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Counter‑Narratives through the lens of al‑Baraddūnī: The case of the 1962 Yemeni revolution

Contre‑récits à la lumière d’al‑Baraddūnī : le cas de la révolution yéménite de 1962
الروايات المضادة من وجهة نظر البردوني: ثورة 1962 اليمنية نموذجًا
Noura Kamal

Résumés

L’une des principales caractéristiques de l’historiographie yéménite est que, pendant de nombreux siècles, elle s’est concentrée sur l’histoire des dirigeants et les biographies des érudits. Depuis la révolution et la fin de l’imamat yéménite en 1962, des chercheurs tels que ʻAbd Allāh al‑Baraddūnī ont commencé à se concentrer sur les récits populaires qui retracent l’histoire du point de vue de ceux qui ont été historiquement marginalisés par les élites dirigeantes du Yémen. Les efforts d’al‑Baraddūnī pour réhabiliter les récits populaires et l’historiographie ont constitué autant de réactions aux discours historiques, littéraires et artistiques qui prédominaient pendant l’Imamat. Ils s’inscrivaient également dans le souffle de la révolution de 1962 dans le nord du Yémen. Cet article explore la manière dont al‑Baraddūnī a œuvré en faveur de la réhabilitation du rôle des personnes anciennement marginalisées au Yémen, et comment l'histoire populaire a fourni des connaissances jusqu’alors non documentées et « non officielles » sur l'évolution des relations sociales, politiques et de pouvoir au Yémen au cours du XXe siècle.

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Introduction: ‘Abd Allāh al‑Baraddūnī in Context

  • 1 Al‑Shawkānī, 1929. Al‑Shawkānī was a Yemeni Islamic scholar who was born in Sana’a in 1760 and die (...)
  • 2 Zabbārah, 1955. Zabārah (1883–1960) was born in Yemen and lived in various countries (Yemen, Egypt (...)
  • 3 Al‑Wāsi‘ī, 1928. Al‑Wāsi‘ī (1878–1960) was a Yemeni historian. See Al‑Ziriklī, Vol. 4, p. 178.
  • 4 There are others who wrote about Yemen and the history of Yemen from different perspectives, such (...)
  • 5 Al‑Baraddūnī 1988a, p. 25.
  • 6 This led me to examine other aspects of al‑Baraddūnī’s writings (popular culture and folk art in Y (...)
  • 7 I wish to convey my special thanks to Prof. Daniel Varisco for his valuable review and suggestions (...)

1In pre‑revolutionary Yemen, the understanding of the country’s past was usually dominated by official records that reflected the views of the ruling elites. If we take a look at what Yemeni scholars and historians have written about their own history, their main focus is on Yemeni figures of power and leaders rather than on ordinary Yemeni people and their social, political and economic situation. This is particularly true for the biography genre which retells the lives and deeds of Yemen’s succession of Zaydī Imāms, written by scholars of sayyid descent and the quḍāh (sing. qāḍī), such as al‑Shawkānī,1 Zabbārah,2 and al‑Wāsi‘ī.3 With the advent of the 1962 Revolution, Yemeni society began critically to question this form of knowledge production and history writing, since it focused exclusively on the lives of, and events surrounding, the rulers and kings. This awareness of unequal representation was also influenced by political changes in the Arab world. These included the foundation of the People’s Democratic Republic in South Yemen and the new rule of “modernist” President Ibrāhīm al‑Ḥamdī in the north. These two systems promoted popular culture and the history of people. ‘Abd Allāh al‑Baraddūnī was one of the most prominent representatives4 of this new historical consciousness, who considered Yemeni historiography’s focus on rulers and elites as one of its main weaknesses.5 In his writings, he openly challenged these "traditional", pre‑1962 notions of historiography in Yemen and their rather narrow focus on ruling elites. His dedication to narrating important events such as the 1962 revolution "from within" by focusing on different, formerly neglected groups and social strata can be considered an essential part of the formation of counter‑narratives of Yemeni history. Al‑Baraddūnī’ himself did not categorize his work within the frame of counter‑narratives. Rather, he viewed his work as simply exploring and illustrating Yemeni history through the eyes of its people. There is a wealth of knowledge to be explored through his works,6 and this paper scrutinizes historical events through the eyes of al‑Barraduni.7 The theoretical framework of “counter‑narratives” serves as a useful tool, since al‑Baraddūnī’s reflection on post‑1962 Yemen uncovers knowledge which goes beyond existing official narratives, and there is a strong similarity to the later subaltern and feminist studies which explore society through the eyes of marginalized groups. Al‑Baraddūnī’s pioneering contribution to these studies must be noted, although it was not directly situated within the same conceptual framework. In much the same way that the voices of marginalized groups of society should be included in official narratives, so too the research of underexplored scholars like al‑Barraduni in the scientific community should be included in the wider production of academic knowledge.

  • 8 ‘Abd al‑‘Azīz al‑Maqāliḥ is a Yemeni poet and writer (1937–). His writings deal with various subje (...)
  • 9 e.g. al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, 1993, 1988b.

2This paper aims to explore al‑Baraddūnī’s perspective within the framework of the anthropological concept of counter‑narratives on providing undocumented and “unofficial” knowledge about developments and events which reflect social, political and power relations in Yemeni society. Al‑Baraddūnī’s resistance against traditional textual domination and his endeavours to rehabilitate popular narratives and historiography were a prominent reaction to dominant formal history, literature and art. The various folk poetry genres were widely circulated in private spaces and later published in newspapers before the revolution. A variety of books on these genres were published by a number of Yemenis, such as ‘Abd al‑‘Azīz al‑Maqāli.8 These publications were triggered by the spirit of the 1962 revolution.9

  • 10 Al‑Khamisi, 2017, p. 14.
  • 11 Lucine Taminian (1999) explored Al‑Baraddūnī’s writings within the framework of poetry in Yemen. S (...)

3This paper explores alternative narratives regarding Yemen’s history presenting al‑Baraddūnī’s writings on the social and intellectual context and power relations in society. Because of his important role in Yemen’s intellectual life, today he is recognized as one of modern Yemen’s most influential writers and poets.10 Outside Yemen, however, little attention has been paid to him and his writings.11

  • 12 Delgado, 1989, p. 2412.
  • 13 Bamberg and Andrews, 2004, p. 2.

4According to Michael Bamberg and Molly Andrews, people who tell personal stories which do not fit with the main knowledge stream produce them with the awareness that they are members of an outside group, in this sense: “groups whose marginality defines the boundaries of the mainstream, whose voice and perspective – whose consciousness – has been suppressed, devalued, and abnormalized.”12 This may lead to positioning their stories at the margins, rather than considering them as unique narratives.13 In the Yemeni context, however, after 1962 al‑Baraddūnī rose to become one of the most eminent representatives of the new historical consciousness of the Yemeni republic, and a well‑known and popular poet and intellectual. Nevertheless, al‑Baraddūnī played a pioneering role in giving agency to long‑marginalized groups whose role had been largely obscured in the official pre‑1962 narratives.

  • 14 Bamberg, De Fina and Schiffrin, 2007, p. 5.
  • 15 Boyd and Larson, 2014, p. 2.
  • 16 Leavy, 2011, p. 9 and 16.

5Narratives have the ability to tie together existing analogies between life, biography, and story.14 The collection of oral histories can be a useful way to build counter‑narratives, which not only help us to learn about the alternative stories and lives of individuals but also assist in understanding different aspects of society as a whole. This point is to highlight that al‑Baraddūnī himself can be considered as a source of oral history. He himself is not an historian, but he witnessed the period before and after the 1962 revolution, and therefore his testimony can be used, like all other sources of oral history, as a narrative source of knowledge that can be explored and that we can dig deep into. “By the 1960s, oral history had clearly emerged as a compelling methodology for documenting and understanding the individual in the study of history.”15 Oral history does not only provide information about personal experiences, but also about memories of events, attitudes, opinions and values. In addition, it “connects biographical experiences with the social/historical context”.16

  • 17 Al‑Ḥakīm, 2008.
  • 18 When Imām Yaḥyā took power, he demolished the School for Teachers (Dār al‑mu‘allimīn), which had b (...)
  • 19 The Al‑Wazīr coup led to the assassination Imām Yaḥyā in 1948. The coup failed and Yaḥyā’s son, Aḥ (...)
  • 20 Al‑Maqarī, 2014.
  • 21 An interview by ‘āydā ‘Abd al‑Ḥumayd in 2005 with al‑Baraddūnī’s wife, which is published online: (...)
  • 22 Al‑Ḥarāzī, 2015.

