Introduction1

3 Sadatang ka kabuyutan, Upon reaching the sacred place,

4 meu(n)tas di Cisaunggalah, crossing at [the river] Cisaunggalah,

5 leumpang aing ka baratkeun, I travelled to the west,

6 datang ka bukit Patégéng, arriving at Mount Patégéng,

7 sakakala Sang Kuriang, the memorial of Sang Kuriang,

8 masa dek nyitu Citarum, of the time when he would dam [the river] Citarum,

9 burung tembey kasiangan. but failed because of the arrival of day.

10If the story of Sang Kuriang had become legend in the 15th century, it can be said that weaving traditions were present in the land of Sunda long before that. Another Sundanese legend, namely that of Nini Anteh (antéh itself has the connotation of making yarn), figures a child and a cat who climb a tree that soars up to the moon. For Sundanese people who believe it, the black shadows on the moon during a full moon are the shadows of Nini Antéh, the small child and the cat who are making yarn.

11Besides what is reflected in various folk tales or legends, we find many idioms and Sundanese proverbs associated with weaving traditions, such as: ngaheuyeuk dayeuh ngolah nagara (“weaving the city, managing the state”), which refers to governance; paheuyeuk-heuyeuk lengeun (“weaving each other’s hands”), which refers to solidarity; bobo sapanon carang sapakan (“a broken mesh hole, a missing weft thread”), which is very commonly pronounced in a concluding speech as an apology for the speaker’s imperfections of expression.

Fig. 1 – Distribution of types of loom in Asia in the present day. (Source: Buckley 2017)

12The cultural practice underlying such idioms is now a thing of the past. Traditional weaving has perished in the Sundanese-speaking area, except in the region of Kanékés (Baduy), in South Banten. The most complete and perhaps final ethnographic descriptions were published by C.M. Pleyte in 1912 and by Jasper & Pirngadie in the same year, when textile traditions were still alive in the Priangan region. Their research regarding textile production in western Java at the beginning of the 20th century is quite detailed and useful for understanding the technology of production of woven fabrics, including tools, motifs and symbolic aspects. However, no attempt was made by those scholars to trace the history of this tradition in the Sunda region back to the pre-colonial period. In 2015, Mamat Sasmita published an article about decorative styles in this region based on an Old-Sundanese text, the Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian. The study is useful even though it does not describe the full breadth of activities and traditions related to weaving.

Fig.  2 – Weaving Tool from the Sundanese region (Jasper & Pirngadie, 1912:122). a. Andir, b. Pancuh, c. Unjar, umpak or dadampar, d. Cakcak or gedogan, e. Panggulung or totogan, f. Galégér, g. Titihan, h. Limbuhan, i/j. Jingjingan, k. Baréra, l. Suri, m. Hapit, n. Caor, o. Tali caor, p. Rorogan, q. Taropong, r. Palét

14Following Wisseman Christie (1993), who used textual materials from Java, primarily inscriptions, this article will explain the types, functions, production techniques and symbolic aspects of the weaving process during the pre-Islamic period, as it is reflected in textual sources in Old Sundanese and in more recently-recorded pantun narratives. The sources that will be used are the following:

15 BM: Bujangga Manik (ca. 15th c.)

16 CP: Carita Parahyangan (prior to 1600)

17 DK: Demung Kalagan (Carita Pantun, recorded in 1970)

18 FCP: Fragmen Carita Parahyangan (prior to 1578)

19 KP: Kawih Pangeuyeukan (prior to 1700)

20 KSH: Kaputusan Sang Hyang (prior to 1600)

21 LK: Lutung Kasarung (Carita Pantun, recorded in Pleyte 1910)

22 PRR: Putra Rama dan Rawana (ca. 16th c.)

23 SA: Sri Ajnyana (ca. 16th c.)

24 SD: Séwaka Darma (Kawih Panyaraman) (ca. 15th c.)

25 SSC: Sang Hyang Swawar Cinta (prior to 1500)

26 SSKK: Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian (oldest ms. dated to 1518)

27 SSMG: Sang Hyang Sasana Mahaguru (prior to 1500)

28 RT: Radén Tegal (Carita Pantun, recorded in Meijer 1891)

29It should be noted that it is difficult to determine whether the terms for textiles and weaving in Old-Sundanese texts and carita pantun reflect the reality of their time. Ethnological evidence in the early twentieth century proves that most of the 16th-century terminology for textile and fabric motifs was still used, although some terms are not historically attested. In several examples, such as in the formulaic expression in the carita pantun, the author implicitly wants to associate his knowledge of the international world, such as mentioning imported embroidered fabrics from Baluk, Chinese silk, and looms with the highest quality materials from outside the Sunda region. These formulas clearly reflect the author’s imagination rather than reality.

Types of Textile

30The Sundanese-speaking area took part in international trading networks since the pre-colonial period, just as did many other areas in the archipelago. The earliest sources, whether local or European, help to give us a picture of the commercial activities and the commodities, especially textiles.

They buy white sinabaffs, both large and small, synhavas, pachauelezes, balachos, atobalachos (these are white cloths). They buy Kling cloths, enrolados of large and small ladrilho which are then marketable, and they buy much. They buy pachak, catechu and seeds from Cambay. They buy bretangis and clothes from Cambay, turias, tiricandies, caydes in quantities. A great deal is used there and bought for gold. Areca, rosewater and things like that are bought in Sunda.

36Terms that refer to types of cloth, both tailored and untailored, are plentiful in Old- Sundanese texts. The most important items mentioned by the authors are: tapih, lungsir, kasang, boéh, sutra, aben, poléng, dodot, simbut, cawet, and daluwang. In the following, I will attempt to define them one at a time.

39Boéh generally refers to sheets of cotton cloth (FCP.6b–7a). It is used to bandage or to wrap; as in the case of the casket containing Dewi Sita when she was submerged into the river by Laksamana (PRR.253). Boéh was included among the offerings of vassal kings to the paramount king. The units used were lawé (literally meaning ‘yarn’) and kayu. The boéh calincing motif (Averrhoa bilimbi) and a type of boéh limur are also mentioned (BM.212, 392). It is interesting to note that limar is recorded in Modern Sundanese dictionaries as a “kind of floral silk material; waistband made of this material”(Hardjadibrata, 2003: 498), but in Old Javanese, limar is an older form than limur, which latter is only recorded in the Kiduṅ Harṣavijaya. Both refer to kinds of silk cloth (Zoetmulder 1982: s.v. limur).

40Kasang is a broad cloth that often refers to curtains and forms part of a house, especially hanging down in doorways (BM.184, 187, 188). On the bottom it is decorated with gems that jingle when someone parts them. One of their primary components is boéh larang (SD.44). The type of kasang imported from outside Sunda originated from Pahang around the 15th century (BM.190). There could be a variety of kasang motifs, including motifs based on narrative stories (cacaritaan).

