and family. His companions in the mosque pray, eat, and lie down to sleep. The men then begin to discuss recent news.

19One of his companions mentions the theft of the Viceroy’s shipment. He states that the perpetrators are a group of ten led by a certain Šaybūb. He describes Šaybūb as being a slave of good character. The man then gives the names of Šaybūb’s companions and where they live. The commander rushes back to the official to inform him.

20The official then leads a group to find the perpetrators. He arrests ten of them, and retakes their shares of the money. Šaybūb then confronts the official on the battlefield, kills his mount and throws him to the ground. Having the official in a vulnerable position, Šaybūb decides not to kill him. Instead, he escapes. Having lost Šaybūb, the official remains worried for he has not recovered all the money. A short while later, the official learns that Šaybūb’s master lives in a nearby village. The master is a man of excellent character, who banished his servant Šaybūb when he committed crimes.

21Seeking to get back the remaining money in Šaybūb’s possession, the official hatches a plot. He goes to where the master resides and punishes him for the actions of his slave. He strips the man naked, and whips him. His wives were present at his torture and let their hair hang loose (as a form of lamenting), such that Šaybūb learns of it. Being a man of good character, he rushes to the scene and presents himself to the official. The official asks Šaybūb where the money is. He answers in rhymed prose, explaining his actions and shaming the official for unjustly torturing the innocent man.

22The official states that Šaybūb astonished him. So he feels pity for Šaybūb, binds him in chains and brings him to Cairo. He presents Šaybūb before the Sultan and tells him the tale. The Sultan is so astonished at Šaybūb’s bravery that he allows him to repent on the spot for his crime of brigandage. He then offers him money and a robe of honor. Finally, he makes Šaybūb a military commander (muqaddam) and appoints him to the guards. The Sultan then reappoints the administrator to his position in al-Maḥalla.

References to the Sīra of ʿAntar b. Šaddād

  • 21 Lyons, 2012, pp. 17-27.

23Ibn Rayyān states that his maqāmāt derive from oral tales (ḥikāyāt). The name of the character Šaybūb is well known from the Sīrat ʿAntar b. Šaddād. In the popular epic, Šaybūb is the trickster brother and companion of ʿAntar. Born of a slave girl Zabība, Šaybūb is the son of the “Black King” al-Ġawwār. He appears throughout the ʿAntar cycle as a virtuous, but deceptive warrior. Ibn Rayyān’s portrayal of the figure of Šaybūb does seem to conform with his representation in the sīra of ʿAntar.21

24Poetry in the maqāma also directly refers to the figure of ʿAntara b. Šaddād, such as “when the voice of the situation” (lisān al-ḥāl) states after the first confrontation between the narrator and Šaybūb:

qad samiʿnā ʿan ibni Šaddādi aʿnī
wa-samiʿnā ʿan ġayrihi min ḏawī al-baʾsi
ʿAntarā fī al-ḥurūbi mā qad kafānā
umūrun tušayyibu al-wil
We have heard all we need of Ibn Šaddād, by which I mean ʿAntar, in battles.
We have heard of other strong men’s feats, which would make youths turn grey-haired.
  • 22 Hirschler, 2011, p. 166.

25This reference to the popular epic of ʿAntar predates the first manuscripts of the sīra of ʿAntar which first appear in the 9th/15th century. But as Konrad Hirschler has noted, popular epics such as the sīra of ʿAntar b. Šaddād and al-Baṭṭāl were likely written and performed prior to this. The Qāhiriyya is thus an important witness to the increasing awareness of the Sīrat ʿAntar and other popular epics in elite circles.22

  • 23 Hirschler, 2011, p. 168.
  • 24 Hirschler, 2011, p. 165.

26According to Hirschler, popular epics challenged learned authority over the transmission of knowledge about the past. For this reason, scholars censured trade in these works which they viewed as filled with romance, magic and miracles.23 Their complaints underscore the fact that many were reading or listening to these works. They portrayed “protagonists who generally emerge out of a marginal position to claim their pre-destined position through a series of adventures that allow them to display their ‘knightly’ traits”.24 As such, the works achieved popularity among both elite and non-elite readers.

Competing Values in the Qāhiriyya

27The Qāhiriyya begins from the point of view of the narrator, who is an administrative official. The Sultan appoints the official for his capacity to maintain law and order, prevent theft, and collect taxes. He is an obedient servant of the state, who maintains law and order and for this, the Sultan values his services. His allegiance to the commands of his superiors and promotion of its interests is valuable to the state and Sultan.

28Šaybūb, by contrast, is an outlaw. He breaks the law by stealing money sent by the Viceroy of Egypt to the Sultan. Šaybub’s band of outlaws murders innocents and engages in brigandage which is an offense punishable by death. The representatives of the state first want nothing more than to capture and kill the perpetrator of this crime.

