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Emprunts et réinterprétations

Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia

Détecter l’influence du lexique pré‑moderne de l’Inde du Sud en Asie du Sud-Est maritime.
Tom Hoogervorst
p. 63-93

Résumés

Les liens commerciaux et culturels entre l’Inde du Sud et l’Asie du Sud-Est insulaire ont été forts et réguliers depuis l’antiquité. Cet article ajoute une dimension linguistique à notre compréhension des anciennes relations interethniques dans la région, à travers une exploration des contributions lexicales jusqu’ici mal comprises des langues dravidiennes, telles que le tamoul et le malayāḷam, en faveur des langues d’Asie du Sud-Est maritime. Tout d’abord, les changements sonores sont abordés afin de montrer que les emprunts subissent une altération dès leur adoption dans les langues malayo-polynésiennes occidentales. Ensuite, cette contribution fournit des exemples de mots empruntés du tamoul que l’on retrouve dans la littérature en vieux javanais, mais aussi des mots empruntés du malayāḷam et du tamoul qui n’ont pas été retrouvés dans la littérature ancienne, mais puisés dans une vaste étendue géographique, dont les Philippines et Madagascar, ce qui témoigne d’une transmission pré-coloniale. Cette recherche examine ensuite la question des emprunts indo-aryens dans les langues de l’Asie du Sud-Est qui ont été transmis par des locuteurs de langues dravidiennes, en s'intéressant aux correspondances sonores auxquelles on peut s'attendre dans un tel scénario. Au final, l'auteur avance que l’influence linguistique de l’Inde du Sud a été considérable. Cette influence fournit une nouvelle source de données pour reconstituer le passé de la baie du Bengale.

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Notes de l’auteur

I express my heartfelt gratitude to the Gonda Foundation for financial support and to Waruno Mahdi, Alexander Adelaar, Herman Tieken and the anonymous reviewers of Archipel for their valuable insights and comments on an earlier version of this paper. The usual disclaimers apply.

Texte intégral

Introduction

1In the mid-19th century, the famous Malacca-born language instructor Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir documented the following account in his autobiography Hikayat Abdullah (Munšī 1849):

“[…] my father sent me to a teacher to learn Tamil, an Indian language, because it had been the custom from the time of our forefathers in Malacca for all the children of good and well-to-do families to learn it. It was useful for doing computations and accounts, and for purposes of conversation because at that time Malacca was crowded with Indian merchants. Many were the men who had become rich by trading in Malacca, so much so that the names of Tamil traders had become famous. All of them made their children learn Tamil.” (translation by Hill 1955: 48)

2Roughly four decades later, a colonial official regretted the lack of financial transparency among the rajas of Aceh’s recently “pacified” coastal areas, complaining that administration records were either absent or kept in Klingaleesch (Scherer 1891: 298). A late 18th-century religious manuscript written partly in Tamil and partly in Malay (Tschacher 2009: 54) also points to the existence of a tradition of bilingualism at the crossroads of South India and Maritime Southeast Asia. While it is difficult to contextualise such isolated accounts, the importance of South Indian traders in Maritime Southeast Asia is well-attested historically (cf. Edwards McKinnon 1996; Christie 1998, 1999). This situation remains to be studied more thoroughly from a linguistic perspective. This article, hence, delves deeper into early interethnic contact between South India and Maritime Southeast Asia, focusing specifically on Tamil and other Dravidian loanwords in Malay, Javanese and other West-Malayo-Polynesian (hereafter WMP) languages.

  • 3 There is some controversy over the antiquity of the earliest Tamil literature. Tieken (2008) argues (...)
  • 4 But see Tschacher (2009) for an overview.

