1The Arab Spring, a wave of revolutions that began in Tunisia, soon spread to the Republic of Yemen, where people demonstrated against the autocratic regime. ‘Alî ‘Abd Allâh Ṣâliḥ, the Yemeni president who had been leading a dictatorship for more than 30 years, stepped down, and the vice president ‘Abd Rabbuh Manṣûr Hâdî, who had served under him for 20 years, became president. The National Dialogue (March 2013–January 2014) that ensued brought together representatives of the full spectrum of political and social forces in Yemeni society1. However, Houthis, anti-government forces, moved south and occupied the capital, placing Hâdî under house arrest. After fleeing to Aden, the president went on to Saudi Arabia, and a coalition that was led by Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes to support Hâdî’s government. The Houthis received support from Iran, resulting in the Yemeni civil war being regarded as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
- 2 UNHCR Yemen. URL: https://www.unrefugees.org/emergencies/yemen/
- 3 WorldData. URL: https://www.worlddata.info/asia/yemen/asylum.php
2Nine years of war have driven more than 4.5 million Yemenis from their homes, and 21.6 million more are in dire need of humanitarian assistance and protection services as of March 2024. Yemen remains among the six largest internal displacements in the world2. Those who have fled the war have headed to Africa, Europe, and Asia. According to WorldData, Yemenis are scattered around the world, seeking asylum. The most common destination countries are the Netherlands, Germany, and Greece as of 20233.
- 4 More than 35 Yemenis were interviewed in September and November 2022 and February 2023. These surve (...)
3This article investigates how Yemenis who fled to South Korea live and work in South Korean society, based on interview surveys4. Their arrival at Jeju Island in 2018 provoked Islamophobic voices and opposition to refugees and the Refugee Act. However, most of these Yemenis are now providing cheap foreign labor in South Korea, having been granted humanitarian stay permits although they are not recognized as refugees. They face discrimination in South Korean society, but there exists a mutually beneficial relationship between the Yemenis, the South Korean government, and the businesses that depend upon their labor.
- 5 SHEIKH, 2019.
- 6 SHEIKH, 2021.
- 7 ABID, 2020.
- 8 CHOI & PARK, 2020.
- 9 MYUNG &CHOI 2022.
- 10 SEO, 2023.
4Prior studies on Yemeni refugees on Jeju Island have predominantly focused on consequent societal disruptions from the perspectives of feminism, Islamophobia, and media influence. For example, Sheikh analyzes the mobility of Yemeni refugees. Generally, Muslims are motivated to travel, study, teach, or go on pilgrimage, but the Yemenis on Jeju Island were forced to be immobile owing to racism and Islamophobia5. Sheikh also studies primary data from online platforms such as Naver News and Naver Cafes to assess the intersections between Islamophobia, anti-refugee sentiments, and feminist solidarity in contemporary South Korean society6. Abid analyzes the language used to describe Yemeni refugees in 73 articles published in five Korean English news outlets; the author reveals predominantly negative representation, with the Yemenis being primarily criticized for their presence in South Korea7. Choi and Park argue that three key factors—the influence of media on the refugee crisis in Europe; the Yemenis’ racial, gender, and religious background; and South Korea’s internal political and economic situation—intersect and result in the securitization of Yemeni migration8. Myung and Choi contend that Islamophobia is the reason that Koreans, who seemed to lead the legal institutionalization of refugees in Asia and to have made substantial private-sector contributions to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), showed contrasting attitudes to the 2018 influx of Yemeni refugees. Muslims are commonly represented in South Korean media as being members of terrorist groups; furthermore, Islamophobia in South Korea is rooted in ignorance and manifests as unconditional hatred toward Muslims9. Seo also analyzes South Korean society at the time of the Yemenis’ arrival on Jeju Island. Comparing the responses of Jeju residents and other South Koreans toward the Yemenis, he explains how the 2018 influx transformed a previously imaginary fear of Muslims into a willingness to express anti-Muslim racism in real life10.
- 11 CHOI & PARK, 2020, p. 24.
- 12 CHOI & PARK, 2020, p. 8.
- 13 The impact of the spread of the COVID-19 has also hindered efforts to conduct in-depth interviews w (...)
5Previous studies have primarily focused on analyzing the responses and reactions of the South Korean population to Yemeni influx. That is, they have examined South Korean society through the lens of the refugee crisis. For instance, Choi and Park focus on diverse actors, such as anti- and pro-refugee groups, shelter providers, religious organizations, local residents, the Yemeni communities, the Jeju Immigration Office, the Jeju Provincial Government, and the Ministry of Justice11. The authors interview three government workers and five employees of non-governmental organizations12, but no Yemenis are interviewed, underscoring the absence of Yemeni perspectives from academic research. Yemenis in South Korea have always the subject of discussion and research; however, they have rarely had the opportunity to speak for themselves. Furthermore, studies have mainly focused on the time when Yemenis arrived on Jeju Island13. A few years have passed since then, and there has been limited research providing long-term perspectives on the lives of Yemenis in South Korea.
- 14 ROH, 2014; SHIN, 2017.
- 15 DONG et.al., 2023.
- 16 KIM & KOO, 2016.
6Research has investigated the employment system for foreign workers who come to work in Korea14. The Employment Permit System (EPS) was introduced by the South Korean government in 2004 to recruit low-skilled migrant workers. Dong et al. indicate that foreign workers perform low-skilled work and their labor does not affect Korean workers’ wages as the EPS draws a clear boundary between foreigners and native Koreans15. The EPS is highly regarded internationally, but Kim and Koo criticize it for exploiting foreign workers: they contend that the government is advancing multicultural policies for migrants, but these policies fall short of being truly multicultural16.
- 17 KIM, 2021; HARUKI & YOSHIDA, 2022; SANO, 2023.
7Many studies have also compared foreign labor conditions in Japan and the EPS in South Korea17, generally showing the EPS in a favorable light. The reason is that the EPS is much better than the similar systems to hire foreign workers in Japan.