41Sutra is a kind of high-quality cloth mentioned in the context of imported textile: in its occurrences in Old-Sundanese texts, this word is always juxtaposed with Keling (BM.1740, 1747) or with Chinese shoulder cloths (sasampay sutera Cina, BM.253).

42Aben refers to cloths called “kemban” in Indonesian that are worn by women to cover the upper body (KP.55, SA.687). In Kawih Pangeuyeukan, Raden Jaya Keling advises his wife, Sakéan Kilat Bancana, to cover her breasts with this kind of cloth and never to allow them to be seen (KP.55). Pwah Aci Kuning, a beautiful nymph, is wearing an aben with the gula manikem (“sugar jewel”) motif (SA.687).

43Poléng is mentioned by Bujangga Manik who wore this cloth on his journey to the east (sakaén poléng puranténg, BM.251). Noorduyn & Teeuw (2006) did not find the word puranténg as a textile motif elsewhere, but the anonymous autors of the Séwaka Darma mentions a motif of naga puranténg (crossing snake?). In Old-Javanese textual sources, this cloth has a black and white, but also multicoloured patterns (Zoetmulder 1982: s.v. poleṅ).

44The meaning of dodot in Old Sundanese is not very clear. When it appears, this word always refers to stately attire that is fit to be worn by the king (SSMG.37, SA.262).

46Simbut or salimbut means blanket in Modern Sundanese, but it appears that this blanket was not only used for sleeping, but also as attire for travelling, as in the case of Bujangga Manik. The simbut used by Sang Ameng Layaran was an embroidered cloth from Baluk (BM.252). In Old-Sundanese texts, the word simbut is usually juxtaposed with cawet. This latter word refers to a kind of lower garment or loincloth. Jákl (2016) has discussed the meaning of cavət in Old-Javanese sources, where it exclusively refers to a loincloth.

47Finally, the mention of daluwang in the context of clothing indicates that the Sundanese also knew traditions of clothing manufacture from bark (SSC.697–698).

Function

50In the Sang Hyang Sasana Mahaguru (§39), three elements that constitute cloth are associated with the three main components of life: the body (sarira) is associated with the basic material of the wari flower (Tabernaemontana divaricata), intellect (hdap) is associated with thread (kantéh), and correct judgement (sang hyang pramana) is associated with cloth (bwaéh = boéh), see the following quotation:

nu kangken wungawari ma sarira; nu kangken kanteh ta ma, na hdap; nu kangken bwaéh, sang hyang pramana.

What is called wari flower is the body; what is called thread is the intellect; what is called cloth is correct judgement.

52Woven cloth was also used as a gift to propose marriage. Besides carrying “betel as a symbol of proposal” (seupaheun pananya tineung), Jompong Larang, who represented the parent of the prospective bride, Sakéan Kilat Bancana, offered other objects (pikaéneun) when he proposed to Bujangga Manik in the name of the princess (BM.503–506). Besides these objects, the proposer also added high-quality anten and limur cloth, as well as shoulder-cloths with wayang motifs (sabuk wayang), with the aim of convincing the prince of the love of Sakean Kilat Bancana (BM.513–514).

53Cloth could also be used as a reward to someone considered to have given a service. Bujangga Manik gave a sheet of cloth to the captain who had transported him safely to Bali. It is very likely that the cloth given by Bujangga Manik was not merely a souvenir, but a form of payment that was current at the time, which was considered to have monetary value.

54 ‘akiing juru puhawang, [Bujangga Manik:] ‘My Lord Captain

55 éboh midua rahayu, and again we two are safe

56 éboh ta urang papasah, and we two will part again

57 dahini kaén aing, this is my cloth

58 ini pangidian aing.’ this is my gift.’

59BM.950–954

61In the data presented above, we find indications that cloth was a symbolic object that was used for marriage proposals and was given in inheritance; that it expressed the normative system current in society, and that it functioned as a tool for socialisation, as well as an object of trade between Sundanese people and the outside world.

Weaving

64What drew my particular attention in the study of the Old-Sundanese texts was the weaving tradition. The instrument for weaving is called heuyeuk. The verbal derived from heuyeuk is ngeuyeuk (to weave). As mentioned above, the weaver is called pangeuyeuk. The mention of the term pangeuyeuk among terms designating professions indicates that weaving was done by professionals, or at least semi-professionals.

65In contrast to the case of India and a few other regions in the Nusantaran archipelago, where men participated in weaving activities, in Sunda, weaving was an exclusively female affair. This fact is reflected in almost all the ancient textual sources from this region. Women weaved in special pavilions or on the porches of their homes. These special pavilions are called Balé Pangeuyeukan (SSC.1125), or Balé Keusik Paninunan (LK, passim). Other terms include Balé Tulis (LK, passim), which perhaps refers not to the place for weaving with the ikat technique, but rather to the place for making batik. The texts do not make it clear in what relation the Balé Pangeuyeukan stood to the residential quarters, but Pleyte (1912: 14, pl. 2) illustrated a pavilion in the beginning of the 20th century, namely a pavilion called a ranggon pangeuyeukan, which was separate from the house, with a height equal to three fully-grown adults.

66The ideal image of a woman was associated with her skill in weaving cloth. The author of the Sang Hyang Swawar Cinta, through the offering of an initial invocation (rajah) at the beginning of his narrative, hopes that the incense smoke that he has offered to the deity, if it encounters a young woman (bwacah opoy), might cause that woman to become beautiful and to assume the attributes of female excellence. Among these ideal characteristics, skillfulness in weaving is very important. The most excellent woman is one who is able to weave cloth in the night time (bisa meubeur malem-malem) and is able “to embroider [cloth] with gold threads” in pitch darkness (nywangkét pwaék-pwaék). This imagery can be seen in the verses below:

67 mangka nguni lamunna It is also thus if,

68 ninggang ka bwacah opoy (incense smoke)

69 strikes a young woman,

70 mangkana galemuh tulus it makes her shapely and healthy,

71 galepong bongsor strong of body,

72 geulis pawilis beautiful, doéh éndah pada wala voluptuous, all youthful in appearance,

73 demuk pipi timbun buuk chubby-cheeked, with thick hair,

74 doéh panjang kwanéng plump, tall, creamy-skinned,

75 caropwang puhu buluna smooth without body-hair.

76 hapitan karawaléa, She is strong enough to carry the hapit,

77 ceta nywangkét pwaék-pwaék, Skilled at embroidering with gold threads in the dark,

78 ceta neuleum malem-malem, Skilled at dyeing in the night time,

79 ceta nyulanggé beurang-beurang Skilled at twining in the day time.