6The personal life of al‑Baraddūnī provides an informative background to his later thoughts and writings. He was born in 1929 to a poor family in alBaraddūn village in the Governorate of Dhamār.17 As a consequence of smallpox at the age of six, he lost his eyesight. Because of his impairment, he depended on the help of others on a regular basis, which enabled him to continue his education at the Great Mosque in Sana’a. As a result, many of his students and friends gathered at his home in the afternoons and read and wrote for him, sharing ideas and discussing different topics. In the early 1940s, he became an Arabic teacher at Dār al‑‘Ulūm, which was established in 1925, when Imām Yaḥyā tried to implement a new education system different from the Ottoman one.18 In 1948, al‑Baraddūnī was jailed for nine months because of his support of the Al‑Wazīr coup19 that led to the assassination of Imām Yaḥyā. In 1960, he was arrested again after he gave a speech criticizing the state authority.20 One of his former students, Tawfīq al‑Ḥarāzī, described how al‑Baraddūnī would read and write on a daily basis, in addition to listening to the radio, mainly the Damascus station, the prominent Egyptian station Sawt al‑Arab (“Voice of the Arabs”), and the London station.21 This enabled him to understand Yemen’s transition from the Zaydī imamate to republican rule from a broader, international point of view.22 This intellectual environment gave him the ability to gain a rich understanding of Yemeni society. As a blind person, the radio and the contact with the outside world opened up an entire new universe to him: after the revolution, he himself had a weekly radio program that dealt with different socio‑political issues as well as popular cultures.

A reflection of the grassroots dynamics of the 1962 revolution

  • 23 See Burgat and Camberlin, 2001.
  • 24 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 209.

7One of the main themes that al‑Baraddūnī focuses on is the explanation and analysis of the reasons behind the 1962 revolution. According to him, the atmosphere during the preceding periods was a major variable in this turning point in Yemeni society and was influenced by two key factors: first, the intellectual and discursive environment which had a great influence on shaping the oppositional tendencies; second, the growing spirit of the revolution for change and the will of the people – a singular point a view, in so far as others, like Aḥmad Muḥammad Nu‘mān and Muḥammad Maḥmūd al‑ Zubayrī, representatives of the “Free Yemeni Movement”, thought that “the people” were not yet prepared for the republican revolution.23 These two factors emerged from an examination of his writings and publications during the seventies, eighties and nineties – a period characterized by an almost complete lack of cultural events and literature festivals, according to al‑Baraddūnī himself.24 This point is mentioned in his book entitled Thaqāfa wa thawra fī al‑Yaman (Culture and Revolution in Yemen), published in 1993, which mainly focuses on explaining the role of culture and cultural dialogue in the success of the Yemeni revolution in 1962. In this particular book, he explores several aspects of Yemeni society at that time and their influence on the revolution. Thereafter, he focuses on the intellectual aspect, mainly poetry. Another important publication is Qaḍāyā yamaniyya (Yemeni Issues), published in 1988. The book’s main argument is how society changes through the power and will of its people. He reiterated this argument in a collection of articles during the seventies, each of which deals with a different pivotal event and political transformation that occurred during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in Yemen. A further key publication is Al‑Yaman al‑jumhūrī (The Republican Yemen), published in1997, which is a collection of articles mainly written during the 1970s and early 1980s. This particular œuvre deals with revolutions in Yemen during the twentieth century. In doing so, he examines a few variables of Yemeni society, including the political, social, and economical realms – not only during times of revolution, but also before and after their rise and demise. In particular, he sheds light on the role of ordinary people during those times. Al‑Baraddūnī also published further works, which explore popular art and poetry as further important elements of Yemeni society and its history.

  • 25 It is important to mention that there are also some sayyid‑s among the Shāfī‘ī‑s.
  • 26 Dresch, 1989, p. 142–143.This aspect reflects the Yemeni cultural context which is underlined by t (...)

8Al‑Baraddūnī’s discourse on revolution is founded on the attention he pays to the social structure of Yemen before 1962, namely the dichotomy and the relations between the social strata of the sayyid‑s (pl. sāda, sing. sayyid) on the one side, the tribesmen (qabāʾil, sing. qabīlī) on the other, and a third tier between them, the learned tribal judges (pl. quḍā). According to Al‑Baraddūnī, the sayyid‑s distinguish themselves from the tribes through their descent from the Prophet Muḥammad. In Yemen, many sayyid‑s trace their descent to the first Zaydī Imām,25 Yaḥyā b. al‑Ḥusayn (d. 911), a member of the family of the Prophet and follower of the Zaydī branch of Islam. In addition, al‑Baraddūnī explains that the Zaydī doctrine ascribes a leadership role to the sayyid‑s; they are exclusively authorized to occupy the position of Imām (the spiritual and political leader of the Zaydī community), as well as leadership positions in government administration and the military. The dichotomous relationship between the sayyid‑s and tribes was manifested through the tribal protection of the sayyid‑s. If a tribesman committed a wrong or disgrace against a sayyid, this was considered an insult to the guarantors of the whole tribe.26

  • 27 Vom Bruck, 1998, p. 283
  • 28 Gochenour, 1984.

9As Gabriele Vom Bruck pointed out, “the sayyids have enjoyed the privilege of ‘recapitulating the past as a form of knowledge’ about the activities of their kin. They have invested the past with the material symbols of their scholarly activities and their genealogical bond with their ancestors: gravestones, genealogies, legal treatises and hagiographies.”27 Zaydī historiography – biographical dictionaries which cover the biographies of quḍāh as well as sāda – mainly records the Imāms’ efforts to uphold and extend their sway among the tribes and to spread Zaydī religion and sharī‘a law among them. The tribes hardly appear, except when they oppose or support a succession of Imāmsor when they rebel against the Imām. Throughout the centuries, the Imāms encountered hostility and opposition in the tribal society of the Northern Highlands, and their reign seemed to be one of constant warfare to restore discipline over rebellious tribes and to extend Zaydī influence.28 Zaydī historiography depicts tribes sometimes as allies, and sometimes as adversaries of the Imām s, whose enemies were regarded as the enemies of Islam.

  • 29 e.g. Brandt 2017, and Dresch, 1989.
  • 30 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 73.
  • 31 Al‑Baraddūnī ,1997, p. 83.

10Al‑Baraddūnī’s work can be considered as a rehabilitation of the vital and constructive role of the tribes and other non‑sayyid strata and social groups in Yemeni history. Further research on tribes by other scholars in the twentieth and twenty‑first centuries also provide a deep insight into the role of tribes in the Yemeni context.29 Al‑Baraddūnī reflected upon the tribal relations with the Imamate before 1962, in which each Imām often had a particular tribe that protected him. However, this did not mean that conflict did not exist between the Imām and his tribal supporters.30 He pointed out that there were many tribal uprisings after the end of the second Ottoman occupation in Yemen, such as the uprising of Ḥāshid, al‑Zarānīq, and al‑Maqāṭira. Al‑Baraddūnī gives special attention to the Ḥāshid insurrection which began in 1919, a year after the end of Ottoman rule, and which became one of the main drivers of the revolution in 1962.31

  • 32 The following pages will illustrate this in more detail.
  • 33 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 83.

11In al‑Baraddūnī’s view, the Ḥāshid tribe maintained an uneasy relationship with Imām Yaḥyā, but was forced to accept his authority after the withdrawal of the Ottomans. Many among the Ḥāshid tribe kept hoping for political change, but they were not powerful enough to side against the Imām. That is why they remained neutral during the so‑called “constitutional revolution”32 of 1948, an attempt at the overthrow of Imām Yaḥyā and the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen. In 1959, when Imām Aḥmad’s health and rule had already started to deteriorate and he himself was in Rome, Ḥāmid b. Ḥusayn al‑Aḥmar, a prominent member of the al‑Aḥmar clan that leads the Ḥāshid, gathered a group of shaykh‑s with the aim of replacing the Imamate, or of sharing power with the Imām. However, the plan failed owing to the return of Imām Aḥmad from Rome. Ḥāmid b. Ḥusayn al‑Aḥmar and his father Ḥusayn b. Nāṣir were executed. Because of the brutal persecution of the al‑Aḥmar family by Imām Aḥmad, they were among the first to join the republican forces during the 1962 revolution. In the ensuing civil war, the Ḥāshid became the backbone of the republican forces.33

  • 34 Al‑Maqāṭira Governorate was not part of Lahj, which became one of the nine British Protectorates i (...)
  • 35 Al‑Baraddūnī,1997, p. 112.
  • 36 See his book Al‑ḥikma fī sīrat Imām al‑umma.
  • 37 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 89.

