1The 1960s were a foundational decade for Kuwait. In June of 1961, the British protectorate obtained its independence. Simultaneously, Kuwait had to manage Iraq's territorial claims within a historical context deeply influenced by the Cold War. Such a situation required immediate regional and international support. At the regional level, Kuwait joined the Arab League in July 1961 to gain support from neighboring nations. At the international level, Kuwait sent two diplomatic missions to find international recognition. The first went to Latin America. They planned to visit Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba, Ecuador, Mexico, and Venezuela. The second mission traveled to Asia. They planned visits to Burma, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaya, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Turkey (Oron, 1961, pp. 446–450). Later, in May 1963, Kuwait became a member of the United Nations, securing its sovereignty amid political changes in Iraq and extending British support until 1967 (Bismarck, 2009, p. 95). As the country embarked on a state- and nation-building process, Kuwait also joined the Non-Aligned Movement by 1964. In this manner, the Bandung Conference was understood as a “symbolic moment of international diplomacy” (Shimazu, 2014, p. 231), and its principles of self-determination, sovereignty, non-aggression, and non-interference resonated in the Gulf. This movement reinforced the Arab League’s mission to confront the territorial and water disputes between Palestine and Israel after their meeting in Cairo in 1964. Then, Kuwait strengthened its solidarity with the global south, especially with nations from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Despite these connections, scholars have overlooked the cultural exchange between Kuwait and Asia and, more particularly, with Japan.
2During the 1960s, Kuwaiti media experienced unprecedented growth due to public support for well-established Arab publications, including the well-known magazine Al-Arabi, among others, such as Kuwait Al-Youm, Weekly News, Al-Sha’ab, and Al-Seyassah (Al-Najdi and Mcrea, 2012, pp. 55–60). Kuwait rapidly evolved into a media hub, disseminating local, regional, and international information to its neighbors in the Gulf. In addition, the modernization process associated with the oil industry and the configuration of the urban grid reshaped the demographics of Kuwait. A highly diverse population arrived in Kuwait from Arab and Western countries avid of information, whether in Arabic or English. In this context, the Kuwait Times was founded as a private entity by Yousuf Saleh Al-Alyan (1932-2007) to serve newcomers and a local minority readership competent in English. The newspaper’s mission was to deliver reliable and liberal perspectives on issues concerning the Arab World (Rugh, 2004, p. 55). The cosmopolitan scope of the publication included sections of international news, primarily provided by well-established agencies such as AP and Reuters, and to a lesser extent by an evolving team of Arab journalists. While these narratives generally promoted cultural exchange between independent Kuwait and other nations, we must consider the diverse readership within Kuwait. In 1961, Kuwait had around 300,000 residents, with 50% being foreigners and a demographic growth rate of 10%. At that time, literacy among locals was just over 50%, which explains why 90% of teachers were foreigners (Duarte, 2023, pp. 5–8). Therefore, the significance of the Kuwait Times resides in its role in fostering close ties between distant nations while becoming a source of information in lingua franca for a multi-ethnic society. By circulating international information -specifically about Japan, the Kuwaiti newspaper set in motion an ambivalent imaginary concerning modernization in Asia and its potential applications within Kuwaiti nationalist endeavors.
3Therefore, the Kuwait Times introduced the Japanese way of life to the Kuwaiti audience as an example of Asian cultural revival. To understand this cultural exchange between Asian partners, we traced the articles published in Japan by the Kuwaiti newspaper between 1961 and 1971. We draw our findings from ninety-nine fillers, articles, and editorials written about Japan. This collection is at the National Library of Kuwait and has not been cataloged or digitalized yet. For this reason, we collected all entries analogically. Surprisingly, half of these entries were published between 1969 and 1971. Rather than relying solely on articles provided by news agencies, we emphasize the editorials of Yousuf Saleh Al-Alyan following his visit to Japan in 1964. We briefly overview the bilateral relations between Kuwait and Japan and delve into Al-Alyan's account of Japanese modernization. This narrative elucidates his role as a commercial and diplomatic liaison between the two nations. We argue that Al-Alyan discovers a Japanese modernization suitable to reconcile the cultural dichotomies introduced by modernization in Kuwait. In other words, Al-Alyan's narrative envisions Kuwaiti cultural practices tailored after Japanese cultural syncretism, where the pursuit of modernization enhances traditions and vice versa. This notion of modernization encompasses cultural and scientific knowledge along with heritage preservation to advance Kuwait’s leadership in the region. Furthermore, the efficiency and comfort of the Japanese liberal lifestyle were perceived as guarantors of freedom of expression and as boosters of democratic principles (Feb 5, 1965). Hence, this article offers a deeper understanding of the Japanese influence in Kuwait, as introduced by Al-Alyan during a period characterized by the Arab exploration of cultural paradigms beyond the cultural and political realm of the Western powers.