80SSC.147–158

82 sugan sia hamo nyaho, Probably you do not know,

83 tohaan geulis warangan, a beautiful woman ought to be wed,

84 rampés rua rampés tuah, of lovely form and good behaviour,

85 teher geulis undahagi, also pretty and skilful,

86 hapitan karawaléa. who can bear the hapitan.

87BM.537–541

88Further on in the same text is found a formulaic description about weaving, which is narrated by Bujangga Manik when seeing his mother weaving on the porch of their house (BM.156–164, see below). It is important to specifying interpretation of this expression in order to refine our understanding of the cultural importance of weaving in premodern Sunda.

89 ambuing kasondong ngeuyeuk, My mother can be seen weaving,

90 buat nu di tepas bumi, working on the porch of the house,

91 eukeur ngeuyeuk eukeur weaving and tying,

92 meubeur,

93 eukeur nyulanggé mihané, netting and rolling the thread on pihané,

94 neuleum nuar nyangkuduan, dyeing the cloth black, yellow, and red,

97BM.158–164

98What is very interesting is the appearance of the word meubeur, which literally means “to tie.” This word is recorded in the dictionary of Hardjadibrata (2003) – which takes its material from the Sundanese-Dutch dictionary of Eringa (1984) – as follows:

meubeur, the warp yarns of a fabric wrapped around in places (so that during dyeing those places do not take any dye: the so-called ikat or tie-dye process, applied on kasang fabric); ngabeubeuran, ngabeulitanan put a waistband on so.; ngabeubeurkeun/meubeurkeun, ngabeulitankeun use st. as a waistband, wrap (a cloth) around the waist; dibeubeur, dibeulitan wear a waistband or belt, have a waistband/belt on.

99The appearance of meubeur indicates that weaving techniques using tied threads that were not dyed, that is ikat-weaving (tie-dye process), were already practised in Sunda as early as the 15th century.

Colour

100The question to which I would now like to turn concerns the perception of colour in ancient Sundanese society. Through the verses above that depict weaving, we learn about the basic perception of colour via the practice of dyeing cloth. This perception seems to have been influenced by pre-Islamic cosmological concepts. Old-Sundanese texts containing poetic formulas about dyeing can give us a picture of the basic clasification of colour that was current in Sundanese society. The expression neuleum nuwar nyangkuduan (line 162), which Bujangga Manik’s mother performed, contains three verbs that point to dyeing activities.

101The word neuleum, as noted in the dictionary of Danadibrata (2006, s.v. teuleum), means “dyeing cloth in mud, resulting in a black colour.” This is a technical term, because in general neuleum itself means “to submerge so, to dye,” deriving from the word teuleum “drown.”

103The colour most commonly mentioned is red, which was produced through the process of nyangkuduan. This is the active form of cangkudu (Indonesian mengkudu, Old Javanese wuṅkuḍu, Morinda citrifolia, Linn.), namely to dye something with Indian mulberry to produce the colour red. This basic ingredient was very commonly used in ancient Java. Goris (1954: II) notes that dyeing with Indian mulberry had already begun in Bali since the 9th century. The colour red was also produced from lac wood and sappan wood (Modern Sundanese secang); in Sundanese weaving traditions in the early 20th century, gandola beureum (Badela rubru L) was also noted by Pleyte (1912) as a red dye ingredient.

104From the preceding passage from Bujangga Manik’s versified travelogue, we may infer that the colours normally used to dye cloth were black, yellow and red. To these three colours we must add one basic colour, which is none other than the underlying colour of the cloth before it is dyed, namely white. These four basic colours are linked to the context of the Śaiva religious cosmology as it was prevalent in ancient times on the islands of Bali and Java, including pre-Islamic Sundanese society as reflected in Old-Sundanese texts.

105This basic colour classification is systematically linked to the cosmology of the cardinal directions. In the Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian (III–IV), space is divided into the four cardinal directions plus one (centre), comprising the unity of space in “all directions” (desa kabéh):

desa kabeh ngaranya, purba, daksina, pasima, utara, madya; purba timur, kahanan hyang isora, putih rupanya; daksina kidul, kahanan hyang brahma, mirah rupanya; pasima kulon kahanan hyang mahadéwa, kuning rupanya; utara lor, kahanan hyang wisnu, hireng rupanya; madya tengah, kahanan hyang siwah, aneka warna rupanya; nya mana sakitu sang hyang wuku lima di na bwana.

All the directions are: purba, daksina, pasima, uttara, madya. Purba is the east, the abode of the god Iswara, whose colour is white. Daksina is the south, the abode of the god Brahma, whose colour is red. Pasima is the west, the abode of the god Mahadewa, whose colour is yellow. Utara is the north, the abode of the god Wisnu, whose colour is black. Madya is the centre, the abode of the god Siwa, whose colour is multicoloured. That is what is called the five sacred divisions (sang hyang wuku lima) of the universe.

106We see here how four colours are associated with the four cardinal directions: white with the east, red with the south, yellow with the west, and black with the north. The centre is multicoloured. Similar associations are found in the Sang Hyang Swawar Cinta, when the author mentions incense smoke floating in the five directions, as well as in the mantra text Jampé Panglokatan. The colour symbolism involving the cardinal directions along with deities in each are fundamental concepts in the cosmological system that was prevalent in pre-Islamic Java, and is still valid today both in Java and Bali (Damais 1969).

108There is sufficient reason for us to suppose that the beliefs of the Baduy people reflect the same kind of cosmology. From ethnographic reports (Judistira K. Garna 1987 and Cecep Eka Permana 2006), we learn that they hold east and south to be the sacred directions. Every visiting guest must enter from the north or the west. The graves of ancestors, sanctified statues, forbidden forests, and inner Baduy (Baduy Dalam) settlements are located in the southernmost area of Baduy settlement. The belief in the separation of sacred and profane in these areas also applies to colours, as shown in the attire of Baduy people. The colour of the attire of the “outer Baduy” and the ‘inner Baduy’ display two extreme poles: white is used by the “inner Baduy” and black is used by the “outer Baduy.” It should be added that Danadibrata (2006) mentions that in the Baduy language, red is called siang, and that this is a taboo word for the people in question.

109Beside the four primary colours, there are also other colours mentioned, but these occupy a secondary position. The active form ngasumba refers to the activity of dyeing cloth with kasumba (Chartamus tinctorius) which seems to produce a saffron red or a pink colour (SSC.161). The colour orange, the colour gadung (green?) (SSC.160), pada lungsir, as well as blue thread (kantéh biru) are also mentioned (KP.363).

Decorative Patterns

110Skill, combined with knowledge of colours, are combined to create motifs in textile production. The information below concerning motifs and categories is based on Mamat Sasmita’s interpretation of various textile motifs mentioned in the Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian (1518), based on manuscript L 630 in the National Library of Indonesia, in a long and useful article published in the magazine Manglé (February-March 2015). My own interpretation differs from Mamat Sasmita’s only to a small extent. I add some variant readings from another manuscript of Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian (L 624 in the National Library of Indonesia), and in some relevant cases, try to compare them with Old-Javanese sources. I add also some terms relating to the motifs that I found in other Old-Sundanese texts. Since Mamat Sasmita published his article in Sundanese, it seems useful to represent his interpretation here, along with mine.