12Al‑Baraddūnī considered the uprising of the Maqāṭira tribe in Lower Yemen, too, as a vital part of the opposition movement against the Imamate.34 The Imamate used religious arguments to crush the uprising and accused al‑Maqāṭira of committing treason and cooperating with the British. According to al‑Baraddūnī, despite the fact that al‑Maqāṭira had shown – just as Ḥāshid had done – great courage and strength in their joint war against the Ottomans, Imām Yaḥyā’s military forces violently subdued the al‑Maqāṭira uprising in 1922.35 Al‑Baraddūni mentions that this uprising was documented by ‘Abd al‑Karīm al‑Muṭahhar for propaganda purposes of the Imamate,36 but despite that, Imām Yaḥyā ordered for the book to be burnt and to remain unpublished. Al‑Baraddūnī believed that Imām Yaḥyā wanted to wipe out the memory of this event after he had managed to suppress it. He did not want anything related to the al‑Maqāṭira uprising to be circulated as it might have undermined his authority.37

  • 38 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 111.
  • 39 Douglas, 1987, p. 41.
  • 40 Douglas, 1987, p. 76–77.
  • 41 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 114. For more details and a comparison with al‑Baraddūnī’s writings see Dou (...)

13What is interesting is that al‑Baraddūnī talks about the aftermath of the event in detail. He not only preserves the memory of this rebellion, but also describes how Imām Yaḥyā played off the leaders who subdued the Maqāṭira uprising against each other.38 According to him, two years after the uprising, Imām Yaḥyā created a conflict between ‘Alī al‑Wazīr (then governor of Taiz), and the Nu‘mān‑s, a prominent family of landowners in the region of Taiz who had sided with the Ottomans at the beginning of the twentieth century.39 When ‘Alī al‑Wazīr first arrived in Taiz, Imām Yaḥyā tried to break the authority of the Nu‘mān family who had taken a leading role in the Maqāṭira insurrection, and to decrease the popularity of ‘Alī al‑Wazīr. Thereafter, he ordered ‘Alī al‑Wazīr to arrest ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb Nu‘mān after he received news that the latter was establishing connections with the Sulṭān of Lahj in the Southern British Protectorates, and the shaykh‑s in south Yemen. For al‑Baraddūnī, the intention of Imām Yaḥyā to widen the rift between al‑Wazīr and Nu‘mān was revealed when he dismissed ‘Alī al‑Wazīr from the post of the governor of Taiz in 1940: al‑Wazīr was no longer useful. He sees that this conspiracy by Imām Yaḥyā was one of the factors that led to the formation of the Free Yemeni opposition movement during the 1940s, spearheaded by Aḥmad Nu‘mān and Muḥammad al‑Zubayrī.40 Both ‘Alī al‑Wazīr and ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb Nu‘mān were executed in 1948.41

  • 42 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p.129. If we compare al‑Baraddūnī’s reflections on the Zarānīq uprising with o (...)

14Another uprising that al‑Baraddūnī reflects on was the Zarānīq movement in the Tihāma. After the withdrawal of the Ottomans, the Zarānīq tribe did not pledge their allegiance to Imām Yaḥyā. They neither officially accepted nor rejected him as a neighbor, but when Imām Yaḥyā wanted to extend his hegemony in the Tihāma, they rose against him. According to al‑Baraddūnī, when they saw that the Imamate campaign had failed, they tried to expand their territories and attacked al‑Ḥudayda. Upon hearing this, the Imām panicked, as this move meant that the main road that Italy used to deliver weapons to Sana’a was blocked. Imām Yaḥyā ordered his son Aḥmad to crush the Zarānīq uprising, considering them to be a British tool in Yemen. Prince Aḥmad gathered thousands of forces from the Ḥāshid and Bakīl tribes, from which hundreds of combatants were killed between 1928 and the end of 1929. Al‑Baraddūnī, on his part, took care to reuse popular history documents which presented it as a patriotic event against feudalism and the Imamate.42

  • 43 Burrowes, 1995, p. 251.

15According to al‑Baraddūnī, one of the main foundations of the 1962 revolution was the aborted coup attempt of 1948. The 1948 coup attempted a “constitutional revolution” which aimed at the assassination of Imām Yaḥyā and the installation of ‘Abdallāh b. Aḥmad al‑Wazīr as the new Imām. It was planned by a group of intellectuals and carried out by five tribal shaykh‑s under the leadership of Shaykh al‑Qardā‘ī in addition to forty officers under the leadership of Jamāl Jamīl “al‑‘Irāqī”. Crown Prince Aḥmad successfully rallied certain northern tribes and other loyal elements and marched on Sana’a, where he was able to defeat the al‑Wazīr family and their allies. Ultimately the coup failed and its leaders were executed, jailed, or forced to flee in only a few weeks.43

  • 44 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 114.

16In the opinion of al‑Baraddūnī, the “Constitutional Revolution” failed because it was still a rather “elitist” project that did not communicate its goals to the simple people and was thus unable to garner their broad support, suggesting that it would have do so if the people had been informed and associated. According to al‑Baraddūnī, the intellectuals who participated in the 1948 Coup attempt belonged to three distinct groups. The first group included fuqāhā’ (religious scholars), Hashemites (descendants of the Prophet) and Qahtanites. The second group was composed of poor sayyid‑s, i.e. also descendants of the Prophet but whose jobs were of a lower hierarchical level in society, mainly intellectuals interested in contemporary journals, literature and reading about global events. The last group was a mixture of two backgrounds: political Salafists and Reformists who not only had honest intentions for reform, but also planned to establish better jobs (for themselves) of higher rank.44 For al‑Baraddūnī, the 1962 revolution was different from this elitist movement.

  • 45 Dresch, 1989, p.142–143.
  • 46 In 1955 a senior Army officer and a brother of Imām Aḥmad planned a coup to depose the Imām, but t (...)
  • 47 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 67.

17During the post‑1962 civil war which, in the aftermath of the death of Imām Ahmad, opposed the republican camp supported by Nasser and the camp of Imām al‑Badr supported by the Saudis, most of the Ḥāshid rallied for the republic. But they fought also, in parts, against the hereditary leadership claim of the sāda. The paramount shaykh of Ḥāshid,Abdallāh al‑Aḥmar, would become a pillar of the newly established Yemen Arab Republic. With the defection of a large part of the Ḥāshid confederation into the republican camp, the centuries old alliance and division of roles between the sāda and Yemeni tribes was weakened.45 With the victory of the republicans in 1970, the sāda lost their hereditary entitlement to rule and non‑sayyid social strata were empowered. What differentiated the 1962 revolution from the coups of 1948 and 1955,46 was that it actually aimed to overthrow the Imamic system as a whole, rather than the replacement of one Imām by another. Besides that, the 1962 revolution was special in that the Yemeni people became part of the revolution. According to al‑Baraddūnī, the revolution of 1962 was not a one‑day incident; rather it triggered a long and continuous change process.47

  • 48 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p.70. Al‑Baraddūnī does not define the middle class, but most likely he refers (...)
  • 49 It is called the ‘white coup’ because it was a peaceful movement which took power without a direct (...)
  • 50 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p.129.
  • 51 Al‑Baraddūnī ,1988a, p. 130.

18The drive for change did not end with the overthrow of the Imamate. From 1963 until 1967, ‘Abdallāh al‑Sallāl, an army officer of humble origin, became the first president of the Yemeni republic. This "First Republic" was characterized by a state of war between the royalists and their followers and the new regime. In 1967 the "Second Republic" started, and it was different from the First Republic in the sense that a shūrā council was established, which included five members. Besides this council, al‑Barradūnī says that all the ministers belonged to the middle class.48 Despite the fact that the “67‑coup”49 aimed to establish a government that would take care of the Yemeni people, according to al‑Baraddūnī it did not fully reach the people and therefore failed. The shūrā council was established so the rule would be in the hands of the people and a wider group, not just an individual. But al‑Baraddūnī stresses that in reality, the “67‑coup” was more about the main tribal leaders rather than the people of the tribes.50 Even though the shaykhs of the tribes were part of the authority, simple tribesmen and common people suffered from thirst and hunger and were not even mentioned in the Legislative Council and Republican Council. Corruption was high during the period 1967–74. This was one of the reasons that the second republic was terminated.51

  • 52 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 72.