3South India and Maritime Southeast Asia have been in close contact for more than two millennia. Dravidian loanwords occur in the earliest Javanese literature, i.e. from the 9th century CE, following the establishment of Tamil as a literary language in India.3 Commercial networks between the two regions, however, must have predated the textual evidence by several centuries. In the late 1st mill. BCE, interaction was frequent enough to account for large quantities of imported Indian beads, pottery and metal artefacts at several sites in Southeast Asia (cf. Ardika & Bellwood 1991; Bellina 2007). From the 9th to the 11th century, Javanese inscriptions list different South Indian toponyms (or, perhaps, rather ethnonyms), such as Kliṅ “Kaliṅga(?),” Siṅhala “Sri Lanka,” Cwalikā or Drawiḍa “Coromandel Coast,” Paṇḍikira or Malyalā “Malabar Coast” and Karṇaṭaka “Karnataka” (cf. Christie 1999: 247). From the 11th to the 13th century CE, following the decline of Śrīvijaya and the expansive ambitions of the Cōḻa Dynasty, Tamil inscriptions indicate the presence of South Indian merchant guilds in North Sumatra and other parts of Southeast Asia (Edwards McKinnon 1996; Christie 1998; Karashima & Subbarayalu 2009; Francis 2012; Griffiths 2014). The Tamil settlements in North Sumatra are supported by recent archaeological research (cf. Guillot et al. 2003; Perret & Surachman, éd., 2009). South Indian communities also feature in the classical Malay literature and were documented in substantial numbers in the 15th c. Malacca Sultanate. By that time, they were typically referred to as Kəling, a name presumably connected to the Kaliṅga State in present-day Odisha (hence also the Dutch Klingaleesch) but equally often applied to other Indian or Indianised communities (cf. Damais 1964; Mahdi 2000: 848; Hoogervorst 2013: 26 fn. 54). The scope of this study ends with the colonial period, during which policies of indentured labour introduced an entirely new episode of South India-Southeast Asia contacts, in particular in Rangoon, Penang, Medan and Singapore. Islamic connections across the Bay of Bengal also fall beyond the purview of this paper.4

  • 5 Even then, it remains difficult to pinpoint the direct source of Indic loanwords in Southeast Asia. (...)
  • 6 I will not here focus on loanwords transmitted in the opposite direction, as this topic has already (...)

4This is not the first study on Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. While a number of new hypotheses are added, it builds on a long strand of earlier scholarship. In the early 18th century, the Dutch orientalist Herbert de Jager (1707: 36) first called attention to the presence of South Indian (Maalebarischen) as well as Sanskrit loanwords in the high speech register of Javanese, while noting that the Javanese script originates from the same region. Tentative Tamil borrowings are also postulated at several places in Van der Tuuk’s voluminous Old Javanese dictionary (1897-1912) and in a series of papers by Van Ronkel (see under references). Further lists of assumed Tamil loanwords in Malay are given in Hamilton (1919), Asmah (1966), Jones (2007) and Wignesan (2008), whereas Arokiaswamy (2000) focuses on the South Indian influence in Philippine languages. Valuable as they are, these works typically do not refer to the pioneering work of Van der Tuuk and Van Ronkel, nor to each other. They are also of a rather impressionistic nature; little if anything is written to satisfaction about the expectable or observed sound correspondences between the Dravidian and WMP languages under research. This matter is further complicated by the existence of Indo-Aryan loanwords in Dravidian languages, some of which also spread to Southeast Asia; the need to distinguish between direct Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan or New-Indo-Aryan loans on one hand and those acquired through Dravidian languages on the other requires that the phonological history of all source languages is taken into account.5 Cumulatively, these factors underscore the necessity for a novel contribution on this topic. This study addresses the question of which Indic loanwords entered pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia from—or through—Dravidian sources and how this can be demonstrated phonologically.6

  • 7 The following sources are used: Acehnese (Djajadiningrat 1934), Angkola-Mandailing Batak (Eggink 19 (...)
  • 8 Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 755), for example, suggests that the Javanese name Irawati (also Irəwati(...)

5The corpus of this study largely consists of dictionaries, whose glosses have been translated and adjusted wherever considered necessary.7 Fig. 1 presents a map of the languages mentioned in this study. Other potential corpora, such as toponyms, onomastics and literary parallels, fall beyond the scope of the present study but merit a more comparative approach in future research.8 The list of tentative borrowings presented here thus remains far from exhaustive. I am primarily concerned with the earliest loanwords. My focus on pre-colonial language contact raises the methodological problem of dating lexical transmissions. The Javanese literature is particularly helpful in proposing termini ante quem for the adoption of Dravidian loanwords into Maritime Southeast Asia. I therefore make an effort to mention the source texts in which loanwords are (first) attested. Another, less reliable, yardstick to assess the antiquity of a given lexical transmission is its geographical distribution. I am inclined to treat Dravidian loans established far beyond the Malay core area as pre-modern, as competition from well-organised Chinese and Indian merchant fleets greatly diminished the role of Malay shipping from the 15th century onwards (cf. Manguin 1993).