4In this way, it is important to attempt a definition of cultural syncretism within the context of post-war Japan. The scholastic theorization of syncretism includes other concepts such as hybridization and creolization. They all have attempted from different perspectives and multiple geographical and historical settings to explain the negotiation of human practices and beliefs. As explained by the Mexican culturalist Carlos García Canclini in his masterwork “Hybrid Cultures,” describes how socio-cultural practices can be combined to create new ones. This approach considers globalization and the migratory patterns of contemporary societies at the crossroads between tradition and modernization (García Canclini, 2001, pp. 3–12). His idea is to clear the notion of purity from cultures while suggesting cultural evolutionism to a certain extent. Likewise, creolization, as explained by the philosopher from Martinique, Edouard Glissant, takes us to the roots of socially forced human interaction, such as slavery, in which the absence of predictability generally results in plurality. Glissant takes into consideration the adversity experienced by Africans to underscore how language, beliefs, and expressions emerged from asymmetrical relations (Glissant, 2008, p. 84; Mulira, 2015, p. 118). Both theories attempt to dislocate the borders of cultures by deconstructing metanarratives that emerged from modernity and explaining everyday practices through which human subjects negotiate their identities.
5In Japan, the notion of syncretism has been applied to examine shifts in religious beliefs. According to Jacques H. Kamstra, Japanese society exhibited significant elasticity and receptivity towards the harmonic combination of Shinto, Buddhism, and Christianity. Beneath Kamstra’s ideas lies a theological reflection on individual and social identity based on appropriating what seems different and unknown. For him, the outcome of this dichotomy between “isolation and absorption” constitutes a new entity different from the ones merged (Kamstra, 1967, pp. 2–7, 461). From a culturalist perspective, Charles Steward defines the term as “the process by which cultures constitute themselves at any given point in time” (Stewart, 1999, p. 41). This author stresses the negativity inherited from colonial times due to the tension between cultural authenticity and oppression linked to mimicry. But he also mentions syncretism allows us to think of culture as an everchanging structure instead of a fixed structure transmitted from generation to generation (1999, p. 55). Moreover, culture results from specific socio-cultural contexts that “both deform and confirm the structure” and traditions. Therefore, societies move away from determinism, considering all transactions that emerged in multicultural settings. Having said that, cultural syncretism resembles “cultural affiliation[s] over and above,” in which social categories that are “supposedly opposite” are mixed (Brooker, 2003, p. 247) under asymmetrical contact zones created by individuals (Pratt, 2008, p. 7). In this sense, cultural syncretism accommodates, contests, appropriates, and projects inherited social structures into a classificatory cultural system split between “authentic” and mixed layers, taking into consideration certain traceability. Therefore, cultural syncretism implies mixedness in societies (Stewart, 1999, pp. 42–58).
- 1 As stated in his seminal work “Kuwait Urbanization”, George Saba Shiber was born in a Palestine fam (...)
6In Kuwait, cultural syncretism has not been a relevant framework, nor was it mentioned in the Kuwait Times during the 1960s. However, there is a relevant entry by the internationally known urbanist George Saba Shiber,1 entitled “The Rising Sun Is a Piece of Art” that came out on February 11, 1964, months ahead of Al-Alyan’s articles. At the time, Shiber returned from his second visit to Japan, where he served as a public official, and upon his return, he acted as guest editor in the Kuwait Times. Shiber contributed intensively to the daily, but in this article, Shiber seems to translate the Japanese cultural syncretism to an aesthetical experience of the Japanese metropolis. Shiber concludes Japan is a combination of “indivisible static and kinetic continuum” elements that facilitated the reconstruction after the war. In other words, culture is made from fixed and dynamic elements. In the Japanese cities, Shiber finds examples of this apparent juxtaposition. For example, the dichotomy between a “money economy” and a “human economy” is sorted out in the Japanese streets. Modernization has kept a balance with the human scale, promoting a livable “metamorphosis.” This theorization is inspired by his perception of a city in which opposite elements are accommodated aesthetically to build a new national culture. For example, ugliness and beauty, chaos and order, skyscrapers, and small wooden shops create an urban landscape where tradition meets Western influence. Most likely, Al-Alyan was quite aware of Shiber’s aesthetical perception of the Japanese reconfiguration of their cultural isolation and their openness to science. As editor-in-chief, he was also informed of Shiber’s interest in replicating how Japanese industrialization improved the quality of life in the way Europe and the US have done it. Al-Alyan will then portray everyday Japanese life as an exemplary collective effort to revive a country merging past and present.
7Arab interest in Japanese culture can be traced back to the early 20th century, particularly after Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War, which demonstrated its ability to counter Western expansion. According to Mona Abaza, Japan's success as a non-Western nation resonated with Arab reformists, as it presented a model of modernity that preserved cultural traditions. In her work, Abaza cited key figures like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–1897), who, after visiting Japan, highlighted Japan’s ability to advance by shifting the primary societal drive away from religion. Likewise, Egyptian visiting scholars like Rashid Rida, Mustafa Kamil, Ra’uf Abbas, and Nasr Hamid Abu-Zayd are mentioned as their work critically examined Arab society in comparison to Japan’s progress in religion, economy, and geography, as well as its ability to overcome underdevelopment and cultural dependency (Abaza, 2011, p. 19). In the Gulf, the connections with the Japanese were established by traders during the 1950s. Mr. Tanimura, a representative of Matsushita, a Japanese company producing consumer electronics like TVs, radios, and batteries, visited multiple places such as Tehran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt in 1954. Although his initial entry into the Kuwaiti market was challenging due to local preference for American, British, or German products, Kuwaiti businessman Easa Husain al-Yousifi used his commercial skills to shift this perception (Al Yousifi, 2006, pp. 70–77). By the 1960s, he became the exclusive distributor of Matsushita products, including National and Panasonic brands. Al-Yousifi’s close relationship with Japan’s innovative industry is thoroughly detailed in his autobiography, where he describes how commercial representatives from both cultures encountered and interpreted “the other” during mutual visits to Kuwait and Japan.
