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Acts of Protection in Early Islamicate Societies

Living Together in Changing Iran. Pahlavi Documents on Arabs and Christians in Early Islamic Times

Vivre ensemble dans un Iran en mutation. Documents en pahlavi sur les Arabes et les chrétiens dans les débuts de l’Islam
العيش معًا في إيران متغيرة، وثائق بهلوية حول العرب والمسيحيين في العصر الإسلامي المبكر
Dieter Weber
p. 139-164

Résumés

Dans cette contribution, des documents originaux en Pahlavi d’origine clairement zoroastrienne du viie et du début du viiie siècle sont présentés, montrant des liens directs ou indirects avec l’affirmation de la domination arabe en Iran. Il existe deux groupes de documents : 1. les documents de l’« Archive Pahlavi », provenant de la région à l’ouest et au sud de Qom, et 2. les documents de Tabarestān dans le nord de l’Iran, c'est‑à‑dire la région de l’actuelle Rūdbār sur le fleuve Sefīd, traitant principalement de questions juridiques. L’« archive Pahlavi » comprend des documents économiques ainsi que des lettres datant pour la plupart de la seconde moitié du viie siècle qui sont conservées à Berlin et Berkeley (environ 300 pièces) ; il existe également quelques documents épars à Los Angeles et chez des collectionneurs privés, probablement en Iran. Bien que la plupart des documents en question aient un contenu économique (ils se réfèrent à la vie quotidienne), ils donnent parfois des indications sur des faits religieux, des impôts et des mesures (iraniens et arabes). La religion est explicitement mentionnée dans une lettre sur la viticulture où l'on apprend l’existence d’un paiement régulier pour la « prospérité » ~ la « protection » de la religion (c’est‑à‑dire la religion zoroastrienne). Les documents de Tabarestān, là encore clairement zoroastriens, ne montrent aucun lien avec les questions arabes mais mentionnent une communauté nestorienne.

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Texte intégral

The following sigla will be used:
Berk. = Pahlavi documents, Berkeley.
Berlin = Pahlavi documents, Berlin, ed. Weber, 2008.
LA = ahlavi documents from Los Angeles, ed. Gignoux, 1996.
P.Pehl. = Pahlavi papyri and parchments of the Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Vienna (with original inventory number, mostly unpublished).

  • 1 On the “Pahlavi Archive” generally see Weber, 2008a; for its dating Weber, 2008b.

1In the following relevant original Pahlavi texts referring to relations between Zoroastrians, Christians and Arabs in early Islamic times are presented and discussed; all except the first one are from the so‑called “Pahlavi Archive”.1

2First published on Weber, 2005, pp. 225–231. There (p. 225) it was surmised that “it seems likely that the letter was written in Egypt in early Islamic times by a Persian merchant who was Zoroastrian but who disguised his religious affiliation by using the specific formula of the first line and by not mentioning any personal name”. This assumption must be corrected in two essential points: 1. the major point is that the Persian merchant was not a Zoroastrian but a Muslim which is clearly underlined by the use of yazd (not yazdān) for ‘God’ in lines 1, 7 and 13; and particularly 2. by the term ahlaw “righteous” in line 19 which is to be understood as a confession of the sender (or writer) to belong to the new religion of Islam. As a matter of fact the sender still does not mention his name. The letter is addressed to the brother of the sender who tries to persuade him to enter in business with his help and who presents the prospect of making his fortune and, by this event, finally would enter in marriage. By improving the translation in many points the letter is fully understandable now.

Fig. 1. The Pahlavi Letter from Early Islamic Times.

Fig. 1. The Pahlavi Letter from Early Islamic Times.

Translation

3[1] In the name of God! [2] Dearest brother! To be received [3] health and greetings and blessing and every fortune (and) [4] peace for the body of you, Sir, increasingly [5] should be! For Your information [6] I am writing (that): with the help [7] of God (Allah’s help) I continuously am in health. [8] I know: Observe everything what’s going on. [9] Oh, you *sorrowful one! Come on! [10] Because here I have the whole profit for you [11] so that I, from that fairness there, (carried out everything) [12] which you told me (and I) kept (it) safe. [13] Proceed with someone whilst God will be the [14] guide, (and) everything you want [15–16] (together) with you I will undertake. You should be kind to people so that someone will provide camels for hire. [17] For you greetings should be (and as soon as) you will have made a fortune [18–20] someone will enter into marriage with you. A righteous one. Many, many greetings should come to you.

Commentary

4First published Weber, 2005, pp. 225–231. To be re-published in Weber, forthcoming b.

5Line 17: ⟨ʾṭʾn⟩ = ādān ‘wealthy, solvent; wealth’ (CPD); cf. the idiomatic phrase ādān ud anā̆dān ‘wealthiness and poverty’ in Berk. 129, 6, and 14.

6Line 18–19: kas abāg tō (zan)īh nišānēd, cf. Man. MP pd znyy nšʾstn ‘zum Weibe nehmen’ Sund., KPT.