6This paper is organised into three sections. The first, “Phonological integration”, addresses the phonological characteristics of Dravidian loans in WMP languages, focusing specifically on Tamil loanwords into Malay and Old Javanese. Doing so provides an idea of what to expect upon further investigating lexical borrowing between these languages. The second section, “Direct borrowings”, lists early Dravidian loanwords in WMP languages and indicates earlier sources of the postulated etymologies. The third section, “Indirect borrowings,” focuses on Indo-Aryan loanwords transmitted eastwards through Dravidian languages. It elaborates on the expectable sound changes in such a scenario and clarifies why certain loanwords do and others do not reflect Dravidian intermediacy. In the conclusion, the impact of Dravidian lexical influence in pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia is assessed and some directions for further research are suggested.

Phonological integration

7Dravidian languages, including Tamil, Malayāḷam, Telugu and Kannaḍa, typically display a wide range of internal varieties. Tamil, for example, consists not only of regional dialects (northern, western, eastern, southern, Sri Lankan), but also of sociolects (Brahmin, non-Brahmin, literary, colloquial). It may be expected that those who travelled eastwards spoke urban, coastal varieties. However, linguistic research on these and other specific varieties remains sketchy, with a preliminary but still relevant overview on the modern situation provided by Zvelebil (1964). Even less is known about historical varieties of Tamil and other Dravidian languages. Our understanding of Dravidian-WMP language contact is also complicated by the fact that the Tamil script does not clearly indicate the pronunciation of stops and affricates, although the position of these phonemes within a word provides some rule of thumb; they are predominantly voiceless in word-initial position and word-medially in geminated form, but voiced post-nasally and word-medially in non-geminated form. In the latter case, they are also fricativised (Andronov 2004: 23-30). Stops and affricates do not typically occur word-finally and require an epenthetic or “enunciative vowel.” However, these rules do not always apply to loanwords and depend on the speaker’s familiarity with the source language. This paper gives the indigenous spelling of Tamil (and the other Dravidian languages) along with a transliteration (Table 1).

  • 9 Ras (1968) calls attention to an orthographic convention in Malay and Javanese in which the schwa—o (...)

8Common Dravidian features such as phonemic vowel length, gemination and the presence of retroflex consonants are typically absent in Malay, although this may have been different in certain historical varieties or acrolects. Javanese maintains the distinctions /t/ vs. /ṭ/ and /d/ vs. /ḍ/ to date (as does Madurese). In certain WMP languages, the original presence of a retroflex or geminated consonant triggered schwa-substitution in the preceding vowel, e.g. Malay pəti “box, chest, case” from Hindi peṭī id. and mǝta “mad or rutting, wild or excited” from Sanskrit matta “excited with joy, in rut, insane,” although this sound correspondence is not consistent.9

Table 1 – transliteration of Tamil stops and affricates used in this paper.

  • 10 The exact pronunciation differs from one variety to another. According to Zvelebil (1964: 242-246), (...)

orthography

transliteration and phonetic transcription (between slashes)

word-initial

intervocalic

post-nasal

geminated

k /k/

g /x ~ ɦ/

g /g/

kk /kː/

c /s ~ ʧ/10

c /s/

j /ʤ/

cc /ʧː/

ṭ /ʈ/

ḍ /ɽ/

ḍ /ɖ/

ṭṭ /ʈː/

t /t̪/

d /δ/

d /d̪/

tt /t̪ː/

p /p/

b /β/

b /b/

pp /pː/

  • 11 Cf. Middle Javanese miñu “wine” from Portuguese vinho id., Javanese mau “just now” from (krama) wau(...)
  • 12 The realisation of ṭ (ட) as a retroflex flap /ɽ/ in colloquial Tamil (cf. Andronov 2004: 25) sugges (...)
  • 13 Malay tənggala “plough” has been formed through a similar process and presumably goes back to Middl (...)