Figure 1
Al-Yousifi with Matsushita Agents in 1966.
8In general terms, Kuwait is described within the limits of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA), while some prefer to pin it to the Gulf Region. Kuwait has been primarily studied within the borderlines of a Middle Eastern paradigm centered around Cairo. However, scholars have demonstrated that the division of the world into regions is a consequence of Eurocentrism. The classic division between the global south and north has left us with a maritime and geographical lexicon shaping scholarly discourses. Similarly, geographical assumptions have contributed to the configuration of collective identities within specific boundaries. According to historian Roderic Davison, the Middle East as a marker of identities was initially coined by the American Captain Alfred Thaye Mahan in 1890. He designated an indeterminate region extending from the Suez Canal to Singapore (Davison, 1960). However, geographers like Alexander Humboldt and Oskar Peschel argued for Europe's "absolute" continental separation from other continents, proposing an alternative framework (Lewis and Wigen, 2004, pp. 21–46). Despite this divergence, Winston Churchill later adopted the term 'Middle East' as a geopolitical concept to refer to eastern regions centered around Constantinople (Davison, 1960, pp. 667–669). Today, we often frame Kuwait within the context of the Arabian Gulf region, influenced by the consolidation of religious and political power in Saudi Arabia. Nevertheless, these fragmented perceptions of geography have contributed to the persistence of identities primarily rooted in cultural distinctions according to the -cultural- separation or proximity to specific communities.
9In this vein, cultural encounters are often mediated by artifacts that convey an asymmetrical hierarchy between “us” and “them.” Typically, the imposed borders within “imaginative geographies” designate certain subjects as exotic (Said, 1994, pp. 44–54). However, there is significant “fluidity” between these assigned categories. According to the anthropologist and historian Fernando Coronil, Japan was, until recently, a symbol of the East (Coronil, 1992, pp. 3, 10–11). However, he adds that Japan is now assumed to be a satellite of the West as the metropolis has mutated its topographical grip, making Japan a “Western Type Society” following Raymond Williams. In other words, this perspective detached the 'us' category from a specific geographical location. By doing so, it sheds light on capitalism as a transformative myth pursued by societies seeking to be recognized as one of 'us' or, as Chomsky terms it, “honorary European.” This realization prompted us to acknowledge other cultural relations linked to non-territorial proximity. Cultural interactions between Kuwait and Japan occurred beyond the metropolis but never without an asymmetry between the two based on their proximity to Western social, cultural, and scientific paradigms. Then, the Kuwaiti cultural transversal approach to Japan, as narrated by the Kuwait Times, should be viewed as an effort to highlight cultural differences and as a commitment to bridge the isolation created by dominant cultures through colonization. However, the Kuwaiti interest in the Japanese way of life appears to seek an escape from the realm of 'otherness' to align with the extra-territorial West without sacrificing their independence. In this vein, the Kuwait Times scrutinizes peripheral encounters between nations, hinting at a twofold mimicry, cultural and economic, reminiscent of the optimism prevailing in the Third World during the 1960s.
- 2 The Kuwait Times closely documented the diplomatic exchange during 1962 and later in 1966. It inclu (...)
- 3 The Embassy of Japan in Kuwait released a video commemorating the 60th anniversary of bi-lateral re (...)
- 4 The Kuwaiti delegation was joined by three Saudi members and twelve Japanese members of the Japan O (...)
- 5 During the Meiji era in Japan, the Reformation led to the transfer of power from military leaders t (...)
10Historically, Kuwait's exchange with Japan dates back to the late 19th century when Yoshida Masaharu, the first Japanese official, arrived at the Kuwaiti port (Shuji, 2011, p. 10). Due to pearl cultivation innovations, Japan consistently offered better and cheaper products, which led to the end of traditional pearl fishing practices in Kuwait (Carter, 2005, p. 184). In the meantime, Japanese shipping firms established a robust connection between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Rim, attracting consumers interested in various products, including “bicycles, gramophones, beer, cotton textiles, and clothing.” In the late 1950s, the Kuwait-Japanese alliance resulted in the partnership of the Japanese Arabian Oil Company with Saudi Arabia (Thafer, 2014, pp. 95–97). In the early 1960s, Japan supported Kuwait in obtaining its seat at the United Nations shortly after establishing official diplomatic2, cultural, and commercial ties3. Meanwhile, the Kuwaiti economic boom resonated internationally through the press, world expositions, and aviation routes. The former protectorate became more integrated to mediascape receiving foreign news through agencies and visitors. The first newspaper filler published by the Kuwait Times about Japan came on February 17, 1962. The newspaper informed about a Kuwaiti delegation’s4 10-day visit to Japan as part of their duties as members of the Japan Oil Company. However, the newspaper did not introduce a Japanese cultural perspective to Kuwait before the 1964 Olympic Games held in Tokyo (Oct 31, 1964). Tokyo’s urban landscape and modern infrastructure made it to the headlines for creating a “dual culture” in which “ancient and modern culture co-exist without merging,” regardless of great disasters and urban issues during the Reformation 5(Robson, 1968, pp. 50–52). Towards the end of the decade, the Osaka International Exhibition generated again the interest of Arab readers, as it followed the Japanese model of “harmony” blending Eastern and Western civilizations, as envisioned by the Bureau International des Expositions after the 1928 Paris Convention designated as the intergovernmental organization in charge of overseeing and regulating the World Expos. At that time, Japanese architect Kenzo Tange had already impressed urbanists in Kuwait due to his organic understanding of human scale within the megalopolis (Koffler 60). During the 1960s, Tange gained an international reputation after designing the Hiroshima Peace Center and Memorial Park in solidarity with the victims of the bombings. Although Tange never visited Kuwait, both nations solidified their friendship when Kuwait commissioned Tange to design the Embassy of Kuwait in Tokyo and the International Airport in Kuwait, which were completed in 1970 and 1979, respectively (Fabbri, Saragoça and Camacho, 2016, pp. 154–157). In 1971, The New York Times reported that the number of Japanese working in the “prosperous” Kuwait had increased from 40 to 300 in less than six years (Lee, 1971).
