1Democratization and Islamization amidst globalization are important developments shaping the socio-political features of post-Suharto Indonesia. Since the reform era (after May 1998) Islam has gradually moved to the center stage, coloring the public sphere of Indonesian society. This book was written in that context of rapid socio-political change, in which Islamization and economic globalization inevitably affected gender relations in contemporary Indonesia.

2Different from most other books on Indonesian Islam and gender, which mainly focus on the expression and everyday practice of gender and Islam since the reform era, this book provides a longitudinal analysis covering over 30 years with thorough analyses that extend from before the reform era (1984 to 1999), to the reform era, from 1999 to 2015. With a strong ethnographic emphasis, this book seeks to capture changes in family, gender and interpersonal relations of Javanese Muslim youth by presenting “the everyday hopes, dreams, and experiences of Muslim youth” (p. 19). By focusing on youth, the author believes that young people often reflect deeply the intersection in their personal and public effects of globalization, democratization, the growth of middle class, and Islamic resurgence. This is an urban ethnographic study, with data gathered by observation and in-depth interviews with 125 students (in 1999) and another 125 students (from 2000-2015) mainly associated with either Gadjah Mada University (UGM) or the State Islamic University (UIN) in Yogyakarta. The criteria for choosing the respondents were college-age, Muslim, and Javanese (p. 15). Throughout the eight chapters, the author believes that “modern social change in Java has brought not social or cultural homogenization but a pluralization and contestation of ways of being Javanese and Indonesian” (p. 8). Here, the author seeks to provide a window to reflect on the shifting norms, values, and aspirational identification of previous generations and present ones (p. 10). The book beautifully captures variations among Muslim Javanese youth by presenting the broad contours of the socio-economic and religious life of the family and the students, which the author classified under two: aspects of Neo-reformist youth (experiences of students from Gadjah Mada University, UGM), and Neo-traditionalist youth (experiences of students from Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, UIN Sunan Kalijaga).

3This book is recommended for students, lecturers, researchers in Indonesian studies in particular, or in Southeast Asian studies in general for two reasons: first, it provides detailed portraits of the changes in roles and expectations in gender, piety and social intimacy between different generations of Javanese Muslims, especially through the lens of youth. Thus, the book’s findings can be a useful lesson relevant to other communities in Indonesia, as well as Southeast Asia because Islamization and globalization are not merely an Indonesian but a Southeast Asian phenomenon (see Schroter 2013; for Malaysia see, Frisk 2009). Second, it provides an empirical proof that Geertz’s socio-religious categorization of santri-abangan is now blurring. Starting from socio-religious grouping, the author founds that the different expressions and attitudes about religiosity, lives and gender expectations between older generations (parents and grandparents) and the younger generation of Javanese Muslims (male and female), “offers further evidence of the blurring of the santri-abangan divide in a post-New Order Indonesia” (p. 185). Although, as a political scientist, this point does not surprise me because many scholars have refuted Geertz’s socio-religious’ categories or, to use the Indonesian term, “aliran”, in the politics of post-New Order Indonesia (for example Baswedan 2004, Mulkhan 2005, Pranowo 2005, and Liddle & Mujani 2007), this book confirms the earlier critics, warning us to question the validity of Geertz’s socio-religious grouping when viewing Indonesia’s contemporary political situation.

4Despite the good points, I have a minor note. As Muslim Javanese woman who comes from and grew up in Yogyakarta, my life was surrounded by and experienced social changes as described precisely in this book. Smith-Hefner describes some shifts among the young urban generation of Javanese Muslims who often use the expression “gaul”, something that the author believes indicates a diminishing Javanese cultural etiquette. In my opinion, this is not thoroughly accurate. I originated in the eastern part of Bantul, Yogyakarta, which borders on Sleman and Gunungkidul. Although I moved to Jakarta because of my job around 2000, I regularly return to my home town. In the community, I still regularly experience that my mother and other members of the community, men and women, the youth and myself speak in kromo inggil (the very polite, high level of the Javanese language). I think Javanese language etiquette is still practiced by the younger generation of Javanese youth (male and female) in this semi-urban area, on the outskirts of Yogyakarta City. Despite this minor note, this is a path-breaking work, a valuable addition to the literature in the great tradition of Javanese studies and the growing attention to gender, politics, youth, and Islam in Indonesia and Southeast Asia.