9The morphophonology of the recipient language(s) can also influence the phonological integration of loanwords. Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu “fire-ball (from the sky),” for example, appears to reflect Tamil viricu (விரிசு) “a kind of rocket” (cf. Gomperts unpublished), from the root viri (வவிரி) “to expand; to open; to burst asunder.” In this case, the word-initial consonant has undergone nasalisation in accordance with regular morphophonological sound correspondences in WMP languages. While more common in transitive verbs, this development does not stand in isolation in other lexical categories.11 A related process is back-formation. Tamil muḍukku (முடுக்கு), a verb root denoting “to plough,” presumably gave rise to Javanese and Sundanese muluku in the same meaning.12 If so, Old Javanese waluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku “a plough” must be a hypercorrection, in which the word-initial /m/ was reinterpreted as a nasalised verbal prefix substituting an earlier /w/.13 A similar process is seen in Old Javanese waji “wedge,” presumably derived from the Tamil verbal root vaci (வசி) “to split, to cut,” which displays the by-form paji (cf. Van der Tuuk 1897-1912/3: 599). The latter appears to be a back-formation of the derived verb (a)maji “to split, cleave (with a wedge),” as both /w/ and /p/ would yield /m/ through prenasalisation.

  • 14 Such a word remains unattested in the literature, but would evidently consist of the elements ce- ( (...)

10Semantic innovation of equal complexity is evidenced by the word səmburani ~ səmbərani, the legendary flying steed of Malay literature. Van Ronkel (1905) argues that this name originally referred to a horse breed of a sorrel or cinereous colour, denoted by the Tamil compound cembuṟaṇi “red-skinned” (செம்புறணி).14 In support of Van Ronkel’s etymology, later scholars have called attention to the Malay compounds təmbaga səmbərani “reddish bronze” (Van Leeuwen 1937: 274-275) and batu səmbərani or bəsi səmbərani “magnetic iron, loadstone” (hence Old Javanese wəsi warani “magnetic iron,” Karo Batak bəsi bərani “magnet, loadstone,” Tagalog balanì “magnetism, magnet, loadstone”), which is typically tinged with a reddish colour due to manganese and iron oxides (Gonda 1941: 163-164). This etymological derivation would imply that an existing reddish horse breed gradually evolved into a supernatural flying horse in the Malay perception.

11Borrowings can also be re-borrowed, as demonstrated by Malay candu, Javanese candu, Makasar candu and Toba Batak sandu denoting a purified opium paste prepared for smoking. As the habit of smoking opium pellets was a European introduction, the meaning of candu in pre-colonial literature is nebulous. An early Malay dictionary defines candu as a “moisture thickened to a tough gel, prepared opium; tough, sticky soot; sugary exudation” (Von de Wall 1877-97/2: 37). The early 20th century Malay work Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa glosses it as “a resin made from opium, a kind of tree from West Bengal which is famous for its opium production” (Haji 1986/87: 349). As regards the word’s original meaning in Javanese, Berg (1927: 65 fn. 2) glosses it as a “kind of boreh (i.e. a fragrant cosmetic unguent of coconut-oil coloured with saffron)” based on its occurrence in the Kidung Sunda and Prijohoetomo (1934: 97) as a “gum” in the Nawaruci. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544) identifies Tamil cāndu (சாந்து) “paste; mortar, plaster; sandalwood” as the ultimate source of the word. However, we also find Tamil caṇḍu (சண்டு) “a preparation of opium used for smoking,” Hindi caṇḍū “an intoxicating drug made of opium” and Bengali caṇḍu “an intoxicating preparation from opium.” It is unlikely that the latter forms gave rise to the WMP attestations (contra Jones 2007: 46), as we would then expect a retroflex /ḍ/ in Javanese. Conversely, the above forms were presumably borrowed either directly from Malay or through Indian English “chandoo”. In other words, it seems most plausible that a word denoting an unidentified paste spread from South India to Maritime Southeast Asia in pre-modern times and was later re-borrowed in the opposite direction in the more specific meaning of “prepared opium.”

Direct borrowings

12The sound innovations and other historico-phonological processes addressed in the previous section enable a better analysis of the early Tamil borrowings into WMP languages postulated in Table 2, all of which are attested in pre-modern Javanese texts. Previous etymologies or etymological remarks are acknowledged in the rightmost column. I have adapted and updated these comments with additional data from other WMP languages, using the dictionaries listed in the introduction.

Table 2 – Early Tamil loanwords in WMP languages (attested in pre-modern texts).