11In November 1964, just after the Japanese reports gained traction in the Kuwaiti newspaper, one of their correspondents, Kejawa Assaf, exposed a more profound implication beneath the newly established connections among Afro-Asian countries. This entry elaborated on the relevance of the Bandung Conference as the first international conference of “coloured” people as it paved the way for creating the “new spirit of solidarity and a stronger sense of common objectives.” Readers were reminded of the “third force” created by the Afro-Asian countries to uphold together the emergence of people from colonialism. In this way, the newspaper presented a political interpretation of the recent connections between Kuwait and the “Far East.” The Bandung's new spirit was introduced here as empowering non-intervention and neutrality amid foreign imperialistic influences during the Cold War. Afro-Asian nations established an ideological commitment as follows:
“[raising] the question as to what system of Afro-Asian world should follow to create a sense of real solidarity. Should it be the American Capitalism system, Russian Communism, or British Democratic Socialism? […] Will they bring peace to Africa and Asia? […] the seed of the discord was disseminated amongst the Afro-Asian countries by the imperialists who do not benefit from the Afro-Asian Unity” (Assaf, 1964, p. 7).
12In other words, achieving such unity across continents demanded narrowing the gap among nations and sorting out different paradigms to dismantle neocolonialism. To this end, the nations were invited to zealously pursue unity while setting aside radical nationalism, giving trading privileges to Afro-Asian peers.
- 6 The term "Japaneries" refers to Japanese ornaments or items that incorporate Japanese motifs and ar (...)
13The Kuwait Times, by disseminating Japaneries6 in the Gulf, not only advanced political interests aligned with Nationalist Arab unity but also addressed cultural and commercial demands, fostering exchange between two economically prosperous Asian nations. In this corpus, some articles discuss the Japanese political arena directly. These articles emphasized the need for a peaceful resolution to the Vietnam War and advocated for full national sovereignty in Okinawa -which remained under American occupation until 1972, addressing resilience after World War II (Jan 8, 1967). In this regard, Japanese is presented through contradictory approaches to memory, forgetting, and commemoration of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Kuwait Times, 1969; Kuwait Times, 1970). In cultural terms, the daily printed reports emphasized the fast pace of Japanese workers, whether they were performing mathematical operations or building skyscrapers. The discussion of Japanese scientific and technical achievements coincided with an appreciation for traditional art and modern aesthetics (Sep 12, 1971). Therefore, Japan was portrayed as a global supplier of useful and thought-provoking products. For instance, origami exemplified the coexistence of science and aesthetics in a Japanese product that appealed to a globalized market (Dec 28, 1971). Western garments inspired by Japanese illustrations implied how their quality had enriched the experience of consumers all around the world, including competitive markets in Europe (Dec 7, 1971). At the same time, airline advertisements continued using graphic materials exploiting Japanese women’s stereotypes through a male gaze, evoking servility and sexual availability to promote new routes to the “Far East” (Feb 8, 1965; Jan 19, 1969). In sum, the Kuwait Times advanced the cultural relations between Kuwait and Japan.
Figure 2
Airlines advertisement. Kuwait Times. Feb 8, 1965.
- 7 Al-Alyan was one of the pioneers of Kuwaiti modern journalism next to Abdulaziz Al-Musaeed, who fou (...)
14During the 1960s, the increasing fascination with Japanese culture and development was closely linked to global efforts for peace, anti-colonialism, and economic progress. The Kuwait Times played a key role in circulating information about Japan, thanks to the cosmopolitan nature of its main editor. Yousef S. Al-Alyan self-published five chronicles in a section titled “Japan Today, The Land of the Rising Sun” immediately after his one-week visit in 1964. This section was exclusively created to publish the impressions of Saba George Shiber upon his return from Japan. In September 1963, Shiber delivered a lecture in Tokyo, where Kenzo Tange welcomed him (Nasr, 2009, p. 203). Although Shiber was an urbanist, as said before, he also was recognized as a public intellectual in the Arab World and a public official in the Ministry of Public Works in Kuwait. His Japanese narrative underscored the tension between the modernization of Tokyo and the imperative to preserve and revive both intangible and tangible vernacular cultures across Asia (Shiber, 1963). Similarly, Yousef S. Al-Alyan, as editor and owner of the Kuwait Times, served as a liaison between the public and private Kuwaiti sectors and their Japanese counterparts, blending an -unofficial- diplomatic and commercial role7. Al-Alyan was a prominent intellectual recognized for his academic, business, and professional credentials related to his role in the Kuwaiti Journalist Association. His articles on Japan were published between November 4th and November 12th, 1964. They can be divided into two categories as follows. The first part constitutes a travel chronicle describing everyday life in Japan. Here, Al-Alyan introduces Japan's uniqueness, which is reflected in its natural and urban landscapes. The second half contains his opinion of the Japanese mediascape and foresees cooperation between Kuwait and Japan. These chronicles assess the impact of newspapers in modern societies. In this sense, Japanese media is shown as a role model regarding its social and economic contributions to emerging liberal societies.