Decorated Textile Motifs

111In the Siksa Kandang Karesian are recorded nine tulis (decorated cloth) motifs and 25 decorative patterns on boéh (woven cloth).

112Pupunjengan (mss.: pupuñjəṅan). Mamat Sasmita interprets this based on the possibility of transformation of the sound ñ to y in Sundanese: puñjeng > puyeng ‘circling’ and relates it to the modern Javanese word uñəṅ-uñəṅ ‘hair whorl’. Zoetmulder (1982) affixed the asterisk sign to the entry puñjəṅ in his dictionary, but seen from the context, the phrase romāpuñjəṅ abuṭak which he quotes, the translation “spiraling hair with a bald section” (RL 11.165) makes sense. Mamat Sasmita also convincingly connects the shape of this decorative pattern with the cloth motif bubujalan “like a spiral” in the modern Sundanese weaving tradition recorded in Soegeng Toekio (1987).

113Hihinggulan (ms. L 624: higul-higulan). Mamat Sasmita, paying close attention to Noorduyn & Teeuw’s (2006) edition of three Old-Sundanese poems, seems to accurately relate the hihinggulan motif to the Old-Javanese word igul. The OJ verb aṅigul “writhing” is applied to fish. It seems that this motif resembled a writhing fish.

114Kekembangan. This motif definitely refers to imitating the shape of flowers. What kind of flower is used as a model by the decorator (lukis) is difficult to determine.

116Urang-urangan. It is clear that this refers to the shape of shrimp (urang).

117Memetahan (mss: L 630 məmətaḥhan, L 624 mimilaḥhan). Mamat Sasmita interprets this motif as the shape of an elephant’s trunk, which is based on the word meta in the Sundanese idiom gajah meta “crazed, drunken elephant.” The word meta comes from the Sanskrit matta, which also has the connotation of “being passionate (because of periodic state of large rise in reproductive hormon called ‘musth’),” specifically in relation to elephants. Nevertheless, we find in classical Malay peta /pəta/ that refers to “picture,” and the verbal form dipeta “draw” is found: bagai gambar baharu dipeta, “like a picture newly drawn” (Gallop, 2013:17). In the practice of making a decorative cloth, maybe the decorator had an sample of the picture to be copied. I suppose that this is the most plausible interpretation. It should be added that manuscript 624 contains the reading mimilahan, which seems to derive from bilah, which can be understood in the same sense as belah “split in two” in Indonesian.

119Taruk hata (ms. L 624: tataru-hataan). Mamat Sasmita interprets this motif as the leaf of a climbing fern (Lygodium circinnatum sw.) that is still recorded in dictionaries, the size of whose stem is as large as the stem of the coconut frond. Its stem is often used as a cord, such as to tie up baskets. Taruk itself means to cut something with the sharp tips of a flame tree, or to pick something by hand. This motif depicts the stem and leaves of the climbing fern.

120Kembang taraté. This motif refers to the lotus flower (Nelumbo nucifera).

Motif/Types of Woven Textile

121For the kinds of woven cloth, 25 motifs or types of boéh are recorded in the Sang Hyang Siksa Kandang Karesian, as follows:

122Kembang Muncang (mss: mucaṅ). Muncang (Aleurites moluccana) is a kind of plant the size of the index finger, containing a very hard shell (Indonesian: kemiri). In Modern Sundanese, its flower is called rinduy, and it seems that this is what is meant.

123Gagang Sénggang. Sénggang is the name of a plant that is still known in Modern Sundanese. Mamat Sasmita notes several kinds: sénggang bodas (Amaranthus hybridus), sénggang pucuk (Amaranthus spinosus), and sénggang monyét (Amaranthus blitum). He also mentions bayem or bayem leuweung, whose stems are thorny. It seems that this motif has the form of amaranth and its stem. I had the opportunity to see this batik motif, thanks to an owner of a gagang sénggang cloth in Kampung Adat Cigugur, Kuningan.

124Samélég. Mamat Sasmita does not give an interpretation of this decorative designs. I suggest that this word is a corruption of samé lék, bearing in mind that the aksara ka and ga are often interchanged in manuscripts. If this conjecture is correct, this motif can be approximated as a motif that resembles (samé) the shape of the moon (lék). It cannot yet be determined whether a full or crescent moon is intended.

125Seumat Sahurun. A seumat is a small object made of bamboo leaf or wood whose shape is like a toothpick, about 4 or 5 cm in length, whose function is to pierce food-wrappers made of banana leaf. Sahurun means a group. Based on this assumption, Sasmita interprets it as seumat placed in a row.

126Anyam cayut. According to Mamat Sasmita, the word cayut means a cage made out of kiray leaves, coconut leaves, or palm leaves, which is often used as a basket. Jasper (1912b: 217) mentions various anyaman patterns from Ciawi Tasikmalaya which contain the word cayut: poléng cayut pinggir, poléng cayut item, poléng cayut beureum, poléng cayut tumoké, poléng cayut campaka, poléng cayut renyu, poléng cayut samangka, poléng cayut rakit putih. For this reason, Mamat Sasmita holds the view the cayut rather resembles the poleng pattern.

127Sigeji. Mamat Sasmita does not interpret this decorative pattern, and neither do I. This word does not appear in the dictionaries.

128Pasi-pasi. Mamat Sasmita does not interpret this pattern. Perhaps there is a connection with Old Javanese pasi, which derives from the Sanskrit paśi, pāsi “stone.” Reduplication often denotes plural. If this is the author’s intention, then pasi-pasi may resemble the shape of stones.

129Kalangkang ayakan “ayakan shadow.” Ayakan is a tool for catching fish or for sifting. If sunlight shines on it, a shadow appears that resembles poléng cloth. Such is Mamat Sasmita’s interpretation. Nevertheless, I do not exclude the possibility of diagonal poléng shapes, bearing in mind that the shadow of ayakan is usually at a diagonal to the basic shape.

130Poléng raganis. Mamat Sasmita bases his interpretation on the reading rengganis, while raganis is what is written in the manuscript. He argues that rengganis derives from rengga which means “decorated.” If so, poléng rengganis would mean a poléng cloth that is decorated in a similar fashion. I offer the reading raganis, which seems to be related to the Old Javanese word rāga which means “red.” Nis by itself means a negation. In this context, it may mean white. Apparently what is meant by poléng raganis is a composite form meaning “red and colourless (white).” I cannot exclude the possibility of interpreting raganis as raga+anis, which would mean “cooling red.”