19In his writings, al‑Baraddūnī reflects upon the topic of corruption by wondering about what happened to the planned projects of the new regime since the revolution. Al‑Baraddūnī emphasizes that the national accomplishments of Yemen were confined to speeches criticizing the previous Imamate period.52 Things changed again in 1974, when Ibrāhīm al‑Ḥamdī led another coup d’Etat that overthrew the regime of President ‘Abd al‑Raḥmān al‑Iryānī. Al‑Baraddūnī calls al‑Ḥamdī’s reign the "Third Republic", because al‑Ḥamdī formed committees to correct the situation (the so‑called “correctional movement”), combat corruption, and end Yemen’s social class system by proclaiming all Yemenis equal. Ibrāhīm al‑Ḥamdī was assassinated in 1977. Al‑Baraddūnī sees the First, Second and Third Republics as phases in which the power gradually shifted from the sayyid‑s (in 1962) to a president of tribal descent (First Republic), then to a council (Second Republic) and then, during the al‑Ḥamdī era, to the “people” and masses through public participation (Third Republic).

The Historiography of the 1962 Revolution through the lens of al‑Baraddūnī

20According to al‑Baraddūnī, the revolution is an expression of the will of the people, which was the main reason it took place in 1962. As we have seen, he tried to make it clear that the revolution was the product of a gradual process in which formerly marginalized people demanded to be part of the power structure in Yemen. Al‑Baraddūnī’s thoughts on the 1962 revolution and succeeding civil war are placed in the context of the upheavals and changes in the intellectual discourse and knowledge production in the first half of the twentieth century.

The intellectual and discursive environment

  • 53 Douglas, The Free Yemeni movement 1935–1962, American University of Beirut, Beirut, 1987, 287 page (...)
  • 54 There is no mention in his work that Al‑Baraddūnī spoke or was able to read English, which leads m (...)
  • 55 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p.40.
  • 56 Al‑Baraddūnī does not use the word sāda /sayyid‑s per se. He uses the two terms middle and upper c (...)
  • 57 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 117. According to Douglas, al‑Ḥikma was established by Aḥmad ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb (...)
  • 58 J. Leigh Douglas explains that “It was just this sort of activity, undertaken in secret and using (...)
  • 59 For Douglas, the “first signs of opposition arose neither from the tribes nor from the major sayyi (...)
  • 60 The reasons that led to the failure of the 1948 coup will be explained in the next pages.

21In the same line of argument as the central work of American researcher J. Leigh Douglas published in 1987,53 but without ever referencing it,54 al‑Baraddūnī underlined in his books that one of the main drivers of the revolution were intellectuals and their influence on the cultural dialectic and cultural environment prior to the revolution. Their thoughts and arguments were disseminated through their publications. Many of them were students at Dār al‑‘Ulūm with the sons of the Imām and of the religious officials, and they contributed to the creation of an open literary atmosphere at the school.55 According to al‑Baraddūnī, these students mainly belonged to the middle and upper classes,56 which may mean that their voices were heard in the more powerful strata of society. For example, Muḥammad al‑Zubayrī wrote articles for al‑Ḥikma (“the Wisdom”), a journal that published articles on topics such as religion, literature, culture, and politics.57 He demonstrates the importance of literature production during that period through the circulation of books and magazines among students and intellectuals. As a result, many started to question social and political developments within Yemeni society.58 Therefore, until the end of the forties, the intellectuals were the main group of people who talked about and discussed problems in Yemen.59 Yet they did not have strong contact with other social strata. Nevertheless, this period was a step towards raising awareness on societal issues, mainly through these publications. After the failure of the 1948 coup and the continuation of the Imamate, they became more aware of the importance of including other social groups in their discussions.60

  • 61 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 41.
  • 62 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 43.
  • 63 Al‑Baraddūnī 1997, p. 43. Al‑Zubayrī was the most influential reformer, and he is still celebrated (...)

22Al‑Baraddūnī also takes up the idea that literature, poems and writings from other parts of the Arab world such as Iraq and Egypt found their way into Yemen, such as the work of Muṣṭafā Luṭfī al‑Manfalūṭy, Ma‘rūf al‑Raṣāfī and Ḥāfiẓ Ibrāhīm whose writings were concerned with society’s problems and dilemmas.61 According to al‑Baraddūnī, due to the fact that freedom of expression in literature, poems and demonstrations during the Imamate period in Yemen was forbidden, the more open literature from the Arab world astonished many in Yemen.62 In Yemen, poetry still concentrated mainly on panegyrics praising the rulers, for example al‑Zubayrī praising Imām Yaḥyā: “It is from the light of the Imām’s appearance that ‘Ayd rises with glory, elevation and goodness and fragrance”.63

  • 64 The intellectuals were divided into two groups: one that saw the assassination of Imām Yaḥyā as a (...)

23The liberal political poems from outside Yemen had a great influence on the writing style of those in Yemen who were able to receive them. In the early forties Muḥammad Maḥmūd al‑Zubayrī and Zayd al‑Muwashkī escaped to Aden after they had joined the opposition, because their writings began to criticize Imām Yaḥyā whom they had previously praised. The influence extended and increased among the intellectuals, and for some of them their opposition became stronger after the assassination of Imām Yaḥyā in 1948.64

  • 65 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 42–44
  • 66 See “Aḥmad ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb al‑Warīth”, Almoheet web site, 20 Jan. 2018, and “‘Abdallāh al‑A’zb”, Ra (...)
  • 67 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 38. See also Douglas, 1987, p. 43–46.

24By presenting several poets/intellectuals and their main contributions in his work, al‑Baraddūnī expanded on the nature of multiple relations among the people. He focused mainly on the relations between the rulers and the intellectuals within Yemeni society and the role of the people in the revolution. Among the main intellectual pioneers of the reform movement in Yemen at this time, he underlines the role of some Zaydī intellectuals, like Aḥmad ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb al‑Warīth, ‘Abdallāh al‑‘Azab, and Aḥmad al‑Muṭā‘, without explaining their social background.65 Al‑Warīth (1913–1940), from Dhamār, was influenced by the writings of the Sunni leaders of the Islamic Renaissance at the time, such as Jamāl al‑Dīn al‑Afghānī, Imām Muḥammad ‘Abduh, Rashīd Riḍā, and Shakīb Arslān, and published bold articles which disturbed Imām Yaḥyā. ‘Abdallāh al‑‘Azab was born in the village of al‑Sufyān (Sana’a province), studied at Dār al‑‘Ulūm and was a supporter of Yemeni Nationalism. And Aḥmad al‑Muṭā‘, born in 1907 and raised in the city of Sana’a, was a poet, writer, and politician.66 In the second half of the thirties, they established al‑Ḥikma al‑Yamāniyya (“The Yemeni Wisdom”), a journal that combined literature, religion, culture, politics, revolutionary thoughts and patriotism.67 The journal, among others, also influenced other scholars such as Zayd al‑ Muwashkī (1911–1948), who studied in Dhamār and thereafter moved to Dār al‑‘Ulūm in Sana’a because studying at the school guaranteed a job after graduation. Due to his success he was able to communicate with higher social strata and to be in contact with Imām Yaḥyā’s sons, who were also educated in Dār al‑‘Ulūm. He became a teacher for those of high status, and it is during his communication with them that he would have begun to understand the flaws of the Imamate, and to criticize the regime openly. His writings were characterized by direct attacks against the authorities and he used to express his thoughts directly, unlike al‑Zubayrī who tried to praise the Imām, hoping that he would accept the introduction of reforms. Al‑Muwashkī participated in the 1948 coup and Imām Aḥmad executed him and many others.

  • 68 Before al‑Ḥikma, Imām Yaḥyā established a daily newspaper called al‑Īmān. See Douglas, 1987, p. 43
  • 69 “The Nu‘māns were large landowners and among the most important families of shaykhs in al‑Hujariyy (...)