15By publishing stories about Japan, Yousef S. Al-Alyan shared the cultural and economic possibilities behind Japanese cultural transformation. Like thousands of other visitors, Al-Alyan traveled to witness the legacy of the Olympics as an epitome of modernization. However, his goal implied a more complex task. Al-Alyan wanted to grasp the Japanese ability to grow into an industrial and technological country without eroding traditions. Most importantly, he aimed to determine whether Kuwait could replicate the same vitality that Japan unleashed after the war to become a regional leader and globally competitive. After independence, Kuwait enjoyed access to capital but still had not established itself as a definite regional leader. Rapid development and cosmopolitanism installed a drive for change and a simultaneous cultural hesitation about the effects of their ongoing modernization. Regardless of the progressive measures, the modern passage was understood as a menace to local traditions to the point of reversing it through nostalgia and conservative turns (Al-Nakib, 2018, p. 9; Al-Ragam, 2019, pp. 2–11). During the sixties, Kuwait City became a symbol of the modern “desire to escape the realities of pre-oil past,” paradoxically exposing its effects on desert and sea lifestyle (Al-Nakib, 2013, p. 11). Likewise, Kuwait had gained relevance on the international political stage because of its non-aligned position, its commitment to unity across emerging Arab nations, and its resistance against the Palestine occupation and the diversion of the Jordan River. Consequently, the permanent members of the Security Council at the UN, also known as the Big Five - China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States- were no longer the only examples to emulate, particularly under new political ambitions embracing sovereignty, solidarity, and decolonization. Thus, Al-Alyan seems to have embarked on a search for an alternative cultural formula for Kuwaiti modernization within the Cold War context. To do so, the editor-in-chief began by placing his role as an international correspondent embodying a tourist persona. This approach allows him to avoid detailed political explanations instead of focusing on depicting the Japanese way of life as a way out from the historical Arab decay.
16Al-Alyan introduces modern Japan to Kuwait through naturalistic imagery. His chronicles were printed in a section adorned with a banner inspired by orientalist typography, featuring childish sketches of Mount Fuji and a groovy sun, all of which suggest an informal tone. In his writings, Al-Alyan gradually shifted from Japanese archetype content to presenting the concept of Japanese cultural syncretism. Al-Alyan’s first depiction of Japan evokes a “kaleidoscope colored with ancient traditions” set against a backdrop of majestic nature, though troubled by the ongoing industrialization (Al-Alyan, 1964a). From this perspective, Al-Alyan highlights Japan's capacity to offer visitors a stark contrast between the hustle and bustle of urban life and the tranquility of a “fairytale countryside.” He continues, stating, “Beauty abounds on every hand in the countryside, and it is no wonder that the Japanese are a poetic people by nature.” Nevertheless, Al-Alyan explains that the city and the natural landscape are “entrenched in the graceful life of past eras.” In this way, Japan's urban innovation allows a sense of historical continuity supported by a depiction of an untouched natural environment. Moreover, the author describes the snow-clad mountains, the beach resorts, and the countryside dotted with shrines to guide tourists toward Japanese harmony. Japanese environments are depicted as seamlessly woven transformations into their traditions without interruption or conflict, whether natural or artificial.
Figure 3
Kuwait Times. Nov 4, 1964.
- 8 One traditional Japanese art form highlighted in the newspaper to illustrate resilient cultural pra (...)
17Two photographs reinforce the Japanese appreciation of nature as in a postcard. These photos exposed social change within traditional institutions. In one of them, the emperor Hirohito (1901-1989), a biologist hobbyist, is depicted feeding birds with his family next to a creek. The study of natural forms is conveyed as a social practice passed down from generation to generation, starting with the Royal family. Next, a group of geishas is shown in another photo, staring at flower arrangements, most likely inside a market. While the first picture reminds of the well-known traditional wood prints from the Edo Period emphasizing the human proximity to water and birds using rough textures due to the atmospheric conditions, the second picture refers to the Ikebana practice that enlightens Buddhist monks by cultivating simplicity through nature8. Regardless of the historical reference, naturistic photos pointed to social transformation learned and perfected through centuries. They portrayed a royal family that “no longer live the life of gods” but as “beloved humans” among citizens. Emperor Hirohito and his family see things from a democratic perspective, sharing a sense of beauty in their surroundings. Similarly, Japanese women are narrated as enjoying “new liberties” offered by a “progressive society” but somehow attached to tradition. They have not only undertaken the male art of Ikebana, but Japanese women have also “emancipated,” raising their “voice” against “bread-winning males,” whether Japanese or Western. Through naturalistic photographs, Al-Alyan emphasizes an evolving Asian society where “so much” has “changed for the better” (ibid) without losing a sense of continuity.