  • 15 Attested in the Kidung Sunda (Zoetmulder 1982: 333).
  • 16 Compare, among many other examples, cambuk ‘heavy whip’ from Persian čābuk (چابك) ‘a horse-whip’, n (...)
  • 17 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1636).
  • 18 Cf. Malay hong ‘the Buddhist oṁ (ॐ)’ from Sanskrit oṁ ‘a word of solemn affirmation and respectful (...)
  • 19 Attested in the Javano-Balinese Adhigama (Zoetmulder 1982: 762).
  • 20 Other examples include Malay kangsa ~ gangsa ‘bell-metal’ from Sanskrit kaṁsa ‘brass, bell-metal’ a (...)
  • 21 The differences in pronunciation and meaning between these two sets would suggest different pathway (...)
  • 22 The word may have previously denoted other pulses, as the soya bean originates from East Asia. The (...)
  • 23 Also kārikkaṉ (காரிக்கன்) in the same meaning.
  • 24 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 2038).
  • 25 Compare Javanese təlkun “turkey” from Dutch kalkoen id. We may further call attention to fluctuatio (...)
  • 26 Glossed as such by Hunter & Supomo (forthcoming) and found in the 12th-century Ghatoṭkacāśraya.
  • 27 Possibly rationalised as kayu “wood, tree” + apung “floating on water.” Analogously, Malay exhibits (...)
  • 28 Through reduplication and the addition of suffix –an. The form is attested in the Old Javanese Rāmā (...)
  • 29 There is some semantic overlap with Malay kari “curry (prepared in the Indian way)” and Javanese ka (...)
  • 30 While the proto-Austronesian word-final diphthong /ay/ had already become /i/ in proto-Malayic (Ade (...)
  • 31 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 1148).
  • 32 The colloquial pronunciations would have been /paɽaɦu/ and /paɽawu/ respectively.
  • 33 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1931).
  • 34 So glossed by Zoetmulder (1982/2: 2120) on account of its occurrence in the Ādiparwa as a rendering (...)
  • 35 I would argue that attestations such as Malay onde-onde “ball-shaped cake, dumpling” and Javanese o (...)
  • 36 Van Ronkel (1903b) discards this etymology, pointing out that Tamil vaṇṇāra– can only occur as the (...)
  • 37 Substitution of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits a more ela (...)
  • 38 The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (விறிசு) “rocket” and purucu (புருசு) ‘a (...)

Tamil

WMP

comments

cāndu (சாந்து)

“paste; mortar, plaster;

sandalwood”

Malay candu “prepared opium,” Middle Javanese candu “a kind of unguent (also as a dye?),” Javanese candu “opium,” Makasar candu, Toba Batak sandu id.

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544).

cauttu (சௌத்து)

“pattern, sample, model”

Middle Javanese conto “a sample,”15Javanese conto “example, model,” Malay contoh “sample, model, specimen,” Minangkabau conto ~ cinto “example, model”

Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). Both the insertion of a homorganic nasal and the addition of a word-final /h/ are attested in other loanwords in Malay.16

cembuṟaṇi (செம்புறணி)

“red-skinned”

Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani “winged steed of romance,” Middle Javanese sambrani “a winged horse of romance,”17 Acehnese samarani “a legendary horse,” Minangkabau sambarani ~ samburani “winged, flying,” Tausug sambalani “a white winged horse”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1905).

ceppu

(செப்பு)

“casket, little box of metal, ivory or wood”

Malay cəpu “a flat round box of wood or metal,” Old Javanese cupu ~ cupu-cupu ~ cucupu “small pot,” Gayo cǝrpu “round box of silver or copper with cover”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 649), Zoetmulder (1982/1: 339).

ilai

(இைல)

“leaf, petal”

Old Javanese həlay ~ həle “piece (of cloth or a flat object; also of a lotus-stem?),” Malay həlai ~ əlai “a num. coefficient for tenuous objects such as garments, sheets, thread, blades of grass,” Minangkabau alai “classifier for flat or long objects”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 533-534), Jones (2007: 105). Mahdi (1998: 399) expresses concerns regarding the addition of a word-initial /h/ in Malay, which is indeed atypical. Is does, however, not stand in isolation.18

kaḍai

(கைட)

“shop, bazaar, market”

Old Javanese gaḍe ~ gaḍay “pawn, pawning,”19 Javanese gaḍe “pawning,” Malay gadai “pledging, pawning, mortgaging,” Minangkabau gadai “guarantee, warranty, bail, mortgage,” Toba Batak gade “a mortgage”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 706), Zoetmulder (1982/1: 470). The voicing of word-initial /k/ does not stand in isolation.20 Also cf. kaḍai (கடை) in the meaning of “shop” (Table 4), which is presumably a 21lexical doublet.

kaḍalai

(கடைல)

“chickpea

(Cicer arietinum L.)”