7Line 19: The reading ⟨šhlyk⟩ in the original publication is obsolete now; the word is rather to be read ⟨ʾhlwb⟩ = ahlaw ‘the righteous one’, here underlining that the sender (or even writer) of the letter is a Muslim. As for the writing two things are remarkable: 1. the vertical stroke following the ⟨-l-⟩ has a bend at the bottom like the ⟨-R-⟩ in the following word ⟨ŠRM⟩; and 2. the final ⟨b⟩ has only a relatively short stroke at the bottom. Nevertheless the reading is certain.

Fig. 2. Strip of letter with mention of the Authorities of the Mosque (Berk. 187). Parchment, horizontal strip, 3.5 × 19 cm, bulla absent, 1 long line, verso blank.

Fig. 2. Strip of letter with mention of the Authorities of the Mosque (Berk. 187). Parchment, horizontal strip, 3.5 × 19 cm, bulla absent, 1 long line, verso blank.

8Ed. Weber, 2014a.

Transliteration

9PWN ŠM Y yzdt’ Y krṭkl MN GBYNH Y mzgṭʾn ʿL YLYDWNṭ hlṭ-wndʾṭ ʾwsṭʾndʾl.

Transcription

10pad nām ī yazd ī kardakkar az pēšānīg ī mazgitān ō zād-xrad-windād ōstāndār.

Translation

  • 2 Lit. “full of action”; after the full phrase bismillāhi rraḥmāni rraḥīmi. This is often transla (...)

11In the name of god who (is) *powerful2. From the surveillance of the mosques to the Ōstāndār, well born and of inherited wisdom.

Commentary

  • 3 Drechsler, 1999, p. 48.

12The word pēšānīg means lit. ‘forehead’, for the heterogram, cf. Junker, 1912, p. 82; Nyberg, 1988, p. 45 (X, 12 text), 75 (comm.). – The plural mazgitān is the second occurrence of this word in the documents and can be used as an argument for their dating because the first mosque Masǧid-i ʿatīq in Mamaǧǧān (near of Qom) was built in 715‒718 AD.3 Therefore this strip of a letter must have been written after that date. But see Berk. 66 year 48 (PYE = 699/700 CE)!

Fig. 3. Map of the places of the “Pahlavi Archive” (Weber, 2010, p. 47).

Fig. 3. Map of the places of the “Pahlavi Archive” (Weber, 2010, p. 47).

Fig. 4. Document mentioning delivery of victuals to the mosque (Berk. 66). Parchment, square, 7 × 7 cm, bulla absent, traces of 7 lines, verso marked.

Fig. 4. Document mentioning delivery of victuals to the mosque (Berk. 66). Parchment, square, 7 × 7 cm, bulla absent, traces of 7 lines, verso marked.

Translation

13[1] Xwarin from that which (belongs) to the bun, this [2] month Tīr in the year 48 (PYE = 699/700 CE) [3] from Rašnīg [……] 3 grīw to the mosque [4‑8] no coherent translation possible.

Commentary

14Ed. Gignoux, 2009, p. 90f.

15Line 3: The name is clearly to be read Rašnīg where Gignoux prefers a derivation from rām “heureux, paisible”, which is not possible since the ⟨-m⟩ in ⟨lʾm⟩ should have been connected with the following ⟨-yk⟩. The basis will be Rašn, name of the 18th day, cf. other “calendar names” like Xvarīg (Gignoux, 1986, no. 1033) belonging to Xwar, name of the 11th day, Tīrīg (Gignoux, 1986, no. 902), belonging to Tīr, name of the 4th month and of the 13th day, or Mihrīg LA 1, 1, belonging to Mihr, name of the 7th month and of the 16th day.

16In 2012, it was argumented that “The decisive step for the later urban development of Qom occurred when a group of Ašʿari Arabs from Yemen came to the area; a central element was the early contact with the leading local Zoroastrian Persian noble Yazdānfāḏār.

17It seems reasonable that the coming of these groups put an end to the Zoroastrian life as it is documented in the texts; testimony of this kind obviously ceased with the year 702 CE. Later documents do not belong to this group of the ‘Pahlavi Archive’”.

18But from this document it is clear that an earlier date of the first mosques must be thought of, at least by 699–700 CE.

Fig. 5. Document on different measurements for cereals (Berk. 93). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15.5 × 7.5 cm, bulla is at bottom left, 14 [recto 16] lines, verso blank.

Fig. 5. Document on different measurements for cereals (Berk. 93). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15.5 × 7.5 cm, bulla is at bottom left, 14 [recto 16] lines, verso blank.

Translation

  • 4 This means that 1 grīw (current) is to be equated to ca. 0,543 grīw (former); cf. also Hinz, 1955, (...)