25Al‑Baraddūnī delves deeper into the lives of other intellectuals, each of whom added significant knowledge streams to the discourse at that time. An important figure who witnessed Yemeni upheavals during the twentieth century is ‘Abdallāh al‑Shamāḥī (1900–1985). He is one of the individuals whom al‑Baraddūnī considered to be a major intellectual influence on Yemeni society during the twentieth century. Al‑Shamāḥī and other intellectuals wrote in journals such as al‑Ḥikma in addition to their support for the 1955 coup. He was an Islamic jurist and taught at Dār al‑‘Ulūm for four years; thereafter he moved from teaching to the field of jurisdiction. He started to write poems about fiqh which were published in journals and newspapers such as al‑Ḥikma.68 Al‑Shamāḥī was imprisoned twice, once in Sana’a for a month in 1946, and once in Ḥajja in 1948 until 1953. After he was released from prison, he worked in the sharī‘a committee in Taiz until the 1955 coup. He participated in this coup because he and the leader of the coup, Aḥmad al‑Thulāyā, were related – their wives were sisters. Also, he was a friend of ‘Abdallāh b. Yaḥyā who was the leader of the coup. This friendship was his main reason for joining the coup. Al‑Shamāḥī was a leading member of the coup for five days, until its failure. His support for the coup was also due to political reasons. In addition to the relations he had with the leaders of the revolution mentioned above, he also believed that ‘Abdallāh, the son of Imām Yaḥyā, was the person most suited to rule and Aḥmad al‑Thulāyā the best military leader. Despite the fact that al‑Thulāyā rejected the coup in 1948 and supported Imām Aḥmad, he became the leader of the coup in 1955. The coup was condemned by some of his colleagues who supported the rule of the constitution, such as Nu‘mān69 who fled from Taiz (the city in which the coup started) and showed his support to Imām Aḥmad. Despite the fact that al‑Shamāḥī was arrested, he managed to avoid the death penalty because he did not sign a verdict that Imām Aḥmad had no liability to rule.

  • 70 Al‑Baraddūnī mentioned a few journals such as Sawt al‑Yaman (“The voice of Yemen”), Fatāt al‑jazīr (...)
  • 71 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 304–305.

26Al‑Baraddūnī illustrates how al‑Shamāḥī’s poems had a strong echo during the 30s and 40s. This demonstrates how scholars can have a vital influence on Yemeni society in the sense of raising awareness about the social and political surroundings. This big influence was because he had a direct link to his students, in addition to his job in the judiciary which gave him the ability to illustrate and explain the jurisdiction behind many situations and to solve problems. Using poems to distribute his ideas was an effective way to communicate with wider society and reach them through newspapers, radio, and journals.70 His writings prompted other poets to write about their opinion openly. He inspired many Yemeni poets to take action and to stop being passive and admissive, as their forefathers had been: “The ancestors worshiped stones and died. And our generation worshiped people like us.”71

  • 72 Jones and Russell, 2012, p. 273.

27Al‑Shamāḥī’s social and political connections show how focusing on an individual’s life can reveal parts of history and can contribute significantly to the bigger picture. This illustrates Jones and Russel’s theory: “Social memory and oral history became the means to explore the histories of communities that had been subsumed or marginalized by these grand, national narratives.”72 The in‑depth analysis of public figures such as al‑Shamāḥī helped al‑Baraddūnī to reflect upon several variables in Yemeni society, including the social dynamics that played a key role on the ground. In addition, the analysis of key public figures like al‑Shamāḥī is a way to create a narrative from within Yemeni society, highlighting the importance of oral history. Patricia Leavy reflects upon this by emphasizing that oral history assumes that individual actors have valuable knowledge to share based on their life experiences, including their behaviors, rituals, attitudes, values and beliefs. From this point onwards, al‑Baraddūnī continues to analyze important individuals and public figures who had an influence on developments and dynamics within Yemeni society.

28These intellectuals that al‑Baraddūnī writes about not only show the kind of social intellectual networks that existed during the first half of the twentieth century in Yemen, but they also reflect the power relations during the Imamate period. These scholars not only had access to the top jobs offered by the authority, they also had the tools (journals, newspapers, and radio) to address the people. But for al‑Baraddūnī, this link to the people was not enough to ensure the success of the 1948 coup. Al‑Shamāḥī, like others, did not engage enough with the people and they mostly fought alone. Most of those who entered Dār al‑‘Ulūm did so for two main reasons, as al‑Baraddūnī explains: to be a regular student and expand their knowledge, and to have a job after graduation. All those who graduated from Dār al‑‘Ulūm were hired by the state or were paid for until they had a job.

29As al‑Baraddūnī sees it, despite the failure of the coup in 1948, it raised awareness among the intellectuals about the importance of people’s participation. This led them to establish stronger relations with ordinary members of Yemeni society which finally led to the accomplishment of the 1962 revolution as the following section will reveal.

The spirit of the revolution and the will of the people

  • 73 He does not use this word per se; rather he explains that the revolution is a public event and fol (...)

30Another important reason for the 1962 revolution, according to al‑Baraddūnī, besides the evolving new intellectual and discursive environment in Yemen, was what he defined as the “will of the people”.73 The social and political environment was influenced principally by two main actors: students and women.

The student movement

  • 74 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 248.

31The main difference between the student movements and the senior scholars, who were discussed in the previous section, was that they did not only belong to the middle and high classes during the 1962 revolution, but that they were also from different strata of society. According to al‑Baraddūnī the students of the 1940s were more engaged in issues surrounding Yemeni society than those of the 1920s and 1930s.74 During the 1940s they were not only focused on their own studies, but also actively distributed pamphlets in support of the constitutional revolution that arrived from Aden. Moreover, they distributed letters that called for a Constitutional Movement between cities, an act in which women played the important role of safeguarding the letters and secretly distributing them away from outsiders’ eyes.

  • 75 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 249.

32Al‑Baraddūnī illustrates that the students were very passionate about the constitutional revolution, which finally reached its peak in 1948. When the 1948 coup occurred, the students played a vital role in spreading the revolutionary spirit among the people through their speeches and poems; which were also distributed outside Yemeni borders. At the end, despite their efforts to sustain the belief in the revolution and their participation in direct confrontations by carrying weapons and camping around Sana’a’s walls trying to break the siege, they failed. They endured many losses, for example, ‘Abdallāh Muḥammad al‑Wazīr was killed, and ‘Abd al‑Malik al‑Ṭayyib and ‘Alī al‑Wāsi‘ī were imprisoned. Others, like Aḥmad Khazzān and Ḥusayn ‘Uthmān al‑Wazīr, however, managed to escape. They were considered to be the student leaders of the attempted revolution of 1948.75

  • 76 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 249.

33Al‑Barradūnī clarifies that the ’48 coup relied deeply on the students, mainly Dār al‑‘Ulūm’s students and the military faculty. He describes the characteristics and traits of the students as honest soldiers of the revolution, as they engaged fully with the revolution and deeply understood it. Al‑Baraddūnī attributes the failure of the revolution, despite the students’ efforts, to several factors. Their inexperience with weapons, and inability to use them, the limited number of people following their lead (their number did not exceed 200 in secondary schools, and 300 in Dār al‑‘Ulūm). Another factor contributing to their failure was that many students, who belonged to the middle or upper classes, considered the common people to be inferior, because of their tribal descent. A high percentage of the students were not capable of influencing the social environment due to their lack of engagement and contact with the people.76

34Al‑Baraddūnī further analyses the causes of this failure; he deduced that the education in elementary schools as well as in Dār al‑‘Ulūm was rigid and did not follow the contemporary requirements of the time, therefore contributing to the fact that the students did not have a strong connection with the general public. In Dār al‑‘Ulūm the studies were more focused on grammar and memorizing existing scripts on worship, behavior and the origins of religion. Additionally, the studies did not allow for ideas about the future or change: their main focus had been on the previous centuries, which were displayed as being homogenous embodiments of continuity. Despite the importance of al‑Baraddūnī’s analysis, it is necessary to acknowledge that even though the students did not reach the wider public, the level of education they acquired in Dar al‑‘Ulūm was surely admired and respected by the general public.