8Most prior studies have focused on the EPS and the workers under it. Although Yemenis work in factories and at construction sites across South Korea, they are excluded from the EPS. Thus, their conditions remain underexplored in EPS research.
9The South Korean government ratified the Refugee Convention in 1992 and enacted the Refugee Act in 2011; however, there has not been sufficient research on the subsequent experiences of foreigners not recognized as refugees.
10This study seeks the perspectives of Yemenis to understand how they live and work in South Korea. Our examination of the realities of Yemenis who are caught between the EPS and the Refugee Act exposes glaring issues in the immigrant-receiving country of South Korea.
11In section II, we investigate how and why more than 500 Yemenis left Yemen and arrived at Jeju Island via Malaysia in 2018, receiving humanitarian stay permits. In section III, we discuss Korea’s EPS and Refugee Act. The EPS is highly regarded internationally, and the Refugee Act also has certain provisions for asylum seekers and recognized refugees; however, most Yemenis do not benefit from the EPS or the Refugee Act. In section IV, we describe the current living and working conditions of Yemenis in South Korea. We explore their working conditions, income levels, and spending habits, finding that although Yemenis may earn insubstantial incomes, they are able to lead better lives and support their families in Yemen. In conclusion, the Yemenis we interview report that they lead safer and better lives than their counterparts still living in Yemen; they also experience greater freedom than foreign workers working under the EPS. They are content with their lives in South Korea—as is the government, which presents itself as a human rights–oriented nation—and with the businesses that rely on their cheap labor.
12To protect their privacy, the informants are represented by numerical identifiers, and details such as their precise places of origin and ages are not listed.
- 18 Passport Index. URL: https://www.passportindex.org/passport/yemen/
13The reasons for which the Yemenis left their home country are not simple. The civil war, which has been ongoing, was not the only reason. Most informants fled by themselves or with their brothers or friends, leaving their families behind. It is not easy to leave the country, as Yemen is surrounded by the sea to the south and west and borders Saudi Arabia to the north, which has been intervening in the war. Moreover, the Yemeni passport is among the weakest passports18, so Yemenis must obtain visas for traveling abroad. They cannot stay for long in most countries even if they do get a visa. This forces them to move from country to country or overstay their visa.
14Most informants stayed in Malaysia before arriving at Jeju Island. Some of them had directly reached Malaysia, but others had gone to other countries first and then to Malaysia, while some originally transited through Malaysia on their way to South Korea.
15Yemen Airways had a direct flight from Sana’a to Malaysia, which was the easiest way to that country. However, only two of our informants came from Sana’a International Airport to Malaysia via this direct flight as the airport has been closed from the beginning of the civil war. For this reason, many informants had to travel to other cities or countries in order to fly to Malaysia.
- 19 FREITAG & CLARENCE-SMITH, 1997.
16Most Yemenis who arrived in South Korea entered primarily through Malaysia. One may wonder why Yemenis flew across the Indian Ocean to a county in Southeast Asia; the reason is that Malaysia, despite being far away geographically, is close to Yemen in certain aspects. There is a long history of trade between Yemen and countries in the Indian Ocean. Yemenis, most of whom are from Hadramaut, traded, spread Islam, and migrated to the coastal areas. Therefore, there have been strong relationships between Yemen and Southeast Asia19.
17After the 9/11 attacks in the United States of America, many Arab tourists could not visit Europe but chose to go to Malaysia, a Muslim-majority country that is “exotic” to Arabs. There are many Arab restaurants in Malaysia, Yemeni companies have branches and factories there, and the country also has a Yemeni student community20.
- 21 AL-MAJDHOUB et al., 2020; ALGHAODARI 2022; NASIR, 2022.
18However, a Yemeni who flees to Malaysia will encounter difficulties. One of our informants indicated that a Yemeni passport holder can only stay in Malaysia for up to 3 months on a tourist visa. Because Malaysia has not ratified the Refugee Convention, asylum seekers can only obtain a UNHCR card and do not have access to education and healthcare. The only alternative is illegal employment, which provides low wages21.
19According to the interviews conducted in this study, Arab restaurants in Malaysia hired Yemenis to work as dishwashers or cooks, with wages ranging from USD 100 to USD 600 per month. These adverse circumstances led some Yemenis to seek a new destination country. They relied on the internet and social media platforms such as WhatsApp to identify this destination.
- 22 MYUNG & CHOI, 2022, p. 78.
- 23 SEO, 2023, p. 230.
20To attract tourists, Jeju Island implemented a visa-exemption policy in 2002 that applies to most foreign visitors22. Additionally, a direct flight from Kuala Lumpur to Jeju Island was launched in December 201723. Following this, the number of Yemenis who came to Jeju Island started increasing.
21Yemenis arrived at Jeju Island knowing that they did not need a visa and that South Korea is an economically prosperous country. Few Yemenis had family or relatives in South Korea; most were among the first in their families to come to this country.
- 24 JISO, 2019, p. 8. As of 31 March 2024, Yemen is not on the list of the countries which are required (...)
- 25 There is an informant who arrived at Incheon International Airport on the mainland with a visa. His (...)
22The number of Yemenis arriving on Jeju Island increased every month since December 2017, and on June 1, 2018, the South Korean government discontinued visa-free entry for Yemenis24. At this point, the number of Yemenis who had arrived on Jeju Island exceeded 50025.
23The Yemenis interviewed in this study came to South Korea from diverse hometowns; they had differing levels of education and held varied occupations back home in Yemen. Most informants lived in areas controlled by the Houthis before leaving Yemen, although it is unclear whether these areas were more dangerous than other parts of the country. The educational backgrounds of the informants varied: some had completed secondary education, whereas others had not. Similarly, some had graduated from university, whereas others could not do so owing to the civil war. Their occupations in Yemen were wide-ranging, including working in offices, driving taxis and buses, working as cooks, and serving as government officials.