19[1] …… [2] …… [3] receipt of Ma[rdōy, the] [4] wine‑grower (or: vintner?), sealed with the (seal?). [5] As money for the rent of [6] the mussuck and the (trading‑)value of the wine/must [7] Māhpērōz given and this [8] ration has been written in this receipt. [9] For [Māhpērōz] according to the [sacrosanct] measure [10] of old 1 grīw of wheat [11] 9 kabīz corresponding (lit. which is) [12] to common measurement (lit. according to the measurement of the family) [13] 3 grīw 5 kabīz4 to [14] Mardōy, the wine‑grower (or: vintner?) [15–16] to be given. (Frāy?) sealed the čak.

Commentary

20First published in Weber, 2014a, pp. 185–187. No year preserved, but the document must have been written presumably between the years 46 and 49 (697–698 and 700–701 AD) since the following names are well attested in that span of time:

21     Māhpērōz Berlin 2 (year 30 = 681–682 AD), Berk. 75 (year 45 = 696–697 AD), Berlin 23 (year 46 = 697–698 AD), Berk. 15, Berk. 84, Berk. 87, Berk. 91, (year 47 = 698–699 AD), Berk. 26 (year 48 = 699–700 AD);
    Mardōy Berk. 6 (year 46 = 697–698 AD), Berk. 88 (year 49 = 700–701 AD), Berk. 36 (no year), also Berlin 31, 7 (no year);
        Māhpērōz and Mardōy together in Berk. 226 (no year given), and also
     Frāy (as the person who seals the document) especially for the years 46–49.

22Lines 3 and 14: The name Mardōy is well documented, see above.

23Lines 4 and 14: The attributive to Mardōy seems to be ⟨mdydʾlyk⟩ which, following the interpretation in Berk. 34, 2, is tentatively interpreted as maydārīg ‘wine-grower, vintner’:

Berk. 93, 4: ⟨mdydʾlyk⟩

Berk. 93, 4: ⟨mdydʾlyk⟩

Berk. 34, 2: ⟨mdydʾl⟩

Berk. 34, 2: ⟨mdydʾl⟩

24Line 8: In the middle of this line there is a character between pad and padīrāy, the only possible reading is ⟨ʾn⟩ which fits the place and the meaning.

25Line 9: The name Māhpērōz (well attested, see above) is written between the lines 8 and 9 but governed by rāy in line 9. – Another interlinear group of characters left of Māhpērōz must be read ⟨sp̄nʾk⟩ = spenāg ‘holy’, written over kabīz and therefore explicitly referring to it, here in the sense of ‘good, sanctified’ as a hint at its traditional value.

26Line 10: ⟨mhy⟩ for meh ‘old’ is the most probable reading though the writing is somewhat unusual.

27Line 12: The phrase pad kabīz ī dūdag attested again in Berk. 91, 6, is in contrast to pad kabīz [spenāg] | ī meh ‘according to the [sanctified] measure | of old’ (lines 9–10) and Berk. 108, 2–3 pad kabīz ud dōlag ud paymān īšahr ‘according to the measurements of the town’ and is therefore understood as ‘the local measurement’ that was now in use under the Zoroastrian Persians (perhaps an adaptation of Arabic measurement?).

28Line 15: The name of the person who sealed the document is illegible but may be restored after Berk. 6, 9.

Fig. 6. Document on a feast organized for the Amīr (Berk. 95).
Parchment, vertical rectangle, 14 × 8 cm, bulla is at bottom, at least 8 lines [recto 12 lines], verso marked.

Fig. 6. Document on a feast organized for the Amīr (Berk. 95). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 14 × 8 cm, bulla is at bottom, at least 8 lines [recto 12 lines], verso marked.

© Bancroft Library, Berkeley, C. Photo M. Krutzsch.

Translation

29[1] Dādēnwindād from [what (belongs) to the bun,] [2] this month Mihr (7th month) of the year 40[+ 3] and day Ābān (10th day), when the Amīr…[   [4–5] came from the Father to Namēwar and the Ōstāndār, pro[tected] by the gods, ordered to celebrate a banquet for anyone and the other Arabs on Your behalf, Sir, to be together with them: [7] vinegar 3 [8] pails, *tarēnag one, cumin worth of [9] 2 kabīz of wheat, coriander of half a satēr and all for 1 satēr [10] per cauldron to be bought, to Xwaršēdān [11–12] of this place(?) (= then and there?) to be given. Frāy sealed the čak.

Commentary

30Ed. Gignoux, 2010a, p. 68; Weber, 2014a, p. 181. The new readings now replace all previous ones and provide us with a more coherent translation.

31Line 3: The reading ⟨ʾmʾl⟩ āmār (Gignoux) must be ruled out; in fact it is the spelling for ⟨ʾmyl⟩ Amīr, Arab. أمير.

32Line 4: By “Father” very probably Yazdānpādār is meant who lived in Yazdānābestān (west of Qom). – The verbal heterogram is not to be read ⟨ŠDRWNym⟩ but rather ⟨YʾṬWNṭ'⟩. – The last word in the line is to be emended to ⟨yzdʾnp[ʾnk⟩; on yazdānbānag ōstāndār see Weber, 2008a, p. 36 where the reading †yasn-pānag was still favoured.