- 9 Katsushika Hokusai (1760–1849) was a prominent Edo-period printmaker renowned for his fascination w (...)
- 10 Conrad explains the interpretations of Japan's historical seclusion (sakoku) and opening (kaikoku) (...)
18On November 8, 1964, the Kuwait Times published another pair of naturalistic pictures to broaden the Japanese representation. These pictures emphasize the shift from rural practices and isolationism toward social change. For instance, Mount Fuji is reflected in one of the five lakes in one black-and-white picture. The image resembles Katsushika Hokusai's Thirty-Six Views of Mount Fuji, an Edo artist who documented feudal rural practices around 18309. In contrast to wood prints, the photographed landscape appears desolate, lacking human or animal interaction with the land. The absence of human interaction cleared tensions, creating a bucolic postcard. Similarly, right below is a bird's-eye photo of a shipyard. The high-angled image focuses on the harmonious relationship between the miniaturized Japanese shipwrights and the magnitude of the vessels. This image resembles another photo published the day before in which hundreds of shipbuilders stand on a scaffolding, giving the final touches to a multistory ship. Regardless of the project's scale, Japanese workers seem to interact seamlessly while completing tasks toward a common goal. Hence, the contradiction installed by these images denotes developmentalism, as shown by the transition from “secluded” agrarian communities to “open” industrial societies (Conrad, 2003, pp. 337–344)10. In this regard, Al-Alyan emphasized the applications of scientific knowledge during the Meiji Period, which is well-known for boosting naval capabilities through Japanese contact with the West. Next, the Kuwaiti editor praises the modern public/private initiatives in the ship-building sector and alternative energy research. In this vein, Japan’s “rapid economic growth, according to Al-Alyan, depended on “ingenuity” transforming raw into sound Japan-made commodities after they promoted exchange with Western scientific influences. Finally, Al-Alyan concludes nations such as Japan with “modern living” and trade relations with “all over the world required a balanced natural and social transformation” implying a need to preserve local cultures (Al-Alyan, 1964b).
Figure 4
Kuwait Times. Nov 7, 1964.
19Al-Alyan depicts Japan by drawing on references to its natural and urban environments, offering numerous opportunities to combine visual pleasure with intellectual inquiry. As stated by the author, Japan offers foreigners a “sense of wonder” because of the continuity of Japaneseness up to modern times (Nov 4, 1964). Claiming the authority of a witness, Al-Alyan states, “This then is Japan. The Japan I saw, and I will remember always. The many-faceted land where old meets new as the waters of its many lakes kiss the shores of the surrounding mountains and blend into one” (Al-Alyan, 1964c). In other words, Japanese culture has not remained stagnant in the past but has integrated itself into modern times through active participation in the global market. In Tokyo, there are theaters and geisha houses alongside jazz music halls and gambling sites. These venues also included extravagant showcases and distinctive performances reminiscent of those found in prestigious "Indian Ocean cabarets and bars." Al-Alyan cited the contemporary theatrical scene featuring all-female roles and the 17th-century Kabuki Playhouse, where male actors play all female characters in 'opulent' settings that rival those of "Las Vegas." According to Al-Alyan in Tokyo, “East and West truly meet here in perfect harmony. The nightlife is fast and exciting, and whatever your taste, they can accommodate it” (ibid). For Al-Alyan, Japan has achieved cultural syncretism by integrating dissimilar elements placed alongside each other by the entertainment sector. Instead of judging Japanese cultural industries for appropriating foreign cultural forms, Al-Alyan praises them, suggesting the need to incorporate those forms of entertainment into Kuwaiti nightlife, ignoring Arab customs.
20Subsequently, Al-Alyan's depiction of Japanese social transformation reveals the infusion of contrasting elements coexisting beyond everyday life. He asserts that the Japanese pursuit of modernization should not be solely assessed based on the criteria of making “life easier, more entertaining or more useful” (Nov 7, 1964). Although Al-Alyan admires the textile, fishing, recreation, steel, and computing industries as evidence of Japanese capabilities, his perspective reinstates the importance of individual character following each natural disaster and military conflict in history. Then, Al-Alyan believes that collective success is associated with the “driving force of personality and courage in each individual and this nation as a whole that helped turn this nation, once crushed, into one of the most prosperous and independent countries today” (Nov 7, 1964). In this regard, the editor highlights the role of Japanese education in achieving such feelings of independence, happiness, and resilience from an early age. He remarks that such individual character remained unchanged even considering modern American cultural influences that have made Japanese love baseball like “children all over the world” (Nov 4-5, 1964). In this sense, Al-Alyan anticipates the “unbelievable” cultural transformation reported from Tokyo in 1970. The Kuwait Times suggests that Japan's post-World War II surrender to foreign powers has evolved from a “self-conscious, benevolent uncle and war orphan to equals bound together by defense and economic ties” with the United States. Similarly, culture is no longer confined to pre-war European tastes; an American lifestyle has replaced it. As a result, soft drinks, miniskirts, and sports have accompanied the emergence of new hierarchies, gender roles, and consumption as Japan “rebuilt [itself] from the war ruins.” In summary, Al-Alyan emphasizes the role of education in fostering social transformation and modernization, asserting that foreign influences should not be perceived as sources of fear or aggression. Through this lens, national cultures are understood as a social construct to bridge ideological disparities within the framework of “modernization and democratization” (Nov 4, 1964). For this reason, Al-Alyan shed light on Japanese education and its capacity for shaping harmonic cultural forms.