24Most of them had sufficient money to leave Yemen. They had smartphones, passports, and flight tickets; however, there were some who had little money when they arrived on Jeju Island. An informant told me that it cost approximately $2,000–2,500 to travel from Sana’a to Jeju Island. To bear these travel expenses, Yemenis had gathered money with the help of their families and/or earned it in the countries they lived in before South Korea. Thus, it can be said that the informants were neither from the lowest class nor from the upper class.
- 26 JISO, 2019, p. 8-13. Jeju Islanders were kind to Yemenis because they remembered the hardships of t (...)
25On Jeju Island, religious groups and volunteers provided the Yemenis with food, clothing, and shelter and taught them Korean26. Thus, the Yemenis had some accommodations available. However this was not always true; some informants revealed they had to sleep on the streets for a while and the accommodations they were provided were not always well-equipped. Nevertheless, their experience was not that of staying in a refugee camp far away from the city.
26Mainland Koreans did not respond warmly to the Yemenis. The news of the arrival of Yemenis on Jeju Island was widely reported across South Korea and surprised many Koreans who did not perceive them as typical refugees. This reaction stems from the prevalent stereotype that refugees are poor and weak, often being infantilized in media depictions. In addition, most Yemenis who arrived on Juju Island were men, leading Koreans to perceive them as terrorists or criminals. Since the 9/11 attacks, Muslims have been increasingly portrayed as members of terrorist groups. Anti-refugee groups regarded Yemeni refugees as economic migrants or fake refugees, not war victims, who want to exploit loopholes in the South Korean immigration system. The combination of Islamophobia and anti-refugee prejudice sparked controversy, with pro-refugee and anti-refugee groups organizing continual actions. More than 700,000 petitions were presented to the Korean Presidential Office Petition Board to revoke the acceptance of refugees, and approximately 4,000 online petitions were posted related to Yemeni refugees on Jeju Island, most of which were in opposition27.
- 28 Subsequently, the number of those officially recognized as refugees increased, and as far as I know (...)
- 29 JISO, 2019, p. 13.
27Refugee assessments started in June 2018. According to the final report published in December of the same year, 561 Yemenis had entered the country, of whom 549—504 men and 45 women—had applied for refugee status. Refugee assessments were conducted for 484 Yemenis, of whom 2 were granted refugee status28 and 412 received humanitarian stay permits29.
- 30 Refuge Act. URL: https://elaw.klri.re.kr/eng_service/lawTwoView.do?hseq=43622
28According to the Refugee Act, a person who is given permission to stay on humanitarian grounds does not meet the conditions of subparagraph 1, but there are reasonable grounds to believe that their life or personal freedom may be severely violated by torture, inhumane treatment or punishment, or other circumstances; thus, they are given permission to stay by the Minister of Justice in accordance with the Presidential Decree30.
- 31 As far as I know, several Yemenis left Korea; some did not like to stay there, and others were depo (...)
29Most Yemenis who have obtained a humanitarian stay permit have chosen to remain in the country31 and continue working as foreign workers. Before we explore their lives in South Korea, we will examine the relevant laws and systems that govern foreigners in South Korea.
30In this section, we review the EPS and the Refugee Act and examine the conditions of Yemenis living in South Korea, most of whom are excluded from both the EPS and the law.
- 32 From the 1960s to the 1980s, South Korea sent hundreds of thousands of workers, including soldiers, (...)
- 33 SANO, 2023, p. 16.
31Considering the significant challenges posed by a low birth rate and a declining population, it is essential for South Korea to accept foreign workers32. In the 1990s, South Korea launched a training and internship program for foreign workers, following a similar model implemented in Japan. However, in 2004, South Korea shifted away from the Japanese model, developing its own EPS33.
- 34 SHIN, 2017, p. 129.
- 35 There are two types of residency statuses under the EPS. One is the general Employment Permit Syste (...)
- 36 SHIN, 2017, p. 133-134.
32The EPS is a labor migration policy that was implemented by the Korean government to recruit low-skilled migrant workers from abroad34. Korea signed memoranda of understanding with 16 countries—Indonesia, the Philippines, Mongolia, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar, China, Timor-Leste, and Laos—to allow them to send workers through the EPS. Migrant workers who enter Korea through the EPS are issued E-9 visas35. E-9 workers are permitted to work in a limited number of industries, which include manufacturing, construction, service, agriculture/livestock breeding, offshore/inshore fishing, and fish breeding. These workers can, in theory, exercise their fundamental labor rights such as the freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining and action. They can also enjoy the same social benefits as Korean nationals36.
- 37 SHIN, 2017, p. 132-133.
- 38 SHIN, 2017, p. 134.
33The EPS is based on the basic principles of temporary labor migration. Foremost among these is the principle that migrant workers should be admitted only to supplement Korean labor. In other words, migrants should not replace local workers but should hold down costs and prices for small and medium-sized businesses that are facing labor shortages37. EPS workers can work in South Korea for a maximum of 9 years and 8 months38.
- 39 SANO, 2022, p. 46.
- 40 SHIN, 2017, p. 134.
34The EPS has been highly praised by the United Nations, the International Labour Organization, and the World Bank39; however, certain aspects of the system are disadvantageous to workers. The EPS is principally a temporary labor migration scheme, based on a fixed-term contract. Such contracts can be renewed on an annual basis. Under the EPS, migrant workers are restricted from being accompanied by their family members or obtaining permanent residency in Korea40.
- 41 DONG et.al., 2023, p. 4-5.
- 42 SHIN, 2017, p. 135.
- 43 HARUKI & YOSHIDA, 2022, p. 53.
35Those who work under the EPS experience difficulty in changing employers and cannot change their category of work. EPS workers are allowed to switch jobs in the same sector up to three times after acquiring a release letter from their employer or providing proof of abuse41. If a worker fails to apply for a transfer to another workplace within 1 month from the date on which their labor contract with a given employer is terminated, they become subject to repatriation42. Sometimes, employers mistreat or sexually harass migrant workers. However, workers who leave their workplace without permission are no longer allowed to reside in the country. Even if workers are subjected to violence or not paid their wages, they have no choice but to put up with this injustice43.