Middle Javanese kaḍəle “soya bean (Glycine max (L.) Merr.),” Javanese kəḍele ~ ḍele, Malay kədəlai id.22

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: 145), Van Ronkel (1903f: 550), Jones (2007: 148).

kārikkam (காரிக்கம்)

“unbleached plain cotton cloth”23

Malay kərikam “coarse linen,” Middle Javanese trikəm “a part. kind of fabric”24

The innovation *k > t/#_ in Javanese is irregular, but does not stand in isolation, especially before /r/ and /l/.25

kaṭṭi

(கட்டி)

“a measure

of weight”

(the “catty”)

Malay kati, Old Javanese kati ~ kaṭi, Javanese kati, Acehnese katɔə, Toba Batak hati, Tausug katti, Cham kati id. (cf. Old Khmer kaṭṭi ~ kaṭṭī id.)

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 548-549). The dental consonant in the Old Javanese and Javanese attestations is possibly the result of Malay intermediacy, otherwise we would expect a retroflex consonant.

kayappū (கயப்பூ)

“aquatic flower”

Old Javanese kayapu “aquatic flower,”26 Javanese kayu apu “water lettuce (Pistia stratiotes L.),” Sundanese kiapu id., Malay (Malaysia) kayu apung id.,27 Balinese kapu-kapu “a species of water-cress,” Cebuano kayapo “water lettuce (Pistia stratiotes L.),” Maranao kayopo, Tagalog kiyapo, Magindanao kiyupu id.

Cf. Hunter & Supomo (forthcoming). The Javanese and Sundanese attestations are taken from Heyne (1913: 160), the Philippine attestations from Madulid (2001: 239-240).

koṇḍi (கொண்டிி)

“prostitute, concubine”

Malay gundik “secondary wife,” Old Javanese guṇḍik “female attendant,” Javanese gunḍik “mistress, concubine,” Minangkabau gundiak “mistress, concubine,” Acehnese gundeʔ “secondary wife, concubine,” Gayo gundik “concubine,” Karo Batak gundik “a scapegoat”

See Adelaar (1992: 118-119) and Mahdi (2000: 850) on the addition of a word-final glottal stop, typically written as <k>. For the voicing of word-initial /k/, see under kaḍai (கடை) in this table.

kuḻai

(குழை)

‘to become soft, mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’

Old Javanese gulay-gulayan “curry-dishes,”28 Malay gulai “wet-currying; currying in rich highly-spiced sauce,”29 Acehnese gulɛ “k.o. vegetable soup,” Gayo gule “meat-based side-dish with rice,” Karo Batak gule “meat, prepared meat as a side-dish,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak gule “side dish with rice,” Tagalog gulay “vegetable,” Maranao golay id.

For the voicing of word-initial /k/, see under kaḍai (கடை) in this table.

kuvaḷai

(குவளை)

“wide-mouthed vessel, cup”

Malay kuali “wide-mouthed cooking-pot,” Old Javanese kawali “cooking-pot,” Javanese kuwali “earthen or metal cooking pot,” Tagalog kawalí “frying pan, skillet,” Tausug kawaliʔ “a large iron pot”

Cf. Arokiaswamy (2000: 80). The rendering of /ai/ as /i/ at the word-final position implies a secondary distribution via an early Malayic language (cf. Wolff 2010/1: 480).30

muṟi

(முறி)

“piece of cloth, rough cloth”

Malay muri “plain white linen or cotton fabric,” Acehnese muri “fine fabric imported from India,” Middle Javanese mori “undyed cotton cloth,”31 Javanese mori “white cotton fabric, unbleached plain cloth,” Cham mrai “cotton yarn” (cf. Thai mōrī (โมรโมรี) “a kind of foreign cloth, a kind of silk”)

muḍukku (முடுக்கு)

“to plough”

Javanese muluku “to plough,” Sundanese muluku id.