131Jayanti (mss.: jayati). According to Mamat Sasmita, Jayanti (Sesbania sesban; Merr) is a small tree whose leaves resemble those of the white leadtree (Leucaena leucocephala). Sasmita interprets this to refer to the leaves, since the word kembang (flower) is not included in the name of the pattern.

132Cecempaan (ms. L 624: cicinaan). Mamat Sasmita offers two possibilities for this decorative pattern. The first refers to the champak flower (Michelia champaca), for in Malay or Acehnese it is often referred to as the cempa flower. The second possibility refers to Campa, a region that is occasionally mentioned in Old-Sundanese texts. Looking at the variant that is found in L 624, namely cicinaan, it seems that the second possibility may have to be given preference.

133Paparanakan. Mamat Sasmita does not interpret this decorative pattern. Its meaning is not very clear. The word paranakan is recorded in Old Javanese as one of the category watək i jro (insiders group in the court) (Zoetmulder 1982: s.v. paranakan). Zoetmulder also notes that in van der Tuuk’s Balinese dictionary, pranakan means the student of a pandit. The reduplication of a prefix often means “resembling”. Is what is meant that it resembles the shape of a paranakan, or that it resembles the way that paranakan paint? It seems that the latter is more plausible.

134Mangin haris. Mamat Sasmita interprets this motif as a gentle wind. If it is applied to the decorations on the cloth, I suspect that the resulting motif is like thin waves.

135Siliganti (ms. 624: salin gati). Mamat Sasmita leaves this motif uninterpreted. Nevertheless, it means “taking turns, one after another.” Does this mean a motif that alternates between the warp and weft threads?

136Boéh Siang. Mamat Sasmita is of the view that this term refers to a red-coloured cloth. The term siang is still known in Kanekes (Baduy) as a word for the colour red. It is said to be taboo to utter this word.

137Beubeur natan. Mamat Sasmita does not interpret this shape as he considers bebernatan to be one word. The base word bernat is not found in the dictionaries. Therefore it should probably not be derived from the base word bernat, but rather explained as two words beubeur “tie” and natan “continuously, simultaneously” (Hardjadibrata 2003: s.v. natan). Perhaps this word refers to the technique of tying the cloth during the dyeing process in a simultaneous manner. Or maybe the shape of a waistband (beubeur in modern Sundanese) without a tied edge?

138Papakanan. Mamat Sasmita concludes that papakanan tends to refer to an illustration of a bird feeding its young, based on the modern Sundanese word pakanan which means a mother bird feeding its young.

139Surat awi. Mamat Sasmita interprets this as connotating the shape of the motif as a bamboo stem (Sundanese: awi) which is clearly visible when the sheath of the bamboo is removed beforehand. Or perhaps it should rather be read awi surat, a kind of bamboo that is large and thick, a variety of awi gedé, which indeed contains fibres that are clearly visible.

140Parigi nyéngsoh. According to Mamat Sasmita, parigi refers to a wide flowing body of water, while nyéngsoh means “crooked.” If that is correct, this term may refer to a cloth pattern like flowing water, depicted as winding like the batik motif léréng.

141Gaganjar. Mamat Sasmita does not identify this motif. In Old Javanese, Wisseman Christie (1993) mentions gañjar patra as a pattern of offering cloth, translating gañjar as an object for a ritual offering. However, Zoetmulder records cuṅ gañjar as a kind of eggplant. This possibility cannot be disregarded.

142Lusian besar. Lusi (warp) is the thread that runs parallel to the weaver’s legs. According to Mamat Sasmita, besar carries the meaning of Indonesian besar (large). Therefore, according to him, this motif is the same as poléng except that its warp is thicker than its weft. I propose the alternative possibility that besar may be parallel to the word bəsar in Old Javanese, one of whose meanings is “silk” (Zoetmulder 1982: s.v. bəsar). It may have a connection to the combination of materials, such as in songket, with cotton in the weft and silk in the warp.

143Kampuh jayanti. Kampuh, according to Mamat Sasmita, means a blanket. So, kampuh jayanti means a blanket with a jayanti (Sesbania sesban) leaf or flower motif.

144Hujan riris. In the dictionary, as noted by Mamat Sasmita, riris means ‘fine or small’. Hujan riris means drizzling rain. In Java, the udan riris batik pattern is still known.

145Boéh alus. Alus means fine. Mamat Sasmita interprets this as a fine cloth, such as silk.

146Ragén pangantén. Mamat Sasmita is of the view that ragén pangantén refers to the name of a kind of plant that is otherwise known as ki rapet. He interprets this motif as a particular tree belonging to the dogbane family (namely Parameria laevigata) which grows close to others of its kind, like married couples (pangantén). My hypothesis is that perhaps this term does not refer to the motif, but to the colour, namely “marriage red,” from ragi-an “(adj.) red, reddish,” which might bear the connotation of the bride’s blood on her wedding night.

147Apart from the motifs or types mentioned above, in the Sri Ajnyana and Kawih Pangeuyeukan there are also mentions of several other motifs, such as:

148Giringsing wayang. A double-ikat motif that is now only maintained in the village of Tenganan in Bali. Perhaps this double-ikat technique was once also practiced in Sunda. During the Majapahit period, the gringsing motif developed in East Java, as described in the Deśavarṇana (18.4), but this seems unconnected to the double-ikat technique (Pigeaud 1960: 16, cf. Hall 2000:76). However, the motif is quite clear, it represents the wayang character.

149Taluki wayang. Taluki means “fine cotton cloth (muslin)” (Zoetmulder 1982, s.v. taluki). Taluki wayang seems to mean a fine cloth with wayang character motifs.

150Saca déwangga. This literally means “to approach the body of the deity.” Zoetmulder also records dewāṅga in the sense of ‘a kind of (red?) silk cloth’. Perhaps this cloth is meant to resemble the dewāṅga cloth.

151Puyuh ngungkung. Puyuh is the name of a species of buttonquail (Turnix taigaor), while ngungkung has two meanings in Modern Sundanese. The first is “to pronounce the sound kung”; the second is “to be in a cage, unable to move.” Often the context of the sentence mentions that this imagery is located on the uppermost edge of the cloth, so the first meaning is more plausible, that is, a buttonquail who seems to be chirping “kung.”

152Merak simpir. Literally this means “a peacock swiping to the side,” perhaps referring to a depiction of a peacock running while swishing its wings.

153Singa patra. Literally this means “leaf lion,” perhaps what is meant is a lion who hides among the foliage or undergrowth. It is also possible to read śiwapattra (considering interchangeable case of ṅ and v in Old-Sundanese akṣara), attested in Old-Javanese inscriptions (Zoetmulder 1982: s.v. śiwapattra). The meaning of śivapattra in Sanskrit is “red lotus-flower,” but in Old Javanese it refers to a type of weapon (a dagger?).