- 44 SHIN, 2017, p. 136-137.
36EPS workers have limited opportunities to obtain promotion to a higher-paying position during their temporary contracts, and employers have little incentive to offer wages beyond the minimum standard44.
- 45 LEE, 2012.
- 46 MYUNG & CHOI, 2022, p. 77.
37The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, also known as the 1951 Refugee Convention or the Geneva Convention of July 28, 1951, was ratified by South Korea in 1992, allowing foreigners to seek asylum in the country. Beginning in 2005, non-governmental organizations and refugee aid attorneys, under the auspices of the UNHCR and the National Human Rights Commission, worked on developing a Refugee Act distinct from the Immigration Control Act45. South Korea enacted this Refugee Act in 2011, the first independent refugee law in Asia46.
38This law has led to improvements in many aspects. The length of the refugee evaluation period, averaging around 20 months and occasionally extending up to 4–5 years, drew significant criticism previously. The Refugee Act addressed this by stipulating that the initial decision regarding refugee status and the decision on appeal should be rendered within 6 months.
39Before the enactment of the law, refugee applicants were not allowed to have employment and were not provided with a living stipend or essential provisions like food, clothing, or shelter. Consequently, 80% of refugee applicants resorted to illegal work to sustain themselves. The law ensures that all refugee applicants, including those who had appeals in process or were involved in ongoing lawsuits, were eligible to receive living expenses and access to residential facilities, medical services, and education. In addition, applicants could obtain a work permit 6 months after submitting their refugee application.
40Before the law was enacted, most refugee applicants were from non-English speaking countries, but 66% of the refugee assessment interviews were conducted in English and 20% in Korean. Approximately 70% of interviews were held without an interpreter. The current refugee law mandates the provision of interpretation services, guarantees applicants’ right to receive assistance from lawyers, and allows them to request the presence of a trusted individual during the proceedings.
41For recognized refugees, regulations such as social security, basic livelihood security, and social adaptation programs have been established to remedy the difficulties resulting from a lack of regulations on refugees. The law also created regulations on the recognition of academic degrees and other qualifications and on the permission of entry for family members47.
42Owing to the Refugee Act, those who are recognized as refugees and those who are applying for refugee status can live a better life.
- 48 MYUNG & CHOI, 2022, p. 83-84.
43Notably, while the number of asylum seekers grew rapidly following the enactment of the Refugee Act, the rate of persons receiving refugee status has remained considerably low. A South Korean refugee NGO reports that the proportion of individuals granted refugee status has remained consistent at approximately 3%—even lower than the average rate before the implementation of the Refugee Act48.
44The treatment of humanitarian status holders is discussed in only one article of the Refugee Act. Article 39 of Section 2 asserts that the Ministry of Justice may provide humanitarian status holders the permission to gain employment. Humanitarian status holders are legally permitted to stay in South Korea and work, but they receive no other protection or guarantee.
45Applicants for refugee status in South Korea are initially granted a G-1 visa, which permits them to work legally 6 months after submitting their refugee application. If applicants are recognized as refugees, they are issued an F-2 visa. Those who are not recognized as refugees but obtain humanitarian stay permits are issued a G-1-6 visa. Those who reapply for refugee status are granted a G-1-5 visa.
- 49 In interviews, some participants indicated the mistaken belief that acquiring humanitarian stay per (...)
46Most Yemenis in our study held G-1-6 visas; six held F-2 visas and a few held G-1-5 and F-6 visas at the time of the interview49. An F-6 visa, commonly referred to as a marriage visa, is issued to foreigners who are married to Korean nationals.
47The G-1-6 visa needs to be renewed annually, and holders are limited to simple job opportunities. G-1-6 visa holders cannot perform office work and cannot obtain a credit card. They cannot bring their family members to South Korea. Holders are also unable to establish their own businesses, although they can do so with the help of an F-2 visa holder or a Korean citizen. They are not prohibited from working in hotel cleaning; however, Yemenis are unlikely to find employment in this field on Jeju Island, according to an informant.
48The G-1-5 visa restricts movement outside Jeju Island and requires renewal every 6 months. Although the cards provided for the G-1-6 and G-1-5 visas appear identical on the front side, the frequency of renewal, indicated on the back side, distinguishes the visas.
49The F-2 visa needs to be renewed every 10 years and allows for the sponsorship of family members. It also permits holders to own a business and—with a Refugee Travel Document—to travel anywhere in the world.
50Acquiring Korean citizenship—or getting a Korean passport, as the Yemenis say—would grant migrants full citizenship rights, eliminating the need for any further visa renewal. Having citizenship allows obtaining credit cards and traveling to any country that accepts travelers with a Korean passport. Yemeni passports do not grant such privileges. A Yemeni informant noted that the possession of a Yemeni passport can be a source of stress. However, the acquisition of Korean citizenship requires applicants to pass ten or more exams, including tests on the Korean language, history, and culture. Many Yemenis who have lived in Korea for years are able to engage in everyday conversations in Korean, but they have little time to study Korean after their demanding daily labor is over. While the number of Yemenis seeking Korean citizenship is limited, those who achieve it should be commended for their efforts.
51The Refugee Act awards refugees a variety of benefits and rights. Applicants for the refugee status are entitled to receive assistance with their means of livelihood, housing, medical care, and education. However, it should be noted that humanitarian status holders are only granted permission to work, as stipulated in Article 39 of the Refugee Act. The EPS is highly regarded internationally, and E-9 visa holders are protected by this system, but G-1-6 and G-1-5 holders exist outside the framework of the EPS, which provides its comprehensive protection.