35Intellectuals did not have the ability to engage with and explain their ideas of change to the wider public. Instead, they were isolated to some extent, which can be considered as one of the reasons behind the failure of the 1948 coup, according to al‑Baraddūnī. Being part of the elite was in contradiction with the revolutionary actions that could be taken. To some extent, those students were part of the hegemonic power by being part of the education system, and upon graduation, they would be part of the Imamate system. This may have influenced their ability to engage with the wider public successfully.

  • 77 See Al‑Thawra, https://althawra‑news.net/news60006.html

36In spite of the shortcomings of the students of the 1940s, according to al‑Baraddūnī, they were a great manifestation of the forthcoming revolution. During the 1950s, the student movement evolved, and included students from the poorer classes of society; it ceased to be solely driven by middle and upper classes. This decade witnessed a relatively large expansion of general education schools in Yemen in both parts of the North and South. This was due to the influence of the Imām’s relations with Arab countries, especially with Egypt after the revolution of July 23, 1952, as well as for the purpose of calming the angry and popular mood which rejected the policy of backwardness and isolation practiced by the Ḥamīd al‑Dīn rule. In addition, in the south, the evolution of the role of the military and the commercial activities of the colony of Aden during and after the Second World War were strong influencing factors. In this period the circle of nationalist thought spread, which culminated in the first founding works of the organizations and parties of the Yemeni national liberation movement in its various political and intellectual parties. All these developments had a positive impact on the student movement in more than one sense, changing the level of awareness, and the number and forms of their contributions to the daily struggle of the Yemeni people.77

  • 78 Al‑Baraddūnī does not provide an explanation about this school, but it seems that it is different (...)
  • 79 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 256.
  • 80 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 255.

37The movement included students who were educated in elementary schools, health centers, and Dār al‑Mu‘allimīn,78 in addition to Dār al‑‘Ulūm. Those students had more awareness of the changes that were occurring around them, and were also more connected to these changes, as they read journals, and heard radio broadcasts by the revolutionary regimes in other Arab countries.79 Students who belonged to different backgrounds influenced each other and exchanged views and thoughts with Dār al‑‘Ulūm’s students. This mixture changed the style of confrontation. Whereas previously, the common means of communication were to quote poems or make speeches, later the students adopted a more confrontational way of communication. For example, in 1956 the students demonstrated against the Tripartite Aggression of Israel, the United Kingdom and France against Egypt. They demanded weapons and volunteered to support Egypt. Then, in 1959, when their number in the movement increased (following the increase in schools), the students demanded more work opportunities. As a consequence, Imām Aḥmad announced that 200 students would be expelled from their studies. The students’ reaction was to demonstrate in front of Dār al‑‘Ulūm, making it clear that the commands of Imām Aḥmad were no longer muqaddasa (sacred). The students continued to demonstrate for days, and as these demonstrations developed their demands expanded to issues relating to the social situation.80 This action forced Imām Aḥmad to take back his order expelling the students.

38Al‑Baraddūnī explains that despite the different social backgrounds of the students during the 1950s, the common aim for political change united them. The development of the student movement in Yemen contributed to the impetus for the 1962 revolution. The intellectual environment in Yemeni society and neighboring countries also contributed significantly to this development. It is certain, however, that students were not the only force driving the revolution; women came to play increasingly important roles in the revolution which wil be discussed in the following section.

The participation of Yemeni women

  • 81 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 262–264.
  • 82 Nājī, 1980, p. 35–74.

39Al‑Baraddūnī emphasizes that despite the hegemony of men in all aspects of Yemeni society, women still participated in and contributed to many different fields in society.81 His perspective concords with that of other scholars such Sulṭān Nājī, whose work deals with the social, political and economic rights of women.82 Before explaining how Yemeni women had an important influence on society in the twentieth century, al‑Baraddūnī provides a vital background explanation of key Yemeni female figures throughout history to illustrate the role and influence of Yemeni women more generally. For instance, he illustrates the life of queen Arwā al‑Ṣulayḥiyya, who lived in the eleventh century, and was a jurisprudent on the Isma’ili doctrine. Al‑Sharīfa Dahmā’, who lived in Thulā during the eighth century AH (fourteenth century CE), was one of the leading jurisprudents of her time. She had her own education circle as any Imām does in jurisprudence. Her book al‑Anwār is an explanation of her brother’s book Aḥmad bin Yaḥyā al‑Murtaḍā. But her most influential work is her book on the text of Ibn al‑Ḥājib outlining the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, which later on became part of the Yemeni educational system.

  • 83 Al‑Baraddūnī 1997, p. 270–271.

40Another Yemeni female figure is Fāṭima bint ‘Alī who was famous for advocating for ‘social consensus’, which includes taking care of the poor, the promotion of virtue and the prevention of vice. She proposed a political vision for this consensus, and her brother al‑Imām al‑Nāṣir, who was among the leaders during the eighth century Hijri, took her advice on important issues. His companions used to call her Amīrat al‑Muʾminīn “Commander of the Faithful”.83

41Al‑Baraddūnī says there are other examples of influential women, whom historians did not consider because of their lack of social status, because, unlike the well‑known female figures, they were not an Imām’s daughter or wife. He summarizes that from the twelfth to the nineteenth century, Yemeni history witnessed many outstanding women whose publications, and contributions to literature and to education were more than that of women in places such as Baghdad, Egypt, the Bilād al‑Shām, and al‑Andalūs.

  • 84 Al‑Baraddūnī does not explain about them and I did not find anything written about them.

42By exploring these historic female figures, it seems that al‑Baraddūnī wants to make us understand that Yemeni women were, and still are, part of the Yemeni social cohesion, a fact that could also be observed after the 1962 revolution. During the twentieth century there was a general shortage of literature production in Yemeni society. Nevertheless, many female writers and activists raised their voices and played an important role in literature and society as a whole. During the 1930s for example, Umm Awlād Abu Dunyā and Funda al‑Darwīshiyya84 both countered the Imamate military. Poems by Zayd al‑Muwashkī and Muḥammad al‑Zubayrī in the 1940s reflect the extent of women’s participation in the national movement.

Ahdat ilayhi qirṭahā wa siwārahā / wa mā taḏkẖar al‑anṯhā li‑ḥālāt aṭwāri

  • 85 أهدت إليه قرطها وسوارها ••• وما تذخر الأنثى لحالات أطوارِ‟
    وقالت له: بِعْها لتشري كرامةً ••• وحرية (...)

Wa qālat lahu: bi‘hā li‑tashrī karāmatan / wa ḥuriyyah lā yashtarī mithlahā al‑shārī85

43The poem illustrates how women participated in the revolution by donating their jewellery in order to raise money. In addition, the poem explains how women lifted the morale of men through inspiring speeches and encouraging words. This poem is an example that al‑Baraddūnī presents to explain how women are represented in Yemeni poetry. Moreover, he illustrates how women took on more active roles, such as delivering letters to the fighters. Many women lost their husbands and had to provide for their children on their own.

  • 86 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 280; al‑‘Aqāb, 2009, p. 86.

44The political changes also affected Yemeni women. When Imām Yaḥyā was killed, the literacy rate among women rose due to the increase of educational opportunities. This shows that Imām Aḥmad adopted different policies than his father, especially considering the fact that he permitted the opening of new schools for women. In 1957 new schools for nursing were opened. Several women enrolled, especially those who had lost their husbands or who were divorced. They encountered opposition from the Imamate regime, which was the first type of open confrontation women had ever faced. They were trying to break free from societal constraints and hoped to become part of public life. This was a turning point for women; in 1961 nurses organised a public strike because they had not received their monthly salary, which was the first of its kind in the Yemeni contemporary history. This was followed by another strike during the 1962 revolution. After the revolution, opportunities for women to access education increased. Many new schools were opened by the political leadership of the revolution which provided more educational opportunities for women.86

  • 87 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 281.

45After the 1962 revolution, along with the rising numbers of women attaining education, women’s participation, roles and influence in society increased. This led to the establishment of the first union of Yemeni women, comprised of influential women such as Ḥūriyya al‑Muʾayyad, Fatḥīya al‑Jarāfī and Fatḥīya al‑Niẓārī. Feminine opposition groups who adopted non‑revolutionary ideas disagreed with the establishment of this union. ‘Atīka al‑Shāmī opposed its existence, calling for the establishment of a union that represented the Imamate period as a reflection of Yemeni society. The existence of such positions led to the creation of a right and a left wing among women in Yemen. It is noteworthy that most of these women belonged to the middle or upper class,87 indicating that the struggle against/for sayyid hegemony seems to have taken place also on this level.