The Supernatural Aspects of Weaving

154Understanding weaving traditions of the archipelago in the past cannot be separated from the mystical elements surrounding them. Hauser-Schäublin et al. in their book entitled Balinese Textiles even mention that in Bali, woven cloths “are a medium through which the divine nature of the universe and its material manifestations are recognised and expressed” (1991: 8). A more or less similar situation prevailed in the Sundanese regions at least up to the 17th century, or perhaps even to the present day, but limited to Kanekes, where traditional weaving practices have been maintained. Various aspects of premodern Sundanese cosmology, and concepts about the world of divinities, can be discovered through a unique text entitled Kawih Pangeuyeukan (Weaving Songs), an Old Sundanese poem written no later than the 17th century. This text seems to have been intended “to be sung while weaving” (pikawiheun bwat ngeuyeuk) by women, and provides an indication that probably women participated in Sundanese written culture, as this tradition was exclusively practiced by women.

Fig. 3 – Ms. L 407, Kawih Pangeuyeukan (National Library of Indonesia)

155The text Kawih Pangeuyeukan reveals how powerful the spiritual and symbolic aspects of weaving were. One feature suggesting that weaving was included in sacred religious rituals is the mention of parawanten and kukus, in conjunction with the goddesses who resided in both of those objects. Parawanten are the materials for offerings, which cannot be separated from kukus, the smoke of incense. The goddesses who reside in the parawantən are Manik Sari, Sari Déwata, and Maya Hibar, while the goddess who resides in incense smoke is Banan Sakti. Furthermore, a scene in which Raden Jaya Keling commands his wife to clean her body with water and to purify her inner blemishes before weaving (ruat mala) suggests that weaving activities involved exorcism rituals. On this basis, it can be asserted that weaving constituted a sacred ritual that involved the netherworld.

156According to the myth contained in the Kawih Pangeuyeukan, weaving began with the creation of the universe. Aci Déwata (which means “the divine essence”), the leader of the deities, ordered his subordinate goddesses to fill the world so that it would become bustling, for beforehand the world was still empty, without water or firmament, without light in the sky, and there were no clouds; everything was scattered and out of place. That is what was called the origin of clarity. Groups of goddesses collectively called aksari and pwah aci descended from the heavens to the earth with goodwill, but they did not want to stay long. Aci Déwata invited the goddesses to go back to the world for a longer time. She summoned around 25 female heavenly beings (betari, aksari and pwah aci). The younger sister of Aci Déwata, namely Sang Hyang Sri, invited all the goddesses to descend again to the earth. In a new place they amused themselves and relaxed. This place where the heavenly women resided is associated with weaving, including the materials, processes, tools, and the body of the weaver herself.

157We are dealing with a kind of feminine creation myth. The heavenly female figure who is the origin and essence of all events is Sang Hyang Sri. She is the ultimate goddess who is the efficient cause for all life in the world, including the practice of weaving. Her place in the world of the gods (kahyangan) is called Bungawari (SD.59), the highest position within the cosmology of goddesses. This name, none other than that of the plant bunga wari (Tabernaemontana difaricata), is interesting because it is the raw material for the production of cloth and is a synonym of kapas (SSMG.39).

158Sang Hyang Sri and her retainers, who are all women, represent the macrocosm. They are all manifested in the weaving tools that are likewise used exclusively by women. And the weaver’s own self represents the microcosm. In other words, the process by which the macrocosm (the world of the goddesses) becomes manifest in the microcosm (the weaver) is through a ritual of weaving that was practiced by Sundanese women in their daily lives. This situation apparently continues to this day in Baduy, where weaving is considered as a part of ascetic practice recognized in local customary law (pikukuh) (Nina Maftukha et al. 2017: 54).

ini paké nyeueung na patengeran nu siya guna tapa, kadéngé sada sééng sahéng, sada odéng pindah, tujuh tahun deui pulang; ka deukeutna, lima tahun deui pulang; kadéngé sada ketig, sada ketug, telu kali, lima tahun deui pulang; ka deukeutna telu tahun deui pulang; kadéngé sada nu neupa, sada nu ngawih, tilu tahun deui pulang, ka deukeutna satahun deui pulang.

Use this [sign] to indicate to anyone who is performing austerities: if the sound of a bubbling pot or the sound of moving bees is heard, one can go home (i.e. achieve liberation) in seven more years; if [the sound] gets closer, five more years; if the sounds of knocking and tapping are heard, one can go home in five more years; if [the sound] gets closer, one can go home in three more years; if the sound of someone weaving or the sound of someone humming is heard, one can go home in three more years; if [the sound] gets closer, one can go home in one more year.

160In other texts with a more masculine character, such as the Pituturning Janma (Cod. L 610, National Library of Indonesia), the gods occupy the male parts of the body, whereas in the feminine Kawih Pangeuyeukan, we find betari, pwah aci, pwah sari and aksari occupying the female parts of the body (namely, the womb and breasts). Interestingly, the first name of each of the goddesses is affixed with the honorific name Pretiwi (lit.: Earth) (see Table 1 below).

No	Name	Place in the body
1	Pretiwi Tamba Kanda	Face
2	Pretiwi Dasar Jati	Soles of the feet
3	Pretiwi _ _ _ 34	Breasts
4	Pretiwi Yuga Bwana	Right part of the womb
5	Pretiwi Yuga Akasa	Left part of the womb
6	Pretiwi Mutiya Cita	Heart
7	Pretiwi Lengis Jati	Tips of the hair
8	Pretiwi Harémpoy Jati	Raunan (bones?)
9	Pretiwi Hiret Jati	Eyeballs
10	Pretiwi Hines Jati	Eyelids
11	Pretiwi Mukadandana	Mantungan (?)

161In this text we also find identified around 43 names of betari, pwah aci or aksari who reside in the raw materials required for weaving. In some cases the connection between the names of the divine beings and their place of residence is easily comprehensible. The name Pohaci Tunjung Mangbang (Red Lotus), for example, is metaphorically associated with red cloth, Cita Putih (White Heart) is associated with white cloth, Nila Keling (Dark Keling) is associated with black cloth. But most names are assigned in what appears to be an arbitrary manner.