52Due to these factors, Yemenis must work under worse conditions than those around them, including Koreans, recognized refugees, and foreign workers employed under the EPS. We explore the lives of Yemenis in South Korea in the following section
53On Jeju Island, Yemenis began working in primary industries, which suffered labor shortages. Following this, they went to the mainland to seek further job opportunities; by the time of the interviews in this study, most Yemenis had been living on the mainland, working in factories or at construction sites. They generally performed “3D” (dirty, dangerous, and demeaning) jobs that Korean citizens avoid. Most Yemenis earn salaries that are lower than the average Korean salary; however, they manage to support themselves and their families back in Yemen while facing discrimination based on xenophobia and Islamophobia in Korea.
54Owing to labor shortages on Jeju Island, many Yemenis initially began working in agriculture, livestock farming, and fishing. In agriculture, their tasks include harvesting and processing mandarins, tea, and radishes. The island is known for its mandarins and tea, and radishes are used in kimchi, an essential part of Korean meals. Yemenis also engaged in livestock farming focused on breeding Jeju horses, which are native to the island. According to the Refuge Act, those who have applied for refugee status can work 6 months after their application, but the Yemenis who applied for refugee status found jobs earlier50.
55As a tourist destination, however, the island has limited employment opportunities, with more abundant options available on the mainland. Therefore, most Yemenis left Jeju Island and relocated to the mainland after receiving their G-1-6 visa. As of September 2022, according to the Yemenis and Koreans I spoke with, only forty or fifty Yemenis remained on the island. I also learned that no Yemenis were working in the fishing industry because it required physical strength, and some Yemenis called it deathly work. Another reason that the Yemenis stopped working in this industry was they had to eat raw fish while on board as there was no other food available, and they were not used to this.
56Yemenis have found work through their friends, employment agencies at Daerim, and the internet. Daerim is a well-known station with many employment agencies in its locality. Although I could not find any Arabic materials around Daerim in February 2024, the agencies there were commonly used by Yemenis around 2020.
57When I began interviewing in 2022, about 4 years had passed since Yemenis started working in South Korea. Some of them chose to work in factories to receive a reliable monthly salary, while others preferred daily-wage jobs that allowed them to earn potentially higher amounts.
58On the mainland, Yemenis are employed in diverse industries, including shipyards, automobile and bus factories, electronic appliance component manufacturing, textile factories, and poultry processing plants, in cities such as Mokpo, Ulsan, Iksan, and Seoul. An informant reported that the Mokpo shipyard once employed more than 200 Yemenis, but the physically demanding nature of the work has led to a decline in the number of workers. Some Yemenis have university degrees; nevertheless, they end up working in factories without an opportunity to apply their specialized knowledge in subjects such as English, pharmaceuticals, and engineering.
- 51 1 US Dollar was 1,357 South Korean Won as of November 2022. URL: https://www.x-rates.com/average/?f (...)
59I engaged in daily-wage work on Jeju Island and then worked at a horse-breeding ranch. I worked there for 2 years. After taxes, my monthly salary was ₩2,000,00051. Then, I left the island for Iksan on the mainland, where I found work at a poultry processing plant. I worked there for 6 months. Then, I went to another factory that manufactures components of cars and washing machines, where I worked for 5 months. The monthly salary was ₩2,050,000. Now, I have been working at a rubber factory near Seoul with one day off per week. The salary is about ₩2,000,000. Seoul is a good city, but the people on Jeju Island are better.
60My first job involved making fishing nets using machines; this was in Jeju, where I worked with another Yemeni. I was there for 4 months. Then, I left Jeju for Seoul to find work. I spent 20 days but did not find a job. Then, I went to Iksan and worked at a poultry processing plant for 1 year and 8 months. Thereafter, I went to Nonsan to work at a tissue factory for 2 months. I have been working at a recycling plant for 2 years. I work from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m., with one day off per week. My monthly salary is ₩2,800,000. There are other Yemenis in the factory. There are many Koreans and Uzbekistanis.
- 52 The center is located near the bus terminal in New Jeju, Jeju city. It has simple accommodation wit (...)
61My first job on Jeju Island was fishing. It was hard, and I got seasick. I had to eat raw fish, which I did not like. I went back to the center52 and moved to a house offered for rent by a Korean. I lived there for 3 months. Then, I was taken care of by an older Korean and worked for him for 6 months. At the end of 2018, I left Jeju for Jeonju on the mainland to work at a factory of the Hyundai Motor Company. I was there for 7–8 months. Thereafter, I worked at a kimchi factory in Wonju for 5–6 months. After that, I didn’t have work for 3–4 months. I went to Daerim to find a job. Then, I worked at a horse-breeding ranch for 4 months and at a bus factory in Hwamyeong for 3 months. I found work there with other Yemenis. Following that, I took a vacation to Malaysia and stayed there for 2 months at the beginning of 2020. When I returned to South Korea, I found daily-wage construction work in Cheongju and have been working there ever since.
62Yemenis who prefer daily-wage jobs tend to engage in transient employment. Some Yemenis employed in salaried positions remain with a single workplace for an extended period, whereas others switch jobs multiple times.
63I first worked at a seafood restaurant on Jeju Island, and then I got a steady job at a poultry processing plant on the mainland. I have worked here for 3 years. My monthly salary is around ₩3–3.5 million. The factory operates on a three-shift schedule: 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., 5 p.m. to 1 a.m., and 1 a.m. to 9 a.m. The wages fluctuate depending on the shift.
64While the above informant has worked at a processing plant for 3 years, the next two informants changed work frequently, moving from place to place in South Korea.
65My first job was a daily-wage position on Jeju Island. After that, I went to Seoul but couldn’t find work. I worked at a cardboard factory in Cheonan for 3 months. Then, I worked at a plastic factory near Seoul for 7 months. Afterward, I worked at a bus factory in Hwamyeong for 2 years and 2 months and then at a textile factory in Gumi for 8 months. Currently, I have been engaged in daily-wage work at a construction site in Daejeon for the last 6 months. I receive ₩130,000 a day.