  • 88 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988b, p. 399.

46Despite the creation of feminine opposition, women’s involvement in society did not come to a halt. The establishment of the first union triggered the creation of others, some secret, some public. During the 1970s Līlā al‑Wādi‘ī called for the creation of a new union named al‑Nahḍa Women & Association. The name of this union purposefully reflected their aim of establishing growth and development for Yemeni women, without opposing Yemeni traditions. For this reason, the organization was more accepted by society. It was seen as an organization taking on the important responsibility of supporting the development of women, enabling them to gain more experience, and helping them through family programs. The idea was to empower women to be more than mere cooks and cleaners at home.88

  • 89 For more information about how women played an important role in Yemeni society and their involvem (...)
  • 90 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988b, p. 400.

47Interestingly, according to al‑Baraddūnī, rural women were always seen by the Yemenis as a part of Yemeni society. Women had always worked with men on the farms, and even worked more than men.89 At the end, al‑Baraddūnī argues that Yemeni women always fought alongside men and took on both the role of the father and of the mother during the hard times. They were also always an integral part of any changes that occurred in Yemen.90 By exploring and emphasizing women’s role in society throughout history and after the 1962 revolution, al‑Baraddūnī wants to make us understand Yemeni society through the eyes of groups who were marginalized and excluded from official sources. In order to gain an in‑depth understanding of a society, it is important to look beyond official historiography and to examine the lives of more invisible groups. This was al‑Baraddūnī’s main scholarly approach. His analysis of the 1962 revolution through the lens of the marginalized can be considered as an important contribution to Yemeni counter‑narratives.

Conclusion

48For many centuries Yemeni historiography focused on the history of rulers and kings. However, the exploration of Yemeni history from other perspectives, such as various groups of society from different classes and spheres can uncover insightful alternative narratives. Al‑Baraddūnī’s main endeavour is to provide an alternative understanding of Yemeni society by presenting the lives and experiences of different groups of people. He was convinced that the lives of people and their relationship with the wider political and social context can uncover hidden knowledge. His writings are a way of showing that there is more to history than official historiography. Since rulers and kings have control over the production and publication of knowledge, al‑Baraddūnī’s work can be considered a vital addition to Yemeni narratives – from the perspectives of people’s lives.

49In his work, Al‑Baraddūnī explores the role of student movements, women, and prominent Yemeni figures through the analysis of popular and folk art and literature. These genres can illuminate hitherto undocumented aspects of Yemeni society. His publications provide an insight into “unofficial” developments and events, which reflect social, political and power relations in Yemeni society. Al‑Baraddūnī documents a profound change in the course of which previously marginalized strata and groups gained influence, voice and agency. He describes how revolutionary ideas were gaining more and more ground in Yemeni society in the time leading to the 1962 revolution, ideas and convictions that became the drivers and the foundations for the 1962 revolution.

  • 91 Al‑Baraddūnī reflects also on the Egyptian army and their role in Yemen. See al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p (...)
  • 92 Wattad, 2018, The New Arab (online).

50Al‑Baraddūnī explores the period prior to 1962 first, in order to shed light on the reasons for the failure of the 1948 coup attempt. He says it was due to the lack of people’s participation and the failure to realize that by uniting with other groups in the revolution would have better chances than working alone. The 1962 revolution, in contrast, ultimately achieved its main purpose because of the participation of various sectors of Yemeni society:91 women, students, farmers, soldiers, and intellectuals from different schools, other than the previously hegemonic Dār al‑‘Ulūm. Al‑Baraddūnī identifies three main pillars that led to the accomplishment of the revolution: the intellectual atmosphere, the discursive environment and the participation of marginalized groups. He puts the 1962 revolution in the context of a gradual process in which formerly marginalized people developed their own agency and began to determine Yemen’s profound transformation. In addition to that, the intervention from other countries also played a vital role during the years after the revolution. While the Egyptian regime supported the revolution, the Imamate was supported by Saudi Arabia and Israel through the shipment of weapons and military armaments.92 For al‑Baraddūnī, the 1962 revolution and its vision for the future of Yemeni society was a process that required continuous work.

  • 93 Douglas, 1987, p. 240–241.

51Al‑Baraddūnī’s reflections on the wider social and political relationships within Yemeni society lead to a better understanding of the 1962 revolution. He explores the relationships between the tribes and the Imamate after the end of the second Ottoman occupation. These unstable relations, and the Ḥāshid, al‑Maqāṭira, and al‑Zarānīq uprisings were important examples that al‑Baraddūnī provides to show how the Imamate used to impose its hegemony and control over the country. Al‑Barradūnī reflects upon the conflicts and the confrontations among those who were in power. He analyses the political changes that occurred by presenting Yemenis from different strata and their relations with both those in power and their surroundings, such as al‑Muwashkī and ‘Abdallāh al‑Shamāḥī, and their influence in Yemeni society. In addition, al‑Baraddūnī emphasizes that the interrelations between different groups in Yemeni society played a big role in creating an environment that led to public awareness about the importance of those marginalized in society. His account is far from being all‑encompassing since he does not consider the roles and agency of many other groups, for example the Shafi‘i merchants, farmers and laborers who also played a role in criticizing the Imamate.93 Nevertheless, exploring al‑Baraddūnī’s work adds to the existing body of knowledge about Yemeni society through the eyes of its own people. Besides, al‑Baraddūnī’s own experiences and life can be considered rich sources of narratives, since he himself was an active and prominent part of society and witnessed a vivid period in Yemen.

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Bibliographie

Abd Al‑Ḥamīd, ‘Āyda, “Maḥaṭṭāt hāmma fī ḥayāt al‑Baraddūnī” ‑ interview with Fatḥīya al‑Jarāfī, Almotamar (online), 2005, Accessed on January 2018, URL: http://www.almotamar.net/2014x/23876.htm.

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Notes

1 Al‑Shawkānī, 1929. Al‑Shawkānī was a Yemeni Islamic scholar who was born in Sana’a in 1760 and died in 1834. He worked as a jurist and reformer. He wrote many books and poems and some were published after his death. See: https://www.almoajam.org/lists/inner/6181.

2 Zabbārah, 1955. Zabārah (1883–1960) was born in Yemen and lived in various countries (Yemen, Egypt, Hijaz, Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, India and Iran). He was a Yemeni scholar who worked with the authorities and supported Imām Yaḥyā Muḥammad Ḥamīd al‑Dīn who invited him to be part of the peace process with the Ottomans. See https://www.almoajam.org/lists/inner/6419.

3 Al‑Wāsi‘ī, 1928. Al‑Wāsi‘ī (1878–1960) was a Yemeni historian. See Al‑Ziriklī, Vol. 4, p. 178.

4 There are others who wrote about Yemen and the history of Yemen from different perspectives, such as Sulṭān Nājī, who wrote about Yemeni women and Sinān Abu Luḥūm, who reflected upon the history of Yemen during the twentieth century from the perspective of narration, rather than focusing on the rulers. See Sulṭān Nājī, 1980, and Sinn Abu Luḥūm, 2004.

5 Al‑Baraddūnī 1988a, p. 25.

6 This led me to examine other aspects of al‑Baraddūnī’s writings (popular culture and folk art in Yemen) in two other papers. See Kamal, “Alternative Historiography: Al‑Baraddūnī’s Perspective on Popular Literature and Folk Art in Yemen”. Pragu, Archiv Orientální, forthcoming. The second article is under review.

7 I wish to convey my special thanks to Prof. Daniel Varisco for his valuable review and suggestions for improvement. I would also like to thank Dr. Marieke Brandt for her rich insights and valuable comments. My thanks also go to Dr. Mohammed Almahfali as well as anonymous reviewers who both provided vital comments.

8 ‘Abd al‑‘Azīz al‑Maqāliḥ is a Yemeni poet and writer (1937–). His writings deal with various subjects, such as praise, lamentation, dramas, patriots, descriptions, asceticism, Sufism…etc. He started to write poems during the 1950s under another name (Ibn al‑Shāṭī‘). His production is prolific, and he has written some very popular poems in Yemen. See Momtahen and Naniz, 2011.

9 e.g. al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, 1993, 1988b.