29The events of the Qāhiriyya resist the simple opposition between the “good” official and the “bad” outlaw. The outlaw’s theft of the money and murder of the heroes (abṭāl) guarding the money by another group sets the plot in motion. Yet there is little dwelling on the injustice of the act. Rather, the plot focuses on the response of the official to this theft.

30The first part of the story reveals that although the official is free, he is subject to the ruler’s threat of violence. For the Viceroy’s letter threatens the official with retribution if he does not find the perpetrators. The letter frightens the administrator to such a degree that he begins to worry. Yet the official does not oppose the injustice of these threats. Instead, he inflicts on his subordinates the same violent warnings of retribution. He threatens them so that they arrest the perpetrators and recover the stolen money.

31If the first part of the story focuses on official threats of violence, the second section points out their inefficacy in the face of a strong, courageous, and noble opposition. The Viceroy’s warnings do not achieve their intended result as they pass down through the hierarchy. For his insulting language causes one of his own military officers to resign his post. And it is the military man’s movement outside administrative knowledge that leads to the crucial discovery of the outlaws. Rather than suppress this new information, the former military man immediately informs the administrator. The military man who has deserted his post has shown that courage is sometimes found in resistance.

  • 25 The final line of this poem is taken from al-Mutanabbī, see al-Mutanabbī, Dīwān (...)

32The official’s determination to carry out orders brings him into direct conflict with Šaybūb. But the battlefield reveals Šaybūb to be the courageous warrior. He could have killed the administrator on the battlefield, but did not. The voice of the situation (lisān al-ḥāl) extols Šaybūb in verse as being far braver than the men of the current age.25

33The official’s actions after his defeat by Šaybūb further underscores the distance between the two men. Rather than granting Šaybūb a victory, the official turns to wanton violence. He seeks to entrap Šaybūb through the unjust torture of Šaybūb’s innocent master.

34Šaybūb’s daring arrival on the scene marks an abrupt shift in the tale. Offering himself in exchange for the innocent free man, he demonstrates his courage. But even more so, he shows the limitations of adherence to the law. For Šaybūb argues that he stole the state’s money because he needed to feed his children. Šaybūb’s confrontation of the official points to the existence of morality outside of the laws of the state.

35In a surprising turn of events, the z Šaybūb persuades the free official. The official in turn then relates his story of courage and bravery which then sways the Sultan. The Sultan’s appointment of Šaybūb to his guard acknowledges his courage and value. The administrator returns to his position in the end.

Contending Genres: Elite and Popular Literature

36The official and Šaybūb stand for two sets of contending values in the Qāhiriyya. The official’s obedience to the state places him in conflict with the brigands. While Šaybūb’s loyalty to his kin, comrades, and master puts him into conflict with the ruler. The official represents loyalty to the state, whereas Šaybūb exhibits loyalty to one’s family, comrades, and master.

37Conflicts between these competing values were inevitable in the Mamluk period. Thus, the maqāma’s final scene, in which the official tells the Sultan the tale of Šaybūb’s great valor and courage is a moment of transaction and transition. At this point, the Sultan recognizes the real and unappreciated value of Šaybūb. The act of including Šaybūb in his personal guard legitimates his heroic virtue.

  • 26 Kennedy, 2009, pp. 26-61.

38The moment of the Sultan’s recognition of the hero is not only important for the action of the tale but evokes the basic narrative feature of the maqāma. The uncovering of the hero’s identity (anagnorisis) has been suggested by Philip Kennedy as a central feature of the maqāma genre.26 The epic hero Šaybūb, the man of wiles, similarly evokes the trickster hero of the maqāmāt, thus clearly showing the links between these elite and popular traditions.

39Moreover, the Sultan’s appreciation of Šaybūb points to a positive evaluation of the popular epic as a literary genre. While the character of Šaybūb is from the remote past, his virtues are not. The popular epic of ʿAntar celebrates Šaybūb and his heroism. This positive valuation of epic seems to come not only from the Sultan of the story, but also reflects ideas of the Mamluk literary elite.

  • 27 Petry, 2012, pp. 47-50 and 63-70.

40The central concern of this maqāma is an exchange of money between Alexandria and Cairo. Šaybūb’s gang of outlaws interrupts the flow of this transaction. While such outlaws were not uncommon during the Mamluk period, the significance of their actions seems to be greater than a plot complication.27 For throughout the maqāma, Šaybūb’s trickster actions evoke the genre of the popular epic. Popular literature thus serves to enrich the maqāma and elite literary fictions. More than a simple monetary exchange, this maqāma seems a subtle act of literary borrowing that enriches the final composition.