66My first job on Jeju Island was on a fishing boat. I had terrible seasickness, and I could not eat anything for 3 days. I wanted to get off the boat, but they said that the boat was headed to Japan and was not immediately returning. So, I swam to a nearby boat and made my way back to Jeju Island. I received ₩1,000,000 for this job.
67Following this, a Christian organization offered me accommodations, but they required me to attend their teachings for a few hours every day. I got tired of this and quit 6 months later. I went back to the center for several days. Then, I worked in radish harvesting and at a factory for 2 months. I returned to the center again. Following that, I worked at a Korean restaurant for a year.
68After receiving a G-1-6 visa, I left Jeju Island and worked at a car factory and an aluminum factory in Seoul. The car factory operated on a two-shift schedule, with employees alternating weekly between day and night shifts. My monthly salary was ₩3,500,000. I worked at the car factory for 5 months and at the aluminum factory for only 2 days. I moved to Incheon and got a daily-wage job there; then, I returned to Jeju Island and worked at a seafood restaurant. My monthly salary was ₩2,800,000. I worked there for 2 months and quit after that because there were fights among the Yemeni workers at the restaurant. Later, I worked as a day laborer at a fruit factory in Iksan on the mainland for 2 months, and then I returned to Jeju Island and worked at a steel factory for 2 months, but I was very tired.
69I have been working at a restaurant on Jeju Island for the last 2 months. My take-home pay is ₩3,000,000. My friend referred me to this job. I work 6 days a week. My day off is Monday. The restaurant works from 11 a.m. to 9 p.m., but I always work from 10 a.m. to 10:30 p.m.
- 53 Jeju Islanders were not always more generous to Yemenis compared with other Koreans [SEO, 2023].
70Some Yemenis remained on Jeju, some returned to the island after working in the mainland, and some return there for the holidays. They say that they love the island, the islanders, and the weather53. In addition to the primary industry, the Yemenis on Jeju Island are employed in restaurants and at aluminum, steel, scrap, and car factories. In addition, some have daily-wage jobs, such as at construction sites.
71I started harvesting mandarins in Jeju because the religious center referred me to the job. I have worked here for more than 3 years. I work with Korean colleagues, and they are nice to me. They don’t understand English, but now I understand their Korean. My monthly salary is ₩2,000,000, with one day off per week.
72My first job in Jeju Island was at an aluminum factory, where I made windows and doors. The center referred me to this job. I then went to Mokpo on the mainland to work at a shipyard. Following this, I worked at a tire factory in Busan, a soybean factory in Seoul, a poultry processing plant in Iksan, and another factory in Seoul. Now, I am working at the same aluminum factory in Jeju, as my Korean boss there asked me to come back to work. The island is nice and clean. My boss is like my father. I have worked here for 6 months. My monthly salary is ₩2,500,000.
73I could not find a job after 3 years on Jeju Island and in Seoul. I have been working at the shipyard at Mokpo for more than a year. This work is difficult and dangerous. I only work for 15 days a month.
74There is no mosque in Mokpo, but there are prayer halls. The shipyard has restaurants, but they only sell Korean food. There were once many Yemenis here, but there are few left now. A bad Korean boss stole from the Yemenis. There are Syrians, Iraqis, Moroccans, Algerians, Egyptians, Russians, Indians, Bangladeshis, Pakistanis, Sri Lankans, Filipinos, Thais, and people of other nationalities working at the shipyard. I am not sure of the number of workers, but I think there are thousands.
- 54 Chuseok is a 3-day holiday in the eighth month of the lunisolar calendar in South Korea.
75I return to the island when I have time off. When Ramadan started, I did not work and returned to the island for a month. I didn’t earn anything at all during this time. The shipyard employed other foreigners during my absence, I suppose. It is the Chuseok holiday54 now, and that’s why I am here on the island. I come back to the island by ship. It takes about 5 hours, and I always get seasick. The weather and people in Jeju are nice.
- 55 Syrians came to South Korea earlier and started this business before Yemenis.
- 56 Used car export sales in Japan are conducted by foreigners such as Pakistanis [FUKUDA, 2021].
76Several Yemenis with F-2, F-6, and G-1-6 visas have also established businesses in Seoul and other cities, such as restaurants, cleaning companies, coffee importation and roasting businesses, interpretation businesses, scrap car sales, and used car export sales. A few restaurants in South Korea serve mainly Yemeni cuisine with Yemeni chefs and Yemeni owners. The coffee importing business brings Yemeni coffee beans into South Korea. Some foreigners, including Yemenis, work as used car dealers55 in Incheon. Coffee, Yemeni restaurants, and used car exports may be understood as ethnic businesses of Yemenis in South Korea56.
- 57 Average monthly salary. URL: https://www.statista.com/statistics/962680/south-korea-average-monthly (...)
77According to my research, the highest monthly salary for a Yemeni in South Korea, excluding entrepreneurs, is ₩3,500,000. In 2022, the average monthly wage of a male employee in South Korea was around ₩4,130,00057. The highest-earning Yemenis earn less than the average Korean.
- 58 Minimum wage. URL: https://joinhorizons.com/countries/south-korea/hiring-employees/minimum-wage/
78Some Yemenis prefer to perform daily-wage work on Jeju Island and the mainland. A significant number of them do not have health insurance, and no taxes are withheld from their daily wages. Consequently, they regard daily-wage work as an opportunity to earn more than they can through factory work. Those who work at construction sites reported receiving daily cash payments of ₩130,000. They can earn approximately ₩3,250,000 per month, with one day off per week, which is a slightly higher amount than Yemeni factory workers. For reference, the hourly minimum wage in South Korea was ₩9,160 in 202258. The Yemenis told me that they worked from 7 a.m. to 4 p.m., so their hourly wages are much better than the minimum wage.
79However, daily-wage jobs can be risky. A Yemeni told me that he had been injured at work and had lost his job just before our interview. Another Yemeni was injured at work and had visited a clinic before our interview. His injury was not serious, and he said that he could work on the following day. However, he had no support, such as health insurance.