10 Al‑Khamisi, 2017, p. 14.

11 Lucine Taminian (1999) explored Al‑Baraddūnī’s writings within the framework of poetry in Yemen. See Taminian, 1999.

12 Delgado, 1989, p. 2412.

13 Bamberg and Andrews, 2004, p. 2.

14 Bamberg, De Fina and Schiffrin, 2007, p. 5.

15 Boyd and Larson, 2014, p. 2.

16 Leavy, 2011, p. 9 and 16.

17 Al‑Ḥakīm, 2008.

18 When Imām Yaḥyā took power, he demolished the School for Teachers (Dār al‑mu‘allimīn), which had been built by the Ottomans, and made it Yemeni property and government homes. Dār al‑‘Ulūm was entirely funded by the state and many rich farmers donated land to help fund the school. See al‑Baraddūnī 1993, p. 111.

19 The Al‑Wazīr coup led to the assassination Imām Yaḥyā in 1948. The coup failed and Yaḥyā’s son, Aḥmad, became the new Imām. See Burrowes, 1995.

20 Al‑Maqarī, 2014.

21 An interview by ‘āydā ‘Abd al‑Ḥumayd in 2005 with al‑Baraddūnī’s wife, which is published online: http://www.almotamar.net/2014x/23876.htm. During the interview his wife mentioned students who were in contact with al‑Baraddūnī, such as Tawfīq al‑ Ḥarāzī and ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb al‑Dhārī.

22 Al‑Ḥarāzī, 2015.

23 See Burgat and Camberlin, 2001.

24 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 209.

25 It is important to mention that there are also some sayyid‑s among the Shāfī‘ī‑s.

26 Dresch, 1989, p. 142–143.This aspect reflects the Yemeni cultural context which is underlined by the anthropological research of Paul Dresch at the end of the 1980s.

27 Vom Bruck, 1998, p. 283

28 Gochenour, 1984.

29 e.g. Brandt 2017, and Dresch, 1989.

30 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 73.

31 Al‑Baraddūnī ,1997, p. 83.

32 The following pages will illustrate this in more detail.

33 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 83.

34 Al‑Maqāṭira Governorate was not part of Lahj, which became one of the nine British Protectorates in 1839.

35 Al‑Baraddūnī,1997, p. 112.

36 See his book Al‑ḥikma fī sīrat Imām al‑umma.

37 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 89.

38 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 111.

39 Douglas, 1987, p. 41.

40 Douglas, 1987, p. 76–77.

41 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 114. For more details and a comparison with al‑Baraddūnī’s writings see Douglas, 1987, p. 157

42 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p.129. If we compare al‑Baraddūnī’s reflections on the Zarānīq uprising with offical sources, we notice that the Zarānīq were considered differently depending on the point of view of the teller.

43 Burrowes, 1995, p. 251.

44 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 114.

45 Dresch, 1989, p.142–143.

46 In 1955 a senior Army officer and a brother of Imām Aḥmad planned a coup to depose the Imām, but this coup also failed, see Burrowes, 1995, p. 250.

47 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 67.

48 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p.70. Al‑Baraddūnī does not define the middle class, but most likely he refers to those of an educated class as middle class.

49 It is called the ‘white coup’ because it was a peaceful movement which took power without a direct confrontation, see al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 511.

50 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p.129.

51 Al‑Baraddūnī ,1988a, p. 130.

52 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 72.

53 Douglas, The Free Yemeni movement 1935–1962, American University of Beirut, Beirut, 1987, 287 pages.

54 There is no mention in his work that Al‑Baraddūnī spoke or was able to read English, which leads me to assume that he did not know the language. In addition, he was blind and being able to study Arabic and continue his education was a huge achievement for him.

55 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p.40.

56 Al‑Baraddūnī does not use the word sāda /sayyid‑s per se. He uses the two terms middle and upper class.

57 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 117. According to Douglas, al‑Ḥikma was established by Aḥmad ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb during the late 1930s, see Douglas, 1987, p. 44.

58 J. Leigh Douglas explains that “It was just this sort of activity, undertaken in secret and using books and magazines smuggled in by returning Yemeni emigres that helped crystallise the opposition to Imam Yahya”, see Douglas, 1987, p. 39.

59 For Douglas, the “first signs of opposition arose neither from the tribes nor from the major sayyid families of al‑Wazir and Sharaf al‑Din, but from the young generation of urban intellectuals, the Shaba.”, see Douglas, 1987, p. 33.

60 The reasons that led to the failure of the 1948 coup will be explained in the next pages.

61 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 41.

62 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 43.

63 Al‑Baraddūnī 1997, p. 43. Al‑Zubayrī was the most influential reformer, and he is still celebrated as such. Al‑Zubayrī built close contacts with Muslim Brothers in Egypt during his school years. His mutable position regarding the Imām was justified by the fact that he first encouraged the Imām to adopt the poet’s dream, i.e. political reforms; but he later revoked his eulogies. See Taminian, 1999. All the quotations are translated by the author from Arabic to English unless otherwise noted.

64 The intellectuals were divided into two groups: one that saw the assassination of Imām Yaḥyā as a means of stopping the oppressor; the other that condemned this act. For more information on the coup see Douglas, 1987, p. 134–150.

65 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 42–44

66 See “Aḥmad ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb al‑Warīth”, Almoheet web site, 20 Jan. 2018, and “‘Abdallāh al‑A’zb”, Ramadān, 2004, p.406; and “Aḥmad al‑Muṭa‘”, Almoheet web site, 2017; Douglas, 1987, p. 43–46.

67 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988a, p. 38. See also Douglas, 1987, p. 43–46.

68 Before al‑Ḥikma, Imām Yaḥyā established a daily newspaper called al‑Īmān. See Douglas, 1987, p. 43.

69 “The Nu‘māns were large landowners and among the most important families of shaykhs in al‑Hujariyya. Aḥmad’s father was a farmer; his uncle, ‘Abd al‑Wahhāb Nu‘mān, was the Turkish‑appointed ḥākim of al‑Ḥujarriyya until he dismissed, when Imām Yahya took over the district.” Douglas, 1987, p. 41.

70 Al‑Baraddūnī mentioned a few journals such as Sawt al‑Yaman (“The voice of Yemen”), Fatāt al‑jazīra (“The women of the Island”). See al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 317. In addition to that, al‑Baraddūnī says (1997: 56) that the radio became a source of information for people.

71 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 304–305.

72 Jones and Russell, 2012, p. 273.

73 He does not use this word per se; rather he explains that the revolution is a public event and folk need to confront corruption. Besides, the popular need and the strength of the will to change the current situation lead to revolutionary changes. See al‑Baraddūnī, 1993, p. 63.

74 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 248.

75 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 249.

76 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 249.

77 See Al‑Thawra, https://althawra‑news.net/news60006.html

78 Al‑Baraddūnī does not provide an explanation about this school, but it seems that it is different from those that were demolished by Imām Yaḥyā.

79 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 256.

80 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 255.

81 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 262–264.

82 Nājī, 1980, p. 35–74.

83 Al‑Baraddūnī 1997, p. 270–271.

84 Al‑Baraddūnī does not explain about them and I did not find anything written about them.

85 أهدت إليه قرطها وسوارها ••• وما تذخر الأنثى لحالات أطوارِ‟
وقالت له: بِعْها لتشري كرامةً ••• وحرية لا يشتري مثلها الشاري‘
She gave her earring and bracelet to him ••• And all her savings for emergencies
She said to him: Sell them to buy dignity ••• freedom is priceless

The poem is translated by the author.

86 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 280; al‑‘Aqāb, 2009, p. 86.

87 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 281.

88 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988b, p. 399.

89 For more information about how women played an important role in Yemeni society and their involvement in traditional practices such as mediation processes see Adra, 2016.

90 Al‑Baraddūnī, 1988b, p. 400.

91 Al‑Baraddūnī reflects also on the Egyptian army and their role in Yemen. See al‑Baraddūnī, 1997, p. 66–67.

92 Wattad, 2018, The New Arab (online).

93 Douglas, 1987, p. 240–241.

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Noura Kamal, « Counter‑Narratives through the lens of al‑Baraddūnī: The case of the 1962 Yemeni revolution »Arabian Humanities [En ligne], 13 | 2020, mis en ligne le 10 juillet 2020, consulté le 19 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/arabianhumanities/6173 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/cy.6173

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Auteur

Noura Kamal

Institute for Social Anthropology, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna

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