Appendix: The Arabic Text of al‑Maqāmā al‑qāhiriyya

41This edition is based on two manuscripts. I have preferred readings of Ms Cairo to Ms Gotha in most cases. I have refrained from altering the prose to conform to Classical Arabic grammar, and intervened only in the poetry.

المقامة الثانية القاهرية
ق: معهد المخطوطات العربية (القاهرة)
غ: غوتا
أخبرني بعض الرواة عمن له معرفة بأخبار الولاة

  • 28 ق: المراتب
  • 29 ق: رأيت
  • 30 ق: رأيته
  • 31 سقط من غ
  • 32 ق: أجله
  • 33 سقط من غ
  • 34 غ: شاع
  • 35 غ: الجميل
  • 36 الكلام غير واضح في غ
  • 37 هكذا في غ وق
  • 38 غ: مجالبتي
  • 39 غ: بدمي

كان لي بالقاهرة دار هي مسكني * وإلى جانبها جار هو سكني * وذو كفاية وإصابة ومهابة وصرامة وشهامة * قد قدمته يد العناية * إلى أعلاء مراتب الولاية28 * قال أعجب ما رأيته29 * من الغرائب وأغرب ما رويته 30 * من العجائب أن31 مولانا السلطان عظمه الله وأجله * وأحله من منصب السيادة وأجله32 * فوّض إليّ ولاية المحلة * وهي عمل كبير * يجبى منه خراج كثير * فباشرتهم مباشرة عارفاً بأحوالها * خبيراً بعمالها وأعمالها * مجتهداً في تمييز أمر33 أموالها * وتتميز غلالها * فأقمت الحرمة * وقمعت كل ذي جرمة * فأمن السبيل * وصار34 لي بذلك ذكر جميل 35 * واتصل بالمسامع الشريفة * حسن سيري وسيرتي 36 * وجميل معاملتي * في معاملتي 37 وكفايتي * في ولايتي ومسالمتي *  لأهل الدولة ومجاملتي38 * فكنت إذا ذكرت * شُكرت * فإن عرض أخذ بذمي 39 * كان لي في الحاضرين من يردع خصمي *

  • 40 غ: صحبه عشرة من أعوانه
  • 41 غ: بي
  • 42 غ: مكان
  • 43 غ: المواسم السلطانية
  • 44 ق: كضمت

43فاتفق أن نائب الإسكندرية * جهز حملاً إلى الديار المصرية * مبلغه مائة ألف درهم ومعه عشرة من الأعوان 40 عليهم مقدم فنزل بهم 41 الدليل * مكاناً 42 على شاطئ النيل * وذلك المكان قريب من بلدي * داخل في العمل * تحت يدي * فما استقر بهم النزول * ووضعت الحمول * حتى وقع عليهم جماعة من الأبطال * فقتلوا الرجال * وأخذوا المال * فطالع نائب الإسكندرية بالقضية * وفوردت المراسم 43 الشريفة السلطانية * تتضمن الانكار والتعنيف * والتحذير والتخويف * والتأكيد في التشديد * والترديد في التهديد * والمزيد في الوعيد * والمبالغة في عدم المراوغة والإلزام بإحضار الغرماء ذوي الإجترام والقيام * بالمال على التمام * وإن تعذر ذلك كانت أرواح المقتولين بروحك * والمال بمالك * فاستفزني الغيظ وصمت * وتفكرت في هذه الحالة وكظمت  44

44[من الطويل]:

وُلَيتُ الولاياتِ التي قدْ تَعَدَّدَتْ فَكَمْ نالَني مِنْها أذىً أَتْعَبَ القَلْبا
وَمِنْ عَدَمِ الإنْصافِ أنّي مُطالبٌ بِذَنْبٍ وَغَيْري قَدْ جَنى ذلكَ الذَنْبا
وَكَمْ مَرَّةٍ أنْشَدْتُ رَبْعَ وِلايتي فَدُنياكَ مِنْ رَبْع وإنْ زِدَتْنا كَرْبا
  • 45 سقط من ق
  • 46 الشعر سقط من غ

45قال فضقت ذرعاً وكدت أبغي * وبت تلك الليلة وقد حار ذهني * لم يغمض جفني * وقد اشتد قلقي * واستدت سبلي * وطرقي وقت أزفت الآزفة * ليس لها من دون الله كاشفة * توضأت وصليت * وسألت الله المعونة فيما توليت * وتلوت سورة الأنعام * ودعوت بين الجلالتين بالدعاء المأثور عن سيد الأنام 45 * النبي صلى الله عليه شعر[ من الطويل]:46