21After introducing Japanese nature, cities, and social transformation, Al-Alyan advances to a second stage dedicated to mediascape. To do so, the author directs his attention to the significance of information within democratic systems while foreseeing business prospects behind the printing business. In this regard, Al-Alyan becomes more eloquent as a witness to the Japanese economic miracle. He visited newspaper organizations to draw comparisons between Kuwait and Japan, thanks to insights from Asian peers (Al-Alyan, 1964d). Through this role, Al-Alyan eventually merges his perspective as a newspaper editor and adopts a tacit diplomatic narrative in which he endorses the advancement of “Kuwaiti-Japanese friendship” (Al-Alyan, 1964e). This collaboration allows him to discuss the mutual benefits of closer relations between the two Asian nations. To enhance his credibility, the newspaper published photographs showing Al-Alyan interacting with representatives of a “giant [Japanese] organization” (ibid). Furthermore, a few days later, Al-Alyan is depicted at a party held in his honor by the Kuwaiti diplomatic service in Japan, which included the Kuwait Ambassador to Japan, Mr. Suliman Al-Sana’a, and Mr. Al-Nasaeed, from The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kuwait alongside Mr. Koaku Tamoura, the Japanese Middle East Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ibid). Additionally, the newspaper published a photograph of Mr. Tatsuichi Kono, who served as the Japanese Ambassador to Kuwait since 1963. The Kuwait Times illustrates the opening of Kuwait to Asian partners and their capability to build a mediascape as a device for social and political advancement. Hence, the journalist is portrayed as a valuable agent of this transformation into an independent information society.
Figure 5
Kuwait Times. Nov 12, 1964.
- 11 The 7.9-magnitude earthquake that struck Tokyo caused massive destruction in 1922, triggering fires (...)
22Consequently, Al-Alyan reviews the historical contributions of mass media in Japanese society. The Kuwaiti editor implicitly traces media contributions to the Meiji period and its industrial revolution. The editor explained that Tokyo’s newspaper boom can be traced back to when Japan “began to let in Western influence” during the 1870s. Al-Alyan clarifies that the notoriety of the print press only gained traction when political participation became possible, which happened after the collapse of the military cabinet following WWI. Furthermore, Al-Alyan argues that the revitalization of newspapers in Tokyo by the Japanese “nouveau riche” was boosted by the export-led war economy. Despite the economic downturn in 1919, the Great Kantō earthquake11 in 1923, and fierce marketing competition, Al-Alyan states that the Japanese press always exemplified “integrity and public will” (Nov 8, 1964). It is then feasible to assume that both opening the nation and implementing modernization are essential for the sustainability of democracy. The author advocated for freedom of information and freedom of expression as the foundation of a “free press [that] leads the people in economic, cultural, and political fields by guiding and informing” society towards change (Nov 8, 1864). In sum, Al-Alyan explained that the success of Japanese media can be attributed to internationalization and democratization rather than isolation and authoritarianism. Al-Alyan led us to believe that Japanese newspapers have endured “combined blows” or challenges throughout history, promoting democracy and suggesting that their model can eventually be replicated in Kuwait.
23Consequently, Al-Alyan realized further that the “press in Japan is much more than just powerful; it is also prosperous” (Nov 8, 1964). As an editor and media owner, Al-Alyan is interested in describing how newspapers reconcile democracy and business. From his perspective, prominent newspapers efficiently report, print, and circulate information using modern printing technology, connecting diverse regions. Following Al-Alyan's view, Japanese newspapers have evolved into dual ventures where “culture and entertainment” are intertwined without conflict, leading to commercial opportunities beyond the printed page. The Japanese realm provided him with multiple examples. Al-Alyan mentions that Disneyland theme park was built on the outskirts of Tokyo by a newspaper looking to diversify its market share. It features a golf course, a ski jump, and a skating rink. Additionally, Al-Alyan is clearly impressed by the newspaper assets, including an art gallery, a cultural auditorium, and even a baseball team (Nov 8, 1964). In this sense, Al-Alyan stressed another promising transition from traditional media into a modern cultural industry linked to consumer demands. This perspective describes a turning point from “industrial to information society” where development is not necessarily enhanced by producing goods but by focusing on consumer satisfaction. In this sense, the “second industrial revolution” has been associated with “flows of information to reorganize the national space” (Abel 359-361). Therefore, media outlets should continue to inform and serve modern society while simultaneously shaping national cultures through commodification. Because newspapers circulate information and modern lifestyles, a syncretic understanding of media expands the possibilities of information as a means for sustainable economic development.