33Line 5: 1sūr [swl | M swr, N ~] ‘meal, feast, banquet’ (CPD). – The earlier favoured reading ⟨kṭʾn⟩ must be changed to ⟨ks-c⟩ = kas-iz ‘anybody’ not ⟨ks-ʾn⟩ because in this case the ⟨s⟩ and ⟨ʾ⟩ would have been written together, i.e. in a ligature. With this interpretation we meet Gignoux, ‘villageois’ (letter of 17-5-2011).

34Line 6: The sequence būd xwadāy (according to Gignoux) is paleographically correct but syntactically difficult; it becomes clearer if we read lines 5–7 sūr ī kas-iz ud abārīg | tāzīgān kas abāg būdan xwadāy | rāy framūd yaštan ‘he ordered to celebrate a banquet for anyone and the other Arabs on behalf of You, Sir, to be together with them’.

  • 5 This place is interpreted as ‘bath-house, garmābag’ in Weber, 2008b, p. 217 with n. 25.

35Lines 10–11: ⟨lsykʾn⟩ (Gignoux) is not possible; before the ⟨l⟩ there is a ligature of two characters which is disregarded. A reading ⟨hwlšyṭʾn⟩ = Xwaršēdān would make sense representing a name which is also attested in Berk. 106, 7, Berk. 141, 6 and Berk. 237, 3. Since Xwaršēdān is mentioned, in Berk. 106, 7, with the additional information ī pad garmīh the question arises whether or not the banquet mentioned here could have taken place exactly there.5

Fig. 7. Document on various goods to be given, i.a. to the Amīr (Berk. 62).
Leather, vertical rectangle, 25 × 17 cm, bulla absent, at least 13 lines, verso 3 short lines of script.

Fig. 7. Document on various goods to be given, i.a. to the Amīr (Berk. 62). Leather, vertical rectangle, 25 × 17 cm, bulla absent, at least 13 lines, verso 3 short lines of script.

© Bancroft Library, Berkeley, CA.

Translation

36[1] As document of the goods: the mediators of month Ho[rdād] (3rd month) [2] of the year 38 (689–690 CE): on behalf of the expenses of the family of [3] the ōstāndār, born with inherited knowledge, to the bun of Čahārbōxt of [4] Nēwbēhagān from Friyag who is manager in Namēwar, wheat [5] grīw 190, grīw 50, grīw 50, grīw 50. [6] From Friyag 1 sheep out of 36 lambs.

37[7] To the bun of Pērōz in Anārgarān from Farrox, [8] the manager in Namēwar, 11 sheep. On behalf of the gift for God [9] Mihr 2 sheep. On behalf of the Amīr, who evaluated the action [10] 1 [sheep]. From another purpose of Zādānfarrox, the overseer, piglets of Rēgān(?) [11] 2. 1 Biryānī. 3 curd (soups?). 6 birds, small birds (?) [12] 27. From Maškān 1 ox was brought out of 151[  ]. [13] And wheat flour from the bun of Naxčīragān…[  ] [14] [15] – Verso: Gone out from the *bath‑house, month Hordād of the year 38.

Commentary

38First published Weber, 2010, pp. 52–55. In this article the relevant phrase referring to the Amīr was completely misunderstood.

39[8] pad Namēwar dārīg gōspand 11 ○ dāšn ī pad bay [9] ī Mihr rāy gōspand 2 ○ ayārīd ī kār Amīr rāy [10] 1 [7] (To the bun of Pērōz) in Anārgarān from Farrox, [8] the manager in Namēwar, 11 sheep. On behalf of the gift for God [9] Mihr 2 sheep. On behalf of the Amīr, who evaluated the action [10] 1 (sheep).

40Line 9: It is noteworthy that there are circles written over the three words ⟨ʾyʾlyṭ'⟩, ⟨kʾl⟩ and ⟨ʾmyl⟩; their meaning remains unknown. It is now clear—after the interpretation of ⟨ʾyʾlṭ'⟩ ayārd Tab. 13, 3. 13. Tab. 23, 3. 4—that the word in question must be read ⟨ʾyʾlyṭ'⟩ = ayārīd sec. prt. of ayār- prs. ‘register, evaluate’. Thus, in this phrase there is no hint at “the unwelcome character of Arab taxation” as I put it earlier. The same phrase seems to be repeated in line 14.

Fig. 8. Letter (Berk. 244). Parchment, 9.5 × 9 cm, bulla absent, bands at bottom center, 8 lines, verso blank.

Fig. 8. Letter (Berk. 244). Parchment, 9.5 × 9 cm, bulla absent, bands at bottom center, 8 lines, verso blank.