إلَهِيَ سَهِّلْ لي خَلاصي وَنُصرتي على الغُرما القاتلينَ فَقَدْ طَغوا
سطوا بأناسٍ لا يُريدونَ قَتْلهم ولا أضْمروا يوماً أذاهم ولا ابتغوا
ولا زال لُطْفُ الله جُمّاً وإنمّا يُعَجِّلُ هَلْكَ الظالمينَ إذا بغوا
  • 47 ق: طري
  • 48 سقط من غ
  • 49 غ: من

46فنهضت في الحال * وقابلت المراسم الشريفة بالامتثال * وأحضرت من حولي من الرجال * والمتقدمين الأبطال * وأصحاب الإدراك في تلك الأعمال * وأعلمتهم بما جرى من الأحوال * وما طرأ 47 على أولئك الرجال 48 والمال * وشددت وهددت وخوفت * وأكدت ووعدت وأوعدت * وصرفتهم في ذلك العمل * وعرفتهم ما يعتمدونه في 49 أنواع الحيل * فقابلوا أمري بالامتثال * وتفرقوا من بين يدي في الأعمال * [من الطويل]:

لقَدْ ذَهبوا لا خَيَّبَ الله سَعيْهم وَيَرْجونَ لُطْفَ الله في ذلكَ السَفَرْ
بأيِّ قُلوبٍ يَذْهَبونَ وَكُلٌّهُم عيونٌ تُريدُ الكَشْفَ عَنْ ذلكَ الخَبَرْ
هُمومٌ وَتَهْديدٌ وَخَوْفٌ ولوعةٌ وما كلُّ هذا الحالُ يَحْمِلُهُ البَشَرْ
إذا اشْتَدّ أَمْرُ المرءِ وازداد همُّه تَيَقّنَ أنَّ اللَه يَأْتيه بالظَفَرْ
  • 50 غ: فكأنه
  • 51 غ: أحوالها
  • 52 سقط من ق
  • 53 غ: ولا لبس زي الفقراء فلبس مسحاً
  • 54 غ: هرباً
  • 55 غ: ضربت
  • 56 غ: غير واضح
  • 57 سقط من ق
  • 58 على قدر ما

47وكان فيهم مقدّم مرت به التجارب * وهذّبته النوائب * وكأنه 50 أنف من كلامي * وما حصل له من الذلّة قدامي * فترك داره على حالها * وحملها على أهوالها 51 * وقال إن ولاية المحلة لا تفي بهذه الذلة * ولأخلصنَّ من هذا 52 البلاء ولبس زي الفقراء فلبس مِسْحاً 53  * واستصحب الزاد خبزاً وملحاً * فخرج من المدينة هارباً 54 مما جرى وضرب 55 بين هاتيك القرى فأفضى به المسير * إلى بلد صغير * فأوى إلى مسجده * وتأوه لفقد أهله وولده 56 * والمسجد قد اجتمع فيه من الفقراء الصالحين * والمشايخ السائحين * فصلوا فريضة العشاء * واجتمعوا على ما معهم من العشاء * ثم أخذوا مضاجعهم * وفتحوا مسامعهم * فصار كل منهم يتكلم على قدر57 ما عنده من المعرفة * ويحكي ما 58 سمعه من الوقائع المستطرفة *

  • 59 هكذا في ق ولعله حلى ج حلية؟

48فقال شخص هل سمعتم بهذه الأخيذة * التي أخذتْها الحرامية * من الجماعة الواصلين من الإسكندرية * ثم حكى الحكاية معنعنة * وأوضحها مبينة * وذكر أن أخذتها عشرة من الأبطال * كلّ واحد منهم يعد برجال * مقدمهم عبد يُقال له شيبوب السلال * وهو عبد عزيز المروة * كثير الفتوة * لا يتميز في المغنم عن رفاقه * ولا يخرجون عن وفاقه * ثم ذكر أسماءهم وأماكنهم * وبين حلاهم 59 ومواطنهم *وذلك المقدم قد أصغى إليه * وفتح لإسماع قوله أذنيه * حتى استوفى في كلامه * وبلغ من مرامه * فسمع هاتفاً يسمع صوت مقاله * ولا يرى شخص خياله * وهو ينشد في شرح حاله [من الطويل]:

  • 60 هم في الأصل.
  • 61 هذا البيت من معلقة طرفة بن العبد، انظر: الزوزني،١٩٨٠، ص١٠٣
تَوَقِّعْ مِنَ الله الكريم لطائفاً وَثِقْ بالذي أّوّاكَ في خَيْرِ مَسْجِدِ
فَشاهدْتَ فيه الأولياءِ وَقَلَّما تراهُمْ عُيونُ الناسِ في كلِّ مَشْهَدِ
أَتيْتَ إليه بانكسارٍ وذُلّةٍ وتأتي وَتَشْكو مِنْ زمانٍ مُنَكِّدِ
وَرُمْتَ اتّضاحَ الحال عنْ كلِّ معْشِرٍ حراميّةٌ ما فيهِم غير معْتدِ
وهُمْ 60 معْشرٌ أُسْدٌ وفيهِم مُقَدَّمٌ عوائدُهُ ضَرْبُ الحُسامِ المُهَنَّدِ
إذا لاذ مَظْلومٌ ببابِ إلهه تَيَسَّرَ ما يَرْجوْهُ مِنْ كلِّ مَقْصِدِ
فقابلْ جَميلَ اللُطْفِ بالشُكْر واعْتمدْ على اللهِ تَظْفِرْ بالنجاحِ وأنْشدِ
سَتُبدي لَكَ الأيامُ ما كنتَ جاهِلاً ويأتيكَ بالأخبار من لم تُزَوّد 61
  • 62 غ: في آخر الليل
  • 63 غ: تفعله
  • 64 غ: تبعتهم من أماكنهم وأمسكت منهم تسعة من مساكنهم
  • 65 غ: سقط من غ
  • 66 غ: تتبعت
  • 67 من غ لأن الكلمة غير واضحة في ق
  • 68 غ: عليّ
  • 69 غ: محال
  • 70 غ: بأن

49ثم نهض من ساعته * خفية من جماعته * وسلك الطريق * والتوفيق له رفيق * فوصل 62 آخر الليل وفعل من سرعة السير * ما لا يفعله 63 جياد الخيل * وأخبرني بالخبر * وذكر ما ذكر * فركبت في الحال * بمن معي من الرجال * وتتبعتُ الغرماء من أماكنهم 64 * ومسكت تسعة منهم من مساكنهم * واستعدت من المال * تسعين ألف درهم على الكمال 65 * وبقي العبد المقدم * ومعه عشرة آلاف درهم * فأخذت خبره * وتبعت 66 أثره 67 * فوصف لي مكانه * وعظم لي 68 شأنه * فقصدت ذلك المكان بالرجال * واحتطنا بذلك المجال 69 * فلم يَكُ بأسرع مِن أن 70 خرج العبد إلينا * وحمل بسيفه علينا * وصرخ صرخة أرعبت القلوب *

  • 71 ق: خذلني؟
  • 72 غ: ونهرني

50وقال: أنا شيبوب * ثمّ ضرب فرسي بصارمه * فألقى رأسه بين قوائمه * فجندلني71 * أومى بسيفه إليّ ثم تركني 72 * ولو شاء أن يقتلني قتلني * ثم عطف عليّ من معي من الرجال * فطرح منهم عشرة في ذلك المجال * فما ضرب ضربةً إلا سقط بها مجروح * وكانت كفيلة بخروج الروح * فأحجمت عنه الرجال حياراً * وولوا فراراً * وخرج هو على حمية حتى استتر عنّا وتوارى وأنشدَ لسانُ الحال [من الخفيف]

قَدْ سَمِعْنا عَنْ ابْنِ شَدّادِ أَعْني عَنْتَرَا في الحُروبِ ما قدْ كفانا
وَسَمِعْنا عَنْ غَيرهِ مِنْ ذوي البأْسِ (م) أمورٌ تُشيّبُ الوِلدانا
وَرَأَيْنا في عصْرِنا حالةَ الحرب (م) رجالاً تَجَنْدَلَ الشُجْعانا
غَيرُ أنّي ما شاهدت قطّ عَيني مِثْل هذا الغُلام لمّا التقانا
صادقُ الضرْبِ ثابِتُ الجأشِ يَحْكي صُوْرةَ اللَيْثِ بلْ أشدُّ جَنانا
لَمْ يَخَفْ سَطْوَةَ الرجال ولا هابَ (م) المنايا لمّا التقى الفُرْسانا
فإذا لَمْ يكنْ مِنَ المَوْتِ بُدٌّ فَمِنَ العَجْزِ أَنْ تَكونَ جَبَانا
  • 73 غ: منّا
  • 74 غ: بعده
  • 75 غ: شنقته
  • 76 غ: سقط من غ
  • 77 غ: سائرات
  • 78 غ: سقط من غ
  • 79 ق: تنجوا