Table 2 – The pwah aci and aksari (goddesses) and their places of residence in weaving materials and cloth

No	Name of Pwah Aci/Aksari	Place of residence
1	Naga Susupan	Woof yarn
2	Tunjung Putih	Cotton tree
3	Tunjung Manik	Cotton tree fruit
4	Sang Hyang Jipang	Kapok tree
5 6 7 8	Cita Manik Tunjung Putih Maya Sri Séda Naga Wana	Yarn (kantéh)
9 10	Cita Manik Cita Putih	White cloth
11 12 13	Tunjung Mangbang Mangbang Siang Mabar Sari	Red cloth
14 15 16	Sahipes Jati Nila Keling Kembang Wisésa	Black cloth
17	Tunjung Kuning	Yellow cloth
18 19	Ceunteu Rupa Cida Sari	Teureus cloth (that is being dyed?)
20	Tunjung Biru	Blue cloth
21 22 23	Sarba Mayang Sarba Éndah Sarba Larang	Multicoloured cloths
24	Aci Sakti	Yellow cloth (tuar)
25 26 27	Ringgit Sari Maya Aci Désa Maya Réka	Strong thread
28 29	Gagana Jati Sari Aci	Green curtain
30	Aci Wisésa	Yellow curtain
31	Sari Aci Rupu	Curtain of other colours
32 33	Cita Manik Sang Hyang Sri	The left hand
34	Cita Hanteu	sunya larang (kind of motif?)
35	Hurip Jati	The dyer (nu molah)
36 37	Harenang Harening Lénggang Manik	The weaver (nu ngeuyeuk)
38	Aci Wisésa	White curtain (the scriber seems to repeat this name, see no.30 above)
39	Aci Mirah	Red curtain
40	Naga Langgusar	Woven cloth
41	Naga Lenditan	Weft yarn
42 43	Naga Mapwaday Maga Maredaya	Pattern (to work on) of a weave design (check pattern) (Tingkes)

162What is exceptional about the Kawih Pangeuyeukan is the placement of the goddesses’ abodes among the different parts of the weaving process. In this way, we obtain valuable information about the instruments used for weaving in Tatar Sunda in the 17th century. Many of the terms are still known in modern Sundanese. Below I present the names of the weaving instruments as mentioned in the text, their identification, as well as the goddesses who are responsible for them.

Table 3 – Weaving instruments and the goddesses who reside in them, based on the Kawih Pangeuyeukan

Instrument	Explanation from Modern Sundanese Sources (MdS)	Name of Pwah aci/Pwah Sri
Jujutan	Cotton that has been removed from its sheath and seeds. The verb, ngajujut (MdS), means to separate cotton from its sheath and pod (Hardjadibrata, s.v. jujut).	Pijeyah Jati, Sang Drawada, Sang Weredin
Hindesan	= MdS, a tool for processing cotton to separate it from its seeds (KUBS, s.v. hindesan)	Kowari Jati, Gilingan Jati
Kincir	= MdS, spinning wheel, or spindling wheel, a tool for rolling yarn. The spokes of the wheel are called daun rahat in Indonesian.	Peningan Jati
Eunteung kincir	= MdS, two posts to hold the ceuli lambing that faces the kincir.	Mangadeg Jati
Ceuli Lambing	= MdS, two pegs to hold the injén “axis” of the eunteung kincir that are joined with a kisi and function as spindles (see Hardjadibrata, s.v. ceuli)	Talinga Jati
Kisi	= MdS, the axis of the spindle that is used to spin the yarn or to insert a palette of a roll of thread.	Tandingan Jati
Hasiwung	A cotton roll that has been cleaned and is ready to be turned into yarn = MdS asiwung.	Déwa Carita Sri Manglayang
Layeutan	A tool for stretching out thread to prevent tangling. Not recorded in the dictionaries.	Tunjungan Jati Naga Sampayan Maung Larang
Sikat	= MdS, a comb-like tool for straightening out the fibres on the loom.	Pamérés Jati
Undar-andir (MS: urar-adir)	= undar (MdS), handle of the kéncéh (cylindrical stick of wood or bamboo)	Mangbang Bwana Peningan Jati
Ulakan	= elékan (MdS), thin bamboo (usually Schizostachyum blumei) for twisting yarn.	Sideg Jati
Pihanéan	= MdS, a tool resembling a drying rack, to stretch out the yarn for weaving, usually made of bamboo.	Mangbang Désa Widadasana
Sawung	Not yet identified, perhaps identifiable as MdS saung “a pavilion,” where weaving is done?	Héno Raja
Celi? (MS: cəli … ?)	Not yet identified, and the text is damaged.	Ménget Jati
Galégéran	= MdS, a warp-tie that acts as the bottom edge of the woven cloth. The galegeran sits above the dampal. The opposite side of the hapit.	Pamineng Jati
Sumbi luput	= MdS, a kind of nail used to strengthen the loom.	? (the text is damaged)
Hapit	= MdS, a piece of wood that sits on the weaver’s thighs to roll the woven cloth.	Naga Wiru
Parérédan	= baréra (MdS), a slice of thin wood (a weaving sword) for tightening the weft threads that are braided through the warp. Old Javanese walira “part of a weaver’s loom (a stick or bow) with which the threads are pressed together.”	Masangga Jati
Pangulas	= MdS, a brush used to smear water on the woven cloth.	Sarampéh Jati
Tungtung Pangulas	The edge of the brush.	Cuuh Ibun
Sumbi	= MdS, the spindle of the loom.	Naga Gégéntar
Laki Pihanéan	= MdS, a kind of pestle used to weight the yarn on the pihanéan so that the threads stay straight and do not tangle; while the pihanéan itself is a tool for straightening and stretching out yarn that will later become the warp of the gedogan.	Balabar
Piseureungan	= MdS, a small basket for storing sundry weaving tools.	Mutaya Jati Naga Sumara Naga Kumpulan
Lorogan	= MdS, a piece of wood for holding the baréra fast as it is being inserted. Sits on the right hand side of the weaver.	Malawading
Caor	= MdS, a part of the gedogan, in the form of a board attached behind the weaver’s waist, connected to the hapit using a tali caor (Hardjadibrata, s.v. caor).	Naga Dadampar
Tali Caor	= MdS, a piece of thread connecting the caor and the woven cloth, on both the left and right hand sides of the weaver. In the LK, the highest quality is spinning-wheel wire or kenur cina.	Naga Pawilet
Limbuhan	= MdS, a cylindrically-shaped piece of wood to weight the warp, which is allowed to stay caught among the warp threads (Hardjadibrata, s.v. limbuh), forming a part of the gedogan. In DK, the high-quality examples come from Nusa Galuh.	Naga Mangguling
Jingjingan	= MdS, a large needle, approximately one metre in length, made of bamboo or a tree branch, to take or lift the thread and to regulate the rise and fall of the warp that will be threaded by the weft. See Danadibrata, s.v. jingjing. In DK, the high-quality examples come from Nusa Galuh.	Naga Mangi...
Karap	(= MdS, Indonesian suri) is a fine comb attached to the loom that serves to arrange the lines of the warp so that they can be easily shifted by the movements of the jingjingan.	Sang Suwar Jati
Peténg	= MdS, a weaving tool that is used to arrange the cotton rolls into fine fibres. The verb, dipeténg (passive), means to be arranged into fine fibres before becoming yarn.	Timbul Manik Mangyupuk Putih Maya Métar
Kéncéh	= MdS, a part of the undar shaped like a square spool that spins horizontally. The undar spins when the spool is turned and the thread on the kéncéh is transferred into a roll on the palette. Could it be the same as the “leaf”?	Naga Langsaran
Lawayan	= MdS, a roll of yarn or spool, made of bamboo to orient the cotton thread towards the gelendong. See Hardjadibrata (2003, s.v. laway).	Kéncéngan Jati