Translation

41[1] A1 To Windād-Burzmihr, the leader, of thousand-fold immortal remembrance, [2] reverence! A2 (From) Argawān A3 many greetings. B I this month Šahrewar (6th month) of the [3–4] <year> 13 (664–665 CE) – value of arrangement of 6½ dēg of wine of 1 drahm each 10 dōlag, worth 3 satēr, as from the account of the rations [5] on behalf of giving it to Māhgušnasp, the scribe of Amīr Abdīn, [6] I will receive from You, Sir, and I shall give (it) to Māhgušnasp. [7] Bx And he should seal this letter with his own seal. [8] C1 To Windād-Burzmihr, the leader, of a thousand-fold immortal remembrance, reverence! [C2 Argawān ].

Commentary

  • 6 The letter types will be described in Weber, forthcoming b.

42Unpublished letter from Argawān to Windād-Burzmihr, the well-known entrepreneur. Letter of Type 1b6. To be published also in Weber, forthcoming b.

  • 7 For this word the reading sālār is given in Gignoux, 2004, p. 46, “mais le contexte ne nous aide au (...)
  • 8 Now published in Weber, 2019, pp. 380–382.
  • 9 Published in Weber, 2012, pp. 64–65.
  • 10 See Weber, 2017.

43Line 1: The reading of sālār is by no means problematic7. Earlier attempts to read this word as *ǰād-dār ‘*share-holder’ are obsolete now. ‒ Windād-Burzmihr is a Zoroastrian entrepreneur whose financial activities are known from various documents, e.g. Berk. 101, Berk. 2278; Berk. 81 and Berk. 231 are documents that reveal intense financial activities of Windād-Burzmihr. The first one, Berk. 81, sealed by Windād-Burzmihr, contains a list of the dividends (in cash and by trade (?) with Turkish silver and morocco leather) gained in the year 12,9 and the large document Berk. 23110 is an accountancy for the year 11 and investments for the year 12 of Zādōy ī durgarZādōy the carpenter’ where WindādBurzmihr functions as an employer.

44Line 2: Argawān ‘the purple one’ (CPD), or “Scarlett”, is the most probable reading of the name of the sender which is to be expected in this place of the letter. The name, though today a woman’s name, originally an professional name refers to a person trading with purple or scarlet textiles.

45Line 5: For a discussion of the term Amīr in the documents see Weber, 2014a, pp. 179–189. Abdīn is the common Arabic name.

Fig. 9. Letter (Berk. 34). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15 × 13.5 cm, bulla absent, bands remain at bottom center, 10 lines, verso blank.

Fig. 9. Letter (Berk. 34). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15 × 13.5 cm, bulla absent, bands remain at bottom center, 10 lines, verso blank.

Translation

46[1] A1 To the lordly Ōstāndār, born with inherited knowledge, reverence! A2 (From) Ōhrmazdpadmoγ [2] A3 many greetings. B And since You, Sir, with regard to the *protection of the wine-grower(s) [3] because, this year 29 (PYE = 680–681 CE), by my asking regarding wine-growing of [4] the Kōm district, You ordered to commission a man (who) with You, Sir, [5–6] a contract made (saying) that any time when for *protection a duty (will be due) on (our) separated religion—so as (is) the legal advisor’s speech to You, Sir, [7]—You gave me order to do (this), if, because (rāy, line 8) of preparation and *duration [8] of that pecuniary affair, You must bring it (i.e. drahm pad dēn), (then) I personally will take (it) [9] and will pay. Bz And this letter, by the witnesses’ seals of Xwadāgird, I sealed. [10] C1 To [the lordly Ōstāndār, born with inherited knowledge, reverence! C2 Ōhrmazdpadmoγ].

Commentary

47Gignoux, 2008, p. 836, discusses lines 1 and 3–4; ed. Weber, 2013b, pp. 178–179. The letter may be classed with Type 1b. The letter will be re‑published in Weber, forthcoming b.

48Line 1: ⟨ʾwsṭʾndʾl⟩ as usual after the honorific zād xrad-windād; Gignoux, (2008, p. 836) ī dilēr is a misreading due to the fact that, in the place where ⟨ʾwsṭʾndʾl⟩ is written, possibly two characters were written earlier but had been insufficiently erased so that a second ⟨l⟩ is to be seen which actually has no function. – The name of the sender, tentatively read as Ōhrmazd-pad-moγ, is unique and will denote something like ‘(having) Ōhrmazd as magus’, cf. e.g. padpānag [PWNpʾnk'] ‘guarded, protected’ (CPD).

49Lines 2 and 3: With regard to wine-growing in the region of Qom cf. Drechsler, 1999, p. 253. Mentioning relatively huge quantities of wine in the documents (cf. e.g. Berk. 48) means that there must have been big areas for vineyards.

50Lines 2 and 5: ⟨B-ʾp̄ʾṭʾnyh⟩ ba-ābādānīh here in its etymological sense ‘protection’. For ⟨B-⟩ cf. Weber, 2012, p. 63. With regard to wine‑growing in the region of Qom cf. Drechsler 1999, p. 253.

51Line 3: Instead of ⟨hwʾdšn' Y⟩, Gignoux, 2008, p. 836, has ⟨gwsp̄nd⟩. End of line ⟨mdydʾlyh⟩ cf. ⟨‑dʾlyh⟩ in Mazda 2, 5.