51فقال فرجعت مهموماً مكسوراً * بعد ما كنت مسروراً منصوراً * فأُخبرتُ أن العبد له مولى في بلد قريب إلينا 73 * غير بعيد عنا * وهو رجل معروف بالخير * موصوف بحسن السيرة والسير * لمّا تعلق العبد بالحرام أبعده 74 * ونفاه عنه وطرده * فسوّل لي الشيطان * قصد ذلك المكان * وإمساك مولاه عقوبته على ما فعل عبده وجناه فأتيت البلد ونصبت الخشب * وصلبت 75 التسعة على اللعب * ثم أحضرت مولى العبد وهو مرعوب * وألزمته بإحضار العبد شيبوب 76 * وجرّدته من أثوابه * وأوقفته عرياناً بإزاء بابه * وأمرت الجلاد أن يرقمه بأثيابه * فرقمه وأسال دمه ونساؤه لعقوبته مباشرات 77  * ولشعورهن ناشرات * فلمّا اتصل خبر الرجل بالعبد عز عليه * وحملته المروة بالحضور إليه * ووجد وقوع نفسه فيما يخشاه * أسهل عليه 78 من وصول الأذى الى مولاه * فاخترق الصفوف * ووقف بين الوقوف * ثم نظر إليّ وقال يا مصحوب * كيف يكون شيبوب المطلوب * وهذا الشيخ المضروب * أين تذهب من علام الغيوب * كيف تنجو 79 من ظلامة هذا الشيخ المرعوب * كيف تخلص من دعاته المنكسرات القلوب * قال فأمرت بإمساكه * والتعجيل بإسلاكه * وقال لا تعجل * وافعل ما تفعل * أن المروة لا تقتضي عقوبة هذا الشيخ ظلماً ومن كنت عبده فالواجب أن يعد ويحمى فأطلق الشيخ إلى قصده * وافعل ما تختاره بعبده * فقلت أين المال * فقال يا أبطال المال مال * والحال ما حال المال * ينتفع به بعدي الرجال * المال أصرفه الى الكماة والأبطال * المال تستعين به العيال * المال أتركه لهؤلاء الأطفال * لم ينفع الذي استعدته من رفاقي * فكيف تطلب مني إحضار الباقي * تعين الفوت * حضر الموت * والله لو نصبت سلماً * وصعدت فيه إلى السماء ما أحضرت من المال درهماً * فقال فحير عقلي وعطفي عليه عطفة عن قتله فقيدته وزندته * وسلسلته وغلقته * وحملت بين يدي المواقف الشريفة وأحضرته وأخبرت عنه بما شهدته منه وشاهدته ورويت ما رأيت وشرحت من شجاعته ما لمحت فعجب مولانا السلطان من شجاعته * واستتوبه لساعته * وقال مثل هذا الشجاع ما يضاع وسامحه  بالمال *وخلع عليه خلعة القبول والإقبال * وقرره على الحرس مقدّماً وأجدى عليه من العين والغلة ما يكفيه منهما ثم بإنعام الشريف * وأعادني إلى الولاية بتشريف *

52قال الراوي فعددتها من لطائف ما يعقل * وظرائف ما ينقل.

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Primary Sources

Ibn Rayyān, al‑Maqāmāt al‑rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo, Institute of Arabic Manuscripts, copied in 891/1486-7 by Yaḥyā b. ʿUthmān b. ʿUmar al‑Ǧawārī; Ms Gotha, Ms Oriental 2684, ff. 260-297, copied in Šaʿbān 1150/Nov.-Dec. 1737.

al‑Itlīdī, Iʿlām al‑nās bi-mā waqaʿa li-l-Barāmika maʿa Banī ʿAbbās, Dār Ṣadir, Beirut, 1990.

al‑Mutanabbī, Dīwān al‑Mutanabbī, Dār Ṣādir, Beirut, n.d.

al‑Ṣafadī, al‑Wāfī bi-l-wafāyāt, H. Ritter et al. (eds.), Franz Steiner, Wiesbaden, Beirut, 1962.

al‑Tanūḫī, al‑Faraǧ baʿd al‑šidda, ʿAbbūd al‑Šālǧī (ed.), Dār Ṣādir, Beirut, 1978.

al‑Zawzanī, Šarḥ al‑Muʿallaqāt al -sabʿ, Dār al‑Ḥikma, Damascus, 1980.

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Allen, Roger et al. (eds.), Arabic Literature in the Post-Classical Period, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York, 2006.

Bauer, Thomas, “In Search of ‘Post-Classical Literature’: A Review Article”, Mamlūk Studies Review 11, 2007, pp. 137-167.

Guo, Li, The Performing Arts in Medieval Islam: Shadow Play and Popular Poetry in Ibn Dānīyāl’s Mamluk Cairo, Brill, Leiden, 2012.

van Ess, Josef, “Ṣafadī Splitter”, Der Islam 53, 1976, pp. 242-266.

Hämeen-Anttila, Jaakkon, Maqama: A History of a Genre, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2002.

Heath, Peter, The Thirsty Sword: Sīrat ʿAntar and the Arabic Popular Epic, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1996.

Heinrichs, Wolfhart, “Prosimetrical Genres in Classical Arabic Literature”, in Harris, Joseph & Reichel, Karl (eds.), Prosimetrum: Crosscultural Perspectives on Narrative in Prose and Verse, DS Brewer, Cambridge, 1997, pp. 249-275.