No	Name of Goddess	Process
1	Daranan Manik	Drying (dipoé)
2	Sri Seda Mangrincik	The cotton is rolled on a hindesan (dihindesan)
3	Sang Kuna Jati	Cleaning coarse cloth with peténg (dipeténg)
4	Gilingan Manik	Being grinded (digiling)
5	Kecelan Jati	Being brushed (disikat)
6 7	Mangbang Désa Sampayan Jati	Being stretched out (dipentang)
8	Tunjung Manik	When (the cotton) it is opened (ngaran basana dibuka)
9	Naga Maruway	The kantéh is placed on the gedogan
10	Naga Numpi	Preparing thread until it is dry without sunlight (dipendac)35

164As the skill of tapping the areca palm for men, for women weaving was a form of activity that involved the netherworld. The ability to weave was a sign of a woman’s maturity, while for men, adulthood was marked by their ability to tap the palm. This fact is illustrated perfectly in a Sundanese satirical verse (sisindiran) that remained in use up to the beginning of the 20th century as recorded in Pleyte (1912).

165 ulah sok hayang ka gula Don’t wish for sugar

166 Tacan bisa ninggur kawung if one can’t tap a sugar palm tree

167 Ulah sok hayang ka kula Don’t wish for me

168 Tacan bisa ninun sarung Before you can weave a sarong.

169Apart from that, in the Cirebon version of the Lutung Kasarung, for example, we find a depiction of when Lutung, who is none other than a manifestation of Guru Minda in heaven, descends to earth to find a soulmate. In a certain palace he finds some young women who are weaving. He spies on them, but he cannot find a single one who resembles his mother, whose beauty cannot be forgotten.

170 geledeg lumpat, bus ka Then he fled into a space beneath

171 kolong balé the pavilion

172 empés-empés ngadédéngékeun, Staying put while eavesdropping

173 ngintip para mojang, Spying on the slender women

174 nu lalenjang

175 keur pada ngagembrong ninun. Who were busy weaving in a circle

176 Nya ninun wulung digantung, Weaving dark blue cloth to be

177 hung up

178 nya tinun poléng digédéng. Weaving poléng cloth to be lined up.

179 LK.154

180Other mythical aspects of weaving are also a common theme in the oral traditions. For example, in descriptions of weaving in carita pantun, there is always an explanation of taboos concerning the disposal of ceuceupan (dyeing water) which, if transgressed, will bring bad luck. This issue is covered in the Demung Kalagan and the Radén Tegal which I quote in full below.

181 tutas nyai titinunan, After Nyai had woven,

182 lajeng baé tinun dilulunkeun, and the cloth was rolled up,

183 ceuceupanna dibahékeun, the dyeing water was poured out,

185 bok bilih dilétak méong, lest it be lapped up by the cat,

186 watekna da cenah, because it is said that it causes

187 sok hambur kana pakan, warp to be wasted,

188 atanapi watek jahat, or an evil disposition,

189 nu mawi rék dirawat. that is why it should be taken care of.

190 (DK.60)

191 tinun dilanggurupkeun, The woven cloth is laid down,

192 ari indit ngusap birit, One wipes one’s buttocks

193 and inches away,

194 bisi birit maheum samping, The buttocks may pinch the cloth,

195 ja larangan budak ngora, For as a thing that children should not touch,

196 cipangulas dibaturkeun, The dyeing water is placed up high,

197 nya bisi ditotor méong, But lest it be drunk by the cat,

198 kajeun teuing, Just leave it alone,

199 bisi dikojayan anja-anja. Lest it be crossed by ghosts.

200(RT.53)

201The myth about weaving found in the carita pantun above seems to have been well-known at the time of its recording. Apart from the carita pantun, in the folk tale of Nini Antéh which has turned into legend, there is also an illustration of a pantrangan (taboo) for a slovenly person. This sacred fable tells of a cat who ends up pregnant after drinking urine from a coconut shell.

203 datang ka sari déwata, Arriving in the Divine Essence,

204 geusanna wiru mananggay, The abode of Wiru Mananggay,

205 deung nu bagal nanding larang, And Bagal Nanding Larang,

206 nu watek titiagian, Who practiced asceticism,

207 meuyeut manéh mo lakian, Torturing herself by not marrying,

208 heuyeuk dipaké nyanggraha, She uses the loom as her aid,

209 hanteu dipikatresna. Having no amorous passion.

211It is clear that weaving itself required preparatory rituals of appeasement, in order to avoid any kind of disturbance. Sakéan Adi Larangan, the protagonist of the Kawih Pangeuyeukan, having dreamed of hearing the scream of Banaspati in her sleep, seemed to get bad symptoms. Her husband Jaya Keling immediately instructed his wife to go to the river and scrub all the parts of her body as an aid in eliminating the ten defilements (dasakalésa).

212 tinun dara dianggeuskeun, Do not complete your weaving!

213 kéna réa na rancana, Because of all of her provocations,

214 bancana sapoyan aing, The disaster I feared [has occurred]

215 los ta geura nu ka cai, Go quickly to the river!

216 geura nu diangir mandi, Bathe and soap yourself straight away!

217 mésék ngabreséka manéh, Cleanse yourself!

218 ngaruru dimangka kabéh, Scrub every part of your body!

219 pamocoran dasakalésa. As a means to wipe out the ten defilements.

220KP.98–105

Conclusion

221The data presented above give a picture of the types of textile production and their functions in Sundanese society from the 15th to the 17th centuries. Based on local sources from Old-Sundanese texts and carita pantun, various activities surrounding fabric production have also been described, ranging from colouring fabrics to the production of motifs. In the context of pre-Islamic Sunda, one of the most popular techniques for producing cloth was through the process of ikat weaving — a tradition which has now become extinct, replaced by more modern factory production of textiles. The practice of weaving also cannot be separated from its supernatural aspects. Through textual sources, we have learned about the cosmological associations of the primary colours, which are applied to fabric by various dyeing agents. The practice of weaving itself was associated with ritual activity that involved the netherworld. Various ritual aids were prepared, various disturbances were driven far away using pacificatory rituals, and mantras were pronounced in order to avoid trouble. In addition to fulfilling daily/profane needs, the complex activity of weaving, which was intimately connected to the netherworld, allowed Sundanese women to practice a form of asceticism entirely integrated with worldly life.