- 59 Driving with an international driving permit is prohibited, so Yemenis must have a driver’s license (...)
80Most informants were able to support themselves in Korea, although their monthly salaries were below the Korean average; daily-wage jobs came with risks but allowed Yemenis to increase their income. Yemenis are able to purchase new or used cars if necessary59. On the day of their interview, four Yemenis working at the same factory were planning to buy a used car with their pooled money. They would use it to commute to work and do their weekend shopping. Another Yemeni drove his car to our interview.
- 60 Yemen has a long history of remittances. Remittances from Yemeni emigrants have helped support thei (...)
81Most informants send money to their families in Yemen60. Their families received fund transfers in dollars via major money transfer companies such as Western Union or through other methods as of 2024. In Yemen, where inflation is rampant, even $100 is a significant amount, and families greatly appreciate receiving dollars.
82Some Yemenis go abroad, such as to Turkey, Malaysia, and Japan, for vacation. A few have gone back to Yemen for certain reasons and then returned to South Korea. It is easy for Yemenis who have a G-1-6 visa to go abroad and return to South Korea. They believe that the reason for this freedom of international travel is that the Korean government needs cheap foreign labor.
- 61 Marriage expenses include the bride wealth as well as funds for the wedding reception and a set of (...)
83Furthermore, several Yemenis save their money for marriage expenses61. A significant amount of money is required for a man who wishes to be married in Yemen. In Sana’a, mahr, or bride wealth, of at least $10,000 is considered sufficient, although this depends on the socioeconomic status of families. Nonetheless, young Yemeni men cannot afford this amount on their own. The average monthly salary of a Yemeni public servant is approximately $100. The father, brothers, uncles, grandfathers, and even neighbors of the groom-to-be contribute money, allowing the Yemeni to get married.
84Several Yemenis in South Korea have returned to Yemen and gotten married there, some have held wedding receptions in a country other than Yemen, and others have brought a bride back with them to Jeju Island. However, under humanitarian stay permits, families cannot be brought to South Korea. Therefore, even if a Yemeni marries on Jeju Island, the bride cannot reside in Korea with her husband on a humanitarian stay permit. There are alternatives such as having the wife apply for refugee status herself or having her stay on a student visa; however, these alternatives are not widely available.
- 62 At that time, Sana’a International Airport was closed, and all flights headed to Aden International (...)
85From February to August of this year, I was back in Yemen. I couldn’t go to my hometown, but my family came to Aden62, and we had a wedding reception. My wife is bint ‘ammatî, my father’s sister’s daughter, and we have known each other since childhood. Afterward, I returned to South Korea alone. We are expecting a baby soon.
86I have been working in South Korea to save up money for marriage. Three weeks ago, I got engaged to a Yemeni woman. She was introduced to me by my sister. After our marriage, I want to live with her in South Korea, so I am exploring options that will allow her to reside here.
87I married an Arab woman whom I met through a friend. We went to Jordan for our wedding reception. We lived separately for a while, but then I went to Malaysia to meet my wife. After that, my wife came to South Korea, applied for refugee status, and now we live together.
- 63 HARUKI & YOSHIDA, 2022.
88While some Yemenis got engaged and married Arab women, some married Korean nationals, some married foreigners, and some became divorced. If a Yemeni man marries a Korean national, their child would receive significant support from the government63. However, if a child is born to foreign parents in Korea, the child does not receive Korean citizenship.
89Some workplaces employ more than one Yemeni. During my research, I found a restaurant on Jeju Island where 11 Yemenis worked together. In Iksan, four Yemenis were employed at the same workplace, and two shared one-room apartments in the same building. Additionally, another four Yemenis worked at a construction site in Daejeon and were close friends, with two of them living together in an apartment. It seems that Yemenis tend to engage in communal living and activities.
90However, not all Yemenis engage in such extensive communal living. Yemenis may refer their friends to jobs but may not necessarily work together. Two Yemeni friends may live together but may work at different places. In one case, a Yemeni volunteered to switch to a different workplace to avoid conflicts that may arise when multiple Yemenis work together.
91The Yemenis’ residences are dispersed all over South Korea, and they do not appear to live in a concentrated community.
- 64 The informants did not note any resemblance between Jeju Island and Yemen or their hometown village (...)
92Many informants have expressed their love for Jeju Island, the kindness of its people, and its mild climate. The reasons for their attachment to the island include that it was the first place where they lived in Korea, and the local volunteers here provided them with support for their basic needs. Additionally, the island’s small size is attractive as the Yemenis do not have to move around a great deal. While many Yemenis work on the mainland, some return to the island for vacation, and some choose to work on the island after they have worked on the mainland64. However, the Yemenis are scattered across the island.
93On Jeju Island, two restaurants serve Yemeni cuisine, catering to local Muslims, Koreans, and tourists in addition to attracting Yemenis. The Yemeni restaurants in Incheon also serve Muslims from the area.
94Many factories are closed on Sundays, not on Fridays; furthermore, mosques are frequently described as catering to Indonesians or Pakistanis, which could deter Yemenis, who are in the minority, from attending. None of the informants said that they went to mosques to meet fellow Yemenis or Muslims.
- 65 I heard that Koreans and Yemenis had dinner together once a month on Jeju Island, but it was diffic (...)
- 66 OTSUBO, 2021.
95Yemenis have many friends on social media, but they do not necessarily work together or live close to one another. Yemeni restaurants do not actively serve as community centers. To the best of my knowledge, there are no regular gatherings65 at mosques or other places, unlike the gatherings in Yemen, where people meet and chew qat66.
96Yemenis are scattered and work around the country, and their workplaces are international. In addition to Yemenis, a shipyard in Mokpo, for example, employs workers from Syria, Iraq, Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, Russia, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Thailand, Yemen, and other countries. An aluminum factory in Nonsan employs workers from Uzbekistan, Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia, Yemen and other countries. A poultry processing plant in Iksan employs workers from Iraq, Syria, Morocco, Tunisia, Vietnam, Russia, Uzbekistan, and Yemen. This information, derived from Yemeni sources, provides a glimpse into the significant presence of foreign workers in South Korea, even those from countries other than the 16 listed in the EPS.