Hirschler, Konrad, The Written Word in the Medieval Arabic Lands: A Social and Cultural History of Reading Practices, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2011.

Kennedy, Philip, “Islamic Recognitions: An Overview”, in Kennedy, Philip F. & Lawrence, Marilyn (eds.), Recognition: The Poetics of Narrative: Interdisciplinary Studies on Anagnorisis, Peter Lang, New York, 2009, pp. 26-61.

Kramers, J.H., “al‑Maḥalla al‑Kubrā”, Encyclopédie de l’Islam, 2e éd., Brill, Leiden, V, 1985, pp. 1211-1212 (french version).

Larkin, Margaret, “Popular Poetry in the Post-Classical Period, 1150-1850”, in Allen, Roger & Richards, D.S. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, vol. 6, Arabic Literature in the Post-Classical Period, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York, 2006, pp. 189-242.

Lyons, M. C., The Man of Wiles in Popular Arabic Literature: A Study of a Medieval Arab Hero, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2012.

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Petry, Carl F., The Criminal Underworld in a Medieval Islamic Society: Narratives from Cairo and Damascus Under the Mamluks, Middle East Documentation Center, Chicago, 2012.

Pomerantz, Maurice A., “The Play of Genre: A Maqāma of ‘Ease after Hardship’ from the Eighth/Fourteenth Century and its Literary Context”, in Pomerantz, Maurice A. & Shahin, Aram A. (eds.), The Heritage of Arabo-Islamic Learning: Studies Presented to Wadad Kadi, Brill, Leiden, 2015a, pp. 461-482.

Pomerantz, Maurice, A. “Tales from the Crypt: On Some Uncharted Voyages of Sindbad the sailor”, in Narrative Culture 2, 2, 2015b, pp. 250-269.

Talib, Adam, “Caricature and Obscenity in mujūn and African-American Women’s Hip Hop”, in Talib, Adam et al. (eds.), The Rude, the Bad and the Bawdy: Essays in Honour of Professor Geert Jan van Gelder, Gibb Memorial Trust, London, 2014, pp. 280-283.

Zakharia, Katia, Abū Zayd al‑Sarūǧī, imposteur et mystique. Relire les Maqāmāt d’al‑Ḥarīrī, Institut Français de Damas, Damascus, 2000.

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1 See for example, the organization of Allen, Richards, 2006; Bauer, 2007, p. 151; Heath, 1996, p. xx, provides a good summary of the issues facing current research: “The two traditions have been in continuous interaction, both drawing from and playing off one another. One can seriously argue, in fact, that the dynamics, trends, fashions and histories of either are only completely understood if one fails to take into account the contours and internal operations of the other… Focusing on the magnificent achievements of Arabic and Islamic elite literatures while neglecting their constant interaction with their popular literature analogues can only lead one to misconstrue and misrepresent the concerns and accomplishments of elite authors and their works.”

2 Hämeen-Anttila, 2002, p. 126. For a discussion of al-Ḥarīrī’s collection, see Zakharia, 2000.

3 Stewart, 2006, pp. 145-158.

4 Hämeen-Anttila, 2002, pp. 335-339; Guo, 2012.

5 Pomerantz, 2015a.

6 A similar collection of ten maqāmāt is the Maqāmāt ʿAbbāsiyya of ʿAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-ʿAbbāsī (d. 1556) is discussed in Pomerantz, 2015b.

7 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, XII, pp. 369-377.

8 For the terms : dūbayt, mawāliyā, and bulayq, see Larkin, 2006, pp. 189-242.

9 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, XII, p. 377, records an example of al-bullayq al-hazlī. See Talib, 2014, pp. 280-283.

10 See van Ess, 1976, pp. 242-266 for his relationship with this scholar.

11 See al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, IV, pp. 220-221; the dispute surrounded the verse:
fa-lam yazal yabtazzuhu dahruhu mā fīhi min baṭšin wa-ʿūdin ṣalīb
“Time continued to take from him that which he possessed of strength and robust physique” (al-Ḥarīrī, Maqāmāt, 172).
The difference between the two men concerned whether the particle beginning the second hemistich was the second direct object of the verb (yabtazzuhū) or whether it was an appositive (badl) of the pronoun attached to the verb. In order to resolve this conundrum Ibn Rayyān wrote to the Šāfiʿī šayḫ Kamāl al-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAlī Ibn ʿAbd al-Wāḥid (d. 727/1326-1327) explaining the difference between them and seeking a resolution. The latter had been a student of Badr al-Dīn Ibn Mālik (d. 686/1287) a noted authority. ʿAbd al-Wāḥid answered these two young men with a fatwā in which he favored the reading of Ibn Rayyān. To al-Ṣafadī’s credit he recorded the entire exchange even though the older grammarian favored the opinion of Ibn Rayyān.