As indicated in the previous section, I consider Old Javanese waluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku “a plough,” Javanese wluku, Sundanese wuluku, and Angkola-Mandailing Batak luku id. to be back-formations.

paḍaku

(படகு)

“small boat;

dhoney, large boat” ~ paḍavu (படவு) “small boat”32

Old Javanese parahu “boat,” Javanese prau “ship, boat,” Malay pərahu “undecked native ship,” Toba Batak parau “boat, ship”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 159). The directionality of the transmission is uncertain; see Mahdi (1994/2: 462), Hoogervorst (2013: 83-84) and Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.) for a more detailed discussion and more reflexes than can be included here.

paricai

(பரிசை)

“shield, buckler”

Old Javanese parisya ~ parise ~ paresi “round shield,” Malay pərisai id., Minangkabau parisai ‘shield’, Acehnese pɯrisɛ ~ prisɛ id., Karo Batak pərise “k.o. shield,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak parince “shield,” Balinese paresi ~ presi, Javanese paris id., Tagalog †palisay “k.o. shield used in dances”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 97), Van Ronkel (1902: 110), Jones (2007: 240). As the first author makes clear, modern Javanese paris “shield” goes back to an earlier *parise, subsequently reanalysed as the would-be stem paris + the possessive suffix –e “his shield, the shield”

taṇḍu

(தண்டு)

“palanquin”

Middle Javanese taṇḍo “carried on a stretcher or chair on poles?,”33 Javanese taṇḍu “stretcher-like conveyance for transporting things or persons,” Balinese tandu “a stretcher (for carrying an injured person),” Malay tandu “a hammock-litter,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak tandu “litter”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 542), Jones (2007: 312).

uṇḍai (உணஉண்டை)

“ball; dice”

Old Javanese uṇḍi “ball?,”34 Javanese uṇḍi “to decide by lot,” Malay undi “lot, die”

The innovation *ai > i/_# is addressed under kuvaḷai (குவளை) in Table 2. This Tamil etymon has also been connected to a set of ball-shaped sweetmeats (cf. Von de Wall 1877-97/1: 125; Van Ronkel 1902: 101; Jones 2007: 226).35

vaci

(வசி)

“to split, to cut,” cf. vaci (வசி) “cleft; point; pointed stake; sword”

Malay baji “quoin, wedge,” Old Javanese amaji “to split, cleave (with a wedge)” (from waji?), Gayo baji “keg, wedge,” Toba Batak baji “splitting wedge,” Karo Batak basi “wedge, keg (to split something),” Sundanese baji “the filling (e.g. while using a thin wedge),” Angkola-Mandailing Batak baji “wedge”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 538); Old Javanese paji “wedge” appears to be a backformation based on the verb amaji, presumably also yielding Balinese paji “wedge” and Tagalog †parí “to cut wood with wedges.”

vaṇṇāra– (வண்ணார)

“(relating to a) washerman”36

Malay bənara “laundryman,” Old Javanese banantən ~ walantən “cloth washed or prepared in a special way,” Javanese wlantən “to whiten, wash (clothes)”37 (cf. Old Khmer vannāra “unidentified slave function”)

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: 575, 4: 584). Old Javanese has juru banantən in the meaning of “laundryman” (juru = “trained worker”).

viricu (விரிசு) “a kind of rocket” 38

Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu “fire-ball (from the sky),” Malay mərcu “pinnacle, highest point”

Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). Javanese mərcon “fireworks, firecrackers” consists of mərcu + the suffix –an through vowel contraction. It was presumably borrowed into Malay as mərcun “firework,” Makasar baraccung “k.o. fireworks, firecrackers” and Bugis barɨccung id. The otherwise irregular word-initial /b/ in the latter two attestations may reflect the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, suggesting an earlier ⁺bərəcu.

  • 39 Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane “large flat bowl for cooking,” Ngaju panai “large earthen bowl,” Makasar (...)
  • 40 Cf. Javanese wungkal “a flat grindstone.” In word-initial position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u (...)
  • 41 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240).

13In addition to the loanwords postulated in Table 2, some Tamil borrowings feature in Old Javanese, but remain unattested in (modern) Malay. A well-known example is Old Javanese pane ~ panay “earthen vessel, pot” from Tamil pāṉai (பானை) “large earthen pot or vessel” (Van der Tuuk 1881: 56; Van Ronkel 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: 80).39 Gomperts (unpublished) postulates other tentative Tamil loans, including Old Javanese kol “measure of circumference: what can be encompassed with the arms extended” from kōḷ (கோள்) “taking, receiving, accepting, seizing, holding, enveloping,” wuṅkal “boulder” from uṅkal (உண்கல்) “limestone”40 and perhaps kori “door” from kōṭṭi (கோட்டி ) “gateway under a temple tower; door of a house.” To this list can be added Middle Javanese berəm “a part. k.o. fabric”41 from Tamil vayiram (வயிரம்்) “woollen cloth.” Several more examples may surface once the vast Javanese literature is examined more closely.