52Lines 3–4: ⟨Y kwm lwṭsṭʾk⟩ = ī kom rōstāg, “or kom pourrait être la forme ancienne de Qom” (Gignoux, letter 3‑2‑2006).

53Line 6: ⟨wcyhšnyk⟩ adj. ‘of separation, segregation’; cf. ⟨wchsṭ⟩ = wizīhist ‘separated, scattered’ Berlin 30a R 18. ‒ The spelling ⟨gwbṭʾlyh⟩ is the scribe’s error who should have written ⟨gwpṭʾlyh⟩ but erroneously chose the prs. stem ⟨gwb-⟩ instead. ‒ The term dād-ayār (not in CPD) is best interpreted as ‘legal advisor’ attested again in P.Pehl. 564, 4.

54Line 7: The reading of *pattān seems quite certain; but it is obvious that the meaning ‘noise, resonance’ given in the CPD does not suit the context. If we start from the verb pattūdan, prs. stem pattāy-, ‘stay, remain, last, endure’ (CPD) a verbal noun in *-ana- could indeed result in pattān having the meaning ‘endurance’ or the like; for the formation of this word cf. āsān ‘at rest, easy, peaceful’ belonging to the verb āsūdan, prs. stem āsāy- ‘rest, repose’.

55Line 9: ⟨wcʾlm⟩ 1st sg. prs. of wizārdan, wizār- [wcʾl-tn' | M wycʾrd, wycʾr-, J bzʾrd-, N guzārdan] ‘separate; explain, interpret; perform, fulfil, redeem’ (CPD), in this context ‘pay’.

56Line 10 repeats the addressee and the sender mentioned in line 1.

Fig. 10. Economic document (Document 1). Photo provided by T. Daryaee (UCI) and D. Akbarzadeh (Tehran).

Fig. 10. Economic document (Document 1). Photo provided by T. Daryaee (UCI) and D. Akbarzadeh (Tehran).

Document 1

Translation

57Dādēnwindād provided 20 mounts for the crops on which this receipt has been written for the sake of the above (mentioned) Sir (= Dādēnwindād) to meet the trouble of the bun centre (depository of the bun) of the Nestorians (lit. Syrian religion). He sealed the tie of this reminder with the seal of the Ōstāndār.

Commentary

58Dādēnwindād is attested from year 36 (PYE = 687–688 CE) through year 41 (PYE = 692–693 CE) either as ī pad Yazdānābestān dārīg or even as ī pad Yazdānābestān bunbān. Yazdānābestān itself was situated some 10 km West of Qom (Weber, 2010, p. 42); this scenario makes it certain that the *bunābād of the Nestorians must be looked for in the same region, i.e. Qom; cf. B. Spuler, 2014, p. 202.

59Line 5: The word sēǰ ‘danger, trouble’ is attested in the following places: Doc. 1, 5 (this document); Berk. 231, 11, 13, 17; Berlin 22, 7.

60Line 5: *bunābād is a hapax in the texts of the “Pahlavi Archive”; there is a strong dash covering the lower parts of the first three characters coming from the lower stroke of the ⟨b⟩ of *bunābād. Cf. ⟨msʾpʾṭ⟩ meh-ābād ‘retirement camp’, or ‘home of the veterans’ P.Pehl. 572 R 2; ⟨wlgʾpʾt'⟩ warg-ābād ‘repository of papyri, archive’ P.Pehl. 572 V 5; see now Weber, 2018, pp. 143–144. Therefore it seems reasonable to interpret *bunābād as ‘depository of the bun’: the term bun seems to denote “a form of inventory holding of the community which contained corn, oil and other things of daily maintenance; from that an individual was allowed to receive certain amounts for his living” (according to Weber, 2010, p. 51).

61Line 6: The reading of ⟨dyn ʾswlyk⟩ = dēn asūrīg is the most probable one though still tentative; it testifies to the existence of Nestorian communities in early Islamic times in the region of Qom. For asūrīg (lit. ‘Syrian’) see also ⟨swlykʾn⟩ *Sūrīgān ‘Assyrian (Nestorian) quarter’ Tab. 24, 2. 31.

62Line 7: On the type of document called āyādgār see Weber, 2018, p. 130.

Time Table

Document Content Year PYE Year CE
Berk. 244 Letter from Argawān to Windād-Burzmihr, the well-known entrepreneur 13 664–665
Berk. 62 document of various goods to be distributed, i.a. one sheep for the Amīr’s evaluation of a certain task 38 689–690
Doc. I providing of 20 mounts of transport for the Nestorian community ×
(36–41)
×
(687–688; 692–693)
Berk. 95 banquet organized by the Ōstāndār with the Amīr who came from the “Father” to Namēwar 40[+ 3] 691–692[+ 3]
Berk. 66 delivery of victuals to the mazgit 48 699–700
Berk. 93 [spenāg] kabīz ī meh vs. kabīz ī dūdag ×
(46–49)
×
(697–698; 700–701)
Berk. 187 delivery of victuals to the mazgit? × ×
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Bibliographie

Drechsler, Andreas, Die Geschichte der Stadt Qom im Mittelalter (650–1350): politische und wirtschaftliche Aspekte, Klaus Schwarz, Berlin, 1999.