12 The two extant manuscripts are: 1. Cairo, Institute of Arabic Manuscripts, copied in 891/1486-1487 by Yaḥyā b. ʿUthmān b. ʿUmar al-Ǧawārī; 2. Gotha, Ms Oriental 2684, ff. 260-297, copied in Šaʿbān 1150/Nov.-Dec. 1737. See Pertsch, 1883, vol. 4, p. 419.

13 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo f. 2a; Ms Gotha f. 260a.

14 See Heinrichs, 1997, pp. 249-275.

15 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo ff. 11a-13a; Ms Gotha f. 272b.

16 Ibn Rayyān, al-Maqāmāt al-rayyāniyya, Ms Cairo f. 19a; Ms Gotha f. 277a.

17 Al-Tanūḫī, al-Faraǧ baʿd al-šidda, IV, pp. 188-189. In the Wāsiṭiyya’s version of the tale, the merchant appoints the agent’s trustworthy son. The son however is kidnapped by the ferocious lion. He is saved from certain death when a group of pigs fortuitously distract the lion. While he is in the lion’s lair, the boy notices the merchant’s money which had been “stolen” by the lion. The final reunion scene with the merchant is a moment of “relief after hardship” (al-faraǧ baʿd al-šidda).

18 The frame tale of the Sinǧāriyya concerns the reason that a man possesses exceptionally long whiskers. The tale explains his exploits in Sinǧār when an encounter with an itinerant beggar leads to his forfeiting his love interest. The tale is similar in construction to the Maḍīriyya of al-Hamaḏānī in which Abū al-Fatḥ refuses to eat this dish and provides his tale as an explanation. Al-Ḥarīrī’s rewriting of the Maḍīriyya is similarly named Sinǧāriyya which perhaps provided the inspiration for this tale.

19 Al-Itlīdī, Iʿlām al-nās, 1990, p. 11.

20 See Kramers, 1985.

21 Lyons, 2012, pp. 17-27.

22 Hirschler, 2011, p. 166.

23 Hirschler, 2011, p. 168.

24 Hirschler, 2011, p. 165.

25 The final line of this poem is taken from al-Mutanabbī, see al-Mutanabbī, Dīwān al-Mutanabbī, n.d., p. 474. This type of poetic quotation is common in Ibn Rayyān’s Maqāmāt.

26 Kennedy, 2009, pp. 26-61.

27 Petry, 2012, pp. 47-50 and 63-70.

28 ق: المراتب

29 ق: رأيت

30 ق: رأيته

31 سقط من غ

32 ق: أجله

33 سقط من غ

34 غ: شاع

35 غ: الجميل

36 الكلام غير واضح في غ

37 هكذا في غ وق

38 غ: مجالبتي

39 غ: بدمي

40 غ: صحبه عشرة من أعوانه

41 غ: بي

42 غ: مكان

43 غ: المواسم السلطانية

44 ق: كضمت

45 سقط من ق

46 الشعر سقط من غ

47 ق: طري

48 سقط من غ

49 غ: من

50 غ: فكأنه

51 غ: أحوالها

52 سقط من ق

53 غ: ولا لبس زي الفقراء فلبس مسحاً

54 غ: هرباً

55 غ: ضربت

56 غ: غير واضح

57 سقط من ق

58 على قدر ما

59 هكذا في ق ولعله حلى ج حلية؟

60 هم في الأصل.

61 هذا البيت من معلقة طرفة بن العبد، انظر: الزوزني،١٩٨٠، ص١٠٣

62 غ: في آخر الليل

63 غ: تفعله

64 غ: تبعتهم من أماكنهم وأمسكت منهم تسعة من مساكنهم

65 غ: سقط من غ

66 غ: تتبعت

67 من غ لأن الكلمة غير واضحة في ق

68 غ: عليّ

69 غ: محال

70 غ: بأن

71 ق: خذلني؟

72 غ: ونهرني

73 غ: منّا

74 غ: بعده

75 غ: شنقته

76 غ: سقط من غ

77 غ: سائرات

78 غ: سقط من غ

79 ق: تنجوا

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Maurice A. Pomerantz, “An Epic Hero in the Maqāmāt?”,Annales islamologiques, 49 | 2015, 99-114.

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Maurice A. Pomerantz, “An Epic Hero in the Maqāmāt?”, Annales islamologiques [En ligne], 49 | 2015,
mis en ligne le 20 octobre 2015,
consulté le 17 septembre 2019. URL : ;
DOI : 10.4000/anisl.3029

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Maurice A. Pomerantz

New York University

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Institut français d'archéologie orientale (IFAO)

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