- 67 Status of registered foreigners by region/residence status, 31 March 2023. URL: https://viewer.moj. (...)
97More research on visa status is necessary, but workers under the EPS appear to work together with workers who have other visas. According to official statistics, as of March 2023, there are 263,256 E-9 visa holders and 38,462 G-1 visa holders in Korea67. The number of E-9 visa holders is much higher than that of G-1 visa holders, but the latter supplements the former.
98It may have been difficult for my Yemeni informants to discuss their experiences of discrimination with me out of fear that I will report them to the authorities; at the same time, it might have been easier for them to tell me because I am not Korean. One Yemeni told me that he was discriminated against on the street due to his non-Korean appearance. Another Yemeni switched jobs frequently because he experienced discrimination from his Korean bosses, colleagues, and neighbors. Another Yemeni told me that his Korean colleagues often skipped work, leaving him to work alone. They asked how much he earned on payday. They did not respond to him and neglected him when he said hello to them on the street on weekends. He thought that they were ignoring him because they did not want people to know that he was their colleague.
99Yemenis sometimes complained about the mainstream media. In a media interview, one Yemeni said, “I didn’t like Korean food at first, but I gradually came to like it.” However, only the first part of his statement was used in a media depiction to imply that Yemenis are not making efforts to integrate into Korean society. Another Yemeni refused to let me take notes during the interview; his responses were committed to memory for subsequent inclusion in this study. This was because a previous media report had mentioned things that the informant had not said in their interview. Yemenis are aware that the mainstream media can create a negative image of them.
100All of the informants discussed so far have been men. Now, we listen to the voices of Yemeni women. Because the number of women I was able to interview is small, I have not assigned numbers to them. Some of them are working or have worked at restaurants doing dishwashing or cooking, flower shops, factories, and even in shipyards. According to my data, their salaries are lower than those of Yemeni men.
101Yemeni women experienced discrimination in a different way than men, as Muslim women are easily recognized by their scarf. There have also been incidents in which Koreans have pulled the scarves off the heads of some Yemeni women in public places. A Yemeni woman told me that she frightened people when she wore the scarf, as people thought she might be a terrorist. Another woman told me that no one sat beside her on the bus due to her scarf that marked her as a Muslim, so she gave up wearing it.
102Yemeni men generally experience xenophobia in public places, but women must endure Islamophobia as well. Yemeni men are not always recognized as Muslims on the streets, but women are. Islamophobia in South Korea was realized with the influx of Yemenis68, who were almost all men, but it is Yemeni women who are at the receiving end of the associated hatred.
103Yemenis fled to South Korea to escape the civil war in their country. Most applied for refugee status in South Korea but were not granted it. Instead, they were granted humanitarian stay permits and are now working in South Korea under G-1 visas. They left their hometowns in search of a safer life, but they also left to work for the sake of their families and for themselves. In South Korea, they take on the lowest-tier jobs, but they still earn enough to make a living. They are able to send money back to their families in Yemen and to save for marriage expenses. They can even travel abroad or temporarily return home. They enjoy greater freedom in South Korea than they can in war-torn Yemen.
104Foreign workers who are covered under the EPS are guaranteed appropriate working conditions. However, like G-1-6 visa holders, they work in so-called 3D jobs and cannot bring their families to South Korea. While Yemenis who have G-1-6 visas face worse conditions compared with E-9 visa holders, they enjoy greater freedom in terms of job selection—albeit limited—and mobility. E-9 visa holders must secure employment within a month of termination of their previous employment, making overseas travel virtually impossible. Even when these workers change jobs, there is little chance of a salary increase. In contrast, Yemenis can leave their job within a few days if they are dissatisfied and look for a new one. Changing jobs can even lead to better pay. Yemenis may also be able to bring their spouses to South Korea through various means. Additionally, there is currently no time limit on the duration of stay for G-1-6 visa holders. Thus, Yemenis enjoy more freedom compared with E-9 visa holders.
105However, Yemenis with G-1-6 visas lead less stable lives compared with recognized refugees. Their visas must be renewed each year. They cannot bring their families to South Korea or start their own businesses under this visa. They must make a living by working in 3D jobs. Yemenis with G-1-6 visas thus enjoy a risky form of freedom, whereas those with G-1-5 visas have less freedom.
106Yemenis have been integrated into South Korean society as they offer cheap foreign labor. Although they face discrimination, it is not rampant and has not compelled them to leave South Korea. It is uncertain whether South Korea provides the necessities that Yemenis initially sought. However, the fact remains that humanitarian stay permits allow Yemenis to lead safer and more stable lives compared with their counterparts in Yemen.
107South Korea presents itself as a human rights–oriented nation to the international community owing to its Refugee Act and the EPS. Firms benefit from the Refugee Act as it enables them to hire foreign workers via simple procedures; the workers can be paid low wages and can be dismissed easily compared with those employed under the EPS. For the present, we can conclude that Yemenis, the South Korean government, and South Korean firms are in a mutually beneficial relationship.
- 69 MYUNG & CHOI, 2022, p. 88.
108While humanitarian stay permits were intended to be humanitarian in nature, they have become a source of cheap foreign labor. These permits could even be described as providing a cost-effective form of refugee status. It is not true that Yemenis are exploiting loopholes in the immigration system or that this makes them economic migrants or fake refugees, not war victims69; in fact, Yemenis are war victims as well as economic migrants, and it is the loophole between the Refugee Act and the EPS that allows them to find shelter and employment.
109The G-1 visa allows employment, but it is not categorized as a work visa. Thus, it can be said that by granting G-1 visas, including to Yemenis, the South Korean society is acquiring a cheap labor force for itself under the guise of humanitarianism.
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