14Alongside borrowings from Tamil, a set of loanwords presumably entered Southeast Asia through Malayāḷam, as postulated in Table 3.

Table 3 – Malayāḷam loanwords in WMP languages.

  • 42 Several other clan names in North Sumatra have South Indian origins (Joustra 1902).
  • 43 Not attested in Gundert (1962), but glossed in Yule & Burnell (1903: 669) as “a fencing-master, a t (...)

Malayāḷam

WMP

comments

kāccu (കാച്ചു ) “cutch (Areca catechu L.)”

Old Javanese kacu, Malay kacu id., Acehnese kacu “black Aloe extract,” Gayo kacu “gambir”

Tamil has kācu (காசு) in the same meaning, which would have yielded the unattested **kasu. Both forms reflect the Dravidian root kāy “to grow hot, burn; be dried up, etc.” (Burrow & Emenau 1984 #1458).

malayāḷa (മലയാള)

“the Malabar Coast”

Old Javanese malyāla “a country in South India and its people; steel (a partic. kind of steel),” Javanese malelɔ “steel,” Malay mǝlela “dark, undamasked steel,” Sundanese malela “shining (steel),” Balinese malela “steel,” Acehnese mɯlila, Gayo mǝlɛla, Toba Batak malela id., Karo Batak malela “a word often used in mantras”

Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 25). Also compare the Karo Batak clan name Məliala “a subgroup of Səmbiring,”42 which is presumably a lexical doublet of malela.

paṇikkar (പണിക്കർ

) “a title or last name in Kerala traditionally associated with teachers of martial arts”43

Malay pəndekar “leader of a charge, fighter, swashbuckler,” Javanese panḍekar “champion of a cause, skilled fighter,” Minangkabau pandeka “champion, master, expert (in silat),” Acehnese panika “agile, a fence master,” Karo Batak pəndikar “fence master,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak pandikar id., Tausug pandikal “wise, having great mental ability, intelligent, genius”

In Malay, the insertion of a post-nasal epenthetic homorganic voiced stop is regular if followed by /r/ or /l/ in the lending language (Adelaar 1988: 65).

Table 3 – Malayāḷam loanwords in WMP languages.

  • 44 Also saṟāmbi (സറാന്പി) ~ srāmbi (സ്രാന്പി) ~ śrāmbi (ശ്രാന്പി ). The word can also denote “a prayer (...)
  • 45 Consisting of surambi + suffix –an.
  • 46 However, Tamil sailors use the term Cōḻa koṇḍal (சோழ கொண்டல்) for “southeast” (Arunachalam 1996: 26 (...)

Malayāḷam

WMP

comments

paravadāni
(പരവതാനി)

“a carpet”

Old Javanese paramadani “carpet, floor-rug, rug,” Javanese prangwədani “a carpet, floor rug (floral or embroidered with gold),” Malay pərmadani “floor-rug,” Acehnese pɯrɯmadani “rug,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak sordamaudani “rug, floor-rug”

From the root parava (പരവ) “spreading.” Cham parmadani “rug, tapestry,” Tausug palmaddaniʔ “carpet, rug, floor covering,” Javanese pərmɔdani “carpet” and Angkola-Mandailing Batak parmadani “rug” appear to be secondary borrowings from Malay.

saṟāmbi (സറാന്പി )

“a house standing on four posts”44

Old Javanese surambyan “outer veranda, front porch,”45 Malay sərambi “a Malay open veranda,” Acehnese sɯramɔə “gallery of a house,” Toba Batak surambi “pillars under rice barn,” Karo Batak surambih “a kind of gallery or annex,” Ngaju sarambi “annex at the front or back of a house,” Tagalog sulambí ~ sulambî “eaves (the lower, projecting end of a roof); small annex to a house”

Cf. Wilkinson (1932/2: 446). Tamil has ciṟāmbi (சிறாம்பி) “a loft or platform for keeping watch.” If this word is indeed of Dravidian provenance, high-order Austronesian reconstructions such as proto-Hesperonesian *surambiq “eaves” (Zorc 1994: 556) and proto-WMP *surambi ~ *surambiq “extension to house” (Blust & Trussell 2014 s.v.) should be revised.

tengara (തെന്‍കര) “southeast”

Malay