24In the last article of the series “Japan Today. The Land of The Rising Sun”, Yousef Al-Alyan unfolds his role as a mediator between Japan and the Kuwaiti public and private sector. In this entry, Al-Alyan provides recommendations on how to advance Kuwaiti-Japanese friendship. Despite the already established commercial trade, Al-Alyan emphasizes educational and cultural exchange as the core of “unity” between these Asian countries. In this vein, actual cooperation should arise from accessing diverse lifestyles and values related to us as individuals. This is explained in his own words:
“Kuwait, though rich in many ways, is still lacking in important technical skills […] sending our students for special technical training […] eventually lead to our technical independence but will also help bring our people closer together as educational exchange can lead to stronger understanding and goodwill than more conventional methods, for our younger people have a natural affinity towards others of their generation and can more easily understand their ways of life and thought processes than conservative businessmen and diplomats. This has been proven scores of times, and unity through education is more effective than ordinary commercial intercourse” (Nov 12, 1964).
25This excerpt underscores the liberal mindset of the Kuwaiti editor, who -perhaps drawing from his own experience as an international student in London- encourages the Kuwaiti government to guarantee access to technical education and information by establishing a cultural dialogue with Japan. While investing in technology, commodities, and training seems to be necessary, allocating public funds to educational grants to promote the study of Japanese culture can yield a lasting social effect for Kuwait. Thus, Al-Alyan urges a better understanding of Western scientific developments and Asian cultures.
26 Consequently, the Kuwait Times established itself as an information channel connecting commercial, diplomatic, and cultural spheres. Al-Alyan affirmed Japan was “extremely interested in Kuwait and the Arab World and were anxious for all the information possible” (Nov 8, 1964) and vice versa. In these terms, Kuwait should be open to Japanese influence, given their capabilities, including energy and telecommunication equipment and skills, which are “vital to our growth and expansion as a modern nation, and we should ensure that our progress continues at its present rapid rate.” However, Kuwait's progress seems contingent on negotiating immediate access to Japanese technology, education, and lifestyle. In this view, this exchange's reciprocity appears reasonable as Japan was already industrialized while Kuwait was rich and modern but still a mere consumer country. This helps to explain some of the earlier narratives in the Kuwait Times that promoted Japanese commodities and lifestyles. Al-Alyan explains: “Kuwait cannot afford to pass up the opportunities Japan offers us in the same way as they cannot afford to ignore our market as we are basically a consumer nation that is able, due to enormous resources, to absorb great quantities of their consumer goods and technical equipment.” In this way, Al-Alyan realizes that Kuwait has the financial means to access Japanese modernization by importing Japanese goods, educating Kuwaiti youth, and making everyday lives comfortable and entertaining while preserving and advancing their national agenda.
27In summary, the 1960s marked a significant period during which Kuwait forged cultural connections across Asia as part of its nation-building process. During this decade, Kuwait achieved its independence and actively sought broader international recognition by joining the Arab League and the United Nations and expanding its diplomatic missions in Asia. Despite Kuwait's cultural connections with the rest of the Middle East and Western powers, Kuwait deliberately tried to connect with Japan. While the exchange between Kuwait and Japan can be traced back to the late 19th century, particularly with the expansion of Japanese shipping fleets and pearl trade, it was during the early 1960s that Kuwait's English-language press began to pay attention to their cultural relations following oil agreements with Japan's Arabian Oil Company. Just then, the Kuwait Times facilitated both cultural and diplomatic ties. Yousef Saleh Al-Alyan introduced Arab readers to the “Far East” through inter-Asian narratives published in 1964. These narratives emphasized Japanese political and economic achievements, their resilience after World War II, their appreciation of nature, and the blending of modern aesthetics with traditional elements.
28To introduce Japan to Kuwait, he developed cultural content depicting a vibrant nation whose success is related to the nation's opening to foreign influence, Western know-how, and the global market during the Meiji Period. Although Al-Alyan initially captures the Japanese imaginary evoking nature in contrast with industry developments. He also takes the readers on a tour of Kuwait's societal transformation, highlighting the achievement of a democratic system, a thriving media, and independence. In this way, Al-Alyan foresees a second transition from an industrial society towards an information society, where his newspaper had much to offer Kuwait. Regarding internationalization and the development of national culture, English-language newspapers and their cosmopolitan approach do not threaten local traditions. Instead, the Kuwait Times fosters new solidarities across emerging Asia. For Al-Alyan, Japan represents much more than industry and commerce and their capabilities to transform raw materials. Japan has transformed tradition into everyday practices and meanings, simultaneously preserving human scale within megacities, ensuring the continuity of heritage.
29In this regard, Al-Alyan combines texts and photographs to observe that cultures are socially negotiated. While the Japanese miracle was portrayed as an evolutionary process in which historical periods occur sequentially, with each replacing the latter, culture was not. Governments and media companies are depicted as agents of cultural change and revitalization. Cultural mediators facilitated cohesion in Japan's modernization through technological knowledge exchange, educational programs, entertainment, and built environments. Most importantly, Al-Alyan recognized the contributions of local and foreign influences to the Japanese lifestyle. However, he suggested that transnational influences in Japan are mutable, depending on historical times and national needs. Foreign influences will not remain as “pure” Japanese traditions have been passed down from one generation to the other. In this way, Al-Alyan presented Japan as an example of a unique blueprint for transitioning into the next historical phase, assuming that foreign cultures are superficial layers under which untouched traditions reside. Likewise, the Kuwait Times fostered inter-Asian relations as a gateway, breaking free from its dependency and submission to Western powers. It also suggested an Arab culture that opens itself to cosmopolitan influences but remains deeply rooted in its heritage as a continuum.
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