Gignoux, Philippe, Noms propres sassanides en moyen-perse épigraphique, Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1986.

Gignoux, Philippe, “Six documents pehlevis sur cuir du California Museum of Ancient Art, Los Angeles”, BAI 10 (Studies in Honor of Vladimir A. Livshits), 1996, pp. 63–72.

Gignoux, Philippe, “Aspects de la vie administrative et sociale en Iran du 7ème siècle”, Contributions à l’histoire et la géographie historique de l’empire sassanide, Res Orientales 16, 2004, pp. 37–48.

Gignoux, Philippe, “Lettres privées et lettres d’affaires dans l’Iran du 7ème siècle”, in Eva Mira Grob, Andreas Kaplony (eds.), Documentary Letters from the Middle East: The Evidence in Greek, Coptic, South Arabian, Pehlevi, and Arabic (1st–15th c. CE), Asiatische Studien/Études Asiatiques 62, 3, Bern, 2008, pp. 827–842.

Gignoux, Philippe, “Les documents économiques de Xwarēn”, in Ph. Gignoux, Chr. Jullien, Fl. Jullien (eds.), Trésors d’Orient – Mélanges offerts à Rika Gyselen, Association pour l’avancement des études iraniennes, Paris, 2009, p. 81–102.

Gignoux, Philippe, “La collection de textes attribuables à Dādēn‑Vindād dans l’archive pehlevie de Berkeley”, in Rika Gyselen (ed.), Sources for the History of Sasanian and PostSasanian Iran, Groupe pour l’étude de la civilisation du Moyen‑Orient, Bures‑sur‑Yvette, 2010a, pp. 11–134.

Gignoux, Philippe, “La société iranienne du 7e siècle AD d’après la collection de Berkeley”, in Carlo G. Cereti (ed.), Iranian Identity in the Course of History. Proceedings of the Conference Held in Rome, 21–24 September 2005 (Serie Orientale Roma CV, Orientalia Romana 9), Rome, 2010b, pp. 145–152.

Gignoux, Philippe, “Les documents de Dādēn dans l’Archive de Berkeley/Berlin”, in S. Tokhtasev, P. Luria (eds.), Commentationes Iranicae. Vladimiro f. Aaron Livschits nonagenario donum natalicium, Nestor‑Istorija, Saint Petersburg, 2013, pp. 157–165.

Hinz, W., Islamische Maße und Gewichte, umgerechnet ins metrische System, Brill, Leiden, 1955.

Junker, Heinrich F.J., The Frahang i Pahlavīk, Winter, Heidelberg, 1912.

Nyberg, H.S., Utas, B., Toll, Chr., Frahang i Pahlavīk, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1988.

Spuler, Bertold, Iran in the Early Islamic Period: Politics, Culture, Administration and Public Life between the Arab and the Seljuk Conquests, 633–1055, Brill, Leiden, 2014.

Weber, Dieter, “A Pahlavi Papyrus from Islamic Times”, BAI 19, 2005, pp. 225–231.

Weber, Dieter, Krutzsch, Myriam, Macuch, Maria, Berliner Pahlavi-Dokumente: Zeugnisse spätsassanidischer Brief- und Rechtskultur aus frühislamischer Zeit, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2008a.

Weber, Dieter, “New Arguments for Dating the Documents from the ‘Pahlavi Archive’ ”, BAI 22, 2008b, pp. 215–222.

Weber, Dieter, “Villages and Estates in the Documents from the Pahlavi Archive: The Geographical Background”, BAI 24, 2010, pp. 37–65.

Weber, Dieter, “Studies in Some Documents from the ‘Pahlavi Archive’”, BAI 26, 2012, pp. 61–95.

Weber, Dieter, “Accountancy of a Zoroastrian Craftsman in Early Islamic Times (662–664 CE)”, BAI 27, 2013a, pp. 129–141.

Weber, Dieter, “Taxation in Pahlavi Documents from Early Islamic Times (late 7th century CE)”, in S. Tokhtasev, P. Luria (eds.), Commentationes Iranicae. Vladimiro f. Aaron Livschits nonagenario donum natalicium, Nestor‑Istorija, Saint Petersburg, 2013b, pp. 171–181.

Weber, Dieter, “Arabic Activities Reflected in the Documents of the ‘Pahlavi Archive’ (late 7th and early 8th centuries)”, Res Orientales 22, 2014a, pp. 179–189.

Weber, Dieter, “Pahlavi Documents of Windādburzmihrābād, the Estate of a Zoroastrian Entrepreneur in Early Islamic Times (With an Excursus on the Origin of the Fulanabad‑Type of Village Names)”, BAI 28, 2014b, pp. 127–147.

Weber, Dieter, “The Story of Windād-Burzmihr. A Zoroastrian Entrepreneur in Early Islamic Times”, in A. Hintze, D. Durkin-Meisterernst and C. Naumann (eds.), A Thousand Judgements: Festschrift for Maria Macuch, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2019, pp. 373–384.

Weber, Dieter, “Studies in Some Documents from the “Pahlavi Archive” (3): I. Breeding of Poultry II. Aspbād, the ‘caretaker’”, BAI 30, forthcoming a.

Weber, Dieter, Pahlavi Letters. A Survey of Documents from the “Pahlavi Archive” together with those from Egypt and Tabarestan, Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum, London, forthcoming b.

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Notes

1 On the “Pahlavi Archive” generally see Weber, 2008a; for its dating Weber, 2008b.

2 Lit. “full of action”; after the full phrase bismillāhi rraḥmāni rraḥīmi. This is often translated as “In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful”. Still incorrectly interpreted as ‘who made me’ in Weber, 2008b, p. 219.

3 Drechsler, 1999, p. 48.

4 This means that 1 grīw (current) is to be equated to ca. 0,543 grīw (former); cf. also Hinz, 1955, p. 38.

5 This place is interpreted as ‘bath-house, garmābag’ in Weber, 2008b, p. 217 with n. 25.

6 The letter types will be described in Weber, forthcoming b.

7 For this word the reading sālār is given in Gignoux, 2004, p. 46, “mais le contexte ne nous aide aucunement à préciser ce que recouvre ce terme”. Cf. again Gignoux, 2010b, p. 146, “Ce commandant pouvait être un ancien officier de l’armée impériale d’un haut rang”—an assumption which is by no means justified, it must not necessarily be a commandant but simply the “first man” in an undertaking, cf. ‘leader, master’ (CPD).

8 Now published in Weber, 2019, pp. 380–382.

9 Published in Weber, 2012, pp. 64–65.

10 See Weber, 2017.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1. The Pahlavi Letter from Early Islamic Times.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 699k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-2.png
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URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-3.jpg
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Titre Fig. 2. Strip of letter with mention of the Authorities of the Mosque (Berk. 187). Parchment, horizontal strip, 3.5 × 19 cm, bulla absent, 1 long line, verso blank.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 186k
Titre Fig. 3. Map of the places of the “Pahlavi Archive” (Weber, 2010, p. 47).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 485k
Titre Fig. 4. Document mentioning delivery of victuals to the mosque (Berk. 66). Parchment, square, 7 × 7 cm, bulla absent, traces of 7 lines, verso marked.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 736k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-7.png
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Titre Berk. 66, 3
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-8.jpg
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Titre Berk. 187
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-9.jpg
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Titre Fig. 5. Document on different measurements for cereals (Berk. 93). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15.5 × 7.5 cm, bulla is at bottom left, 14 [recto 16] lines, verso blank.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 539k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-11.png
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Titre Berk. 93, 4: ⟨mdydʾlyk⟩
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 15k
Titre Berk. 34, 2: ⟨mdydʾl⟩
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 16k
Titre Fig. 6. Document on a feast organized for the Amīr (Berk. 95). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 14 × 8 cm, bulla is at bottom, at least 8 lines [recto 12 lines], verso marked.
Crédits © Bancroft Library, Berkeley, C. Photo M. Krutzsch.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 697k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-15.png
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Titre Fig. 7. Document on various goods to be given, i.a. to the Amīr (Berk. 62). Leather, vertical rectangle, 25 × 17 cm, bulla absent, at least 13 lines, verso 3 short lines of script.
Crédits © Bancroft Library, Berkeley, CA.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-16.jpg
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URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-17.png
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URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-18.jpg
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Titre Fig. 8. Letter (Berk. 244). Parchment, 9.5 × 9 cm, bulla absent, bands at bottom center, 8 lines, verso blank.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-19.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 852k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-20.png
Fichier image/png, 212k
Titre Fig. 9. Letter (Berk. 34). Parchment, vertical rectangle, 15 × 13.5 cm, bulla absent, bands remain at bottom center, 10 lines, verso blank.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-21.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 914k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-22.png
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Titre Fig. 10. Economic document (Document 1). Photo provided by T. Daryaee (UCI) and D. Akbarzadeh (Tehran).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-23.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 302k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-24.png
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URL http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/docannexe/image/8409/img-25.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 11k
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Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Dieter Weber, « Living Together in Changing Iran. Pahlavi Documents on Arabs and Christians in Early Islamic Times »Annales islamologiques, 54 | 2020, 139-164.

Référence électronique

Dieter Weber, « Living Together in Changing Iran. Pahlavi Documents on Arabs and Christians in Early Islamic Times »Annales islamologiques [En ligne], 54 | 2020, mis en ligne le 27 octobre 2021, consulté le 27 mai 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/anisl/8409 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/anisl.8409

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Auteur

Dieter Weber

Freie Universität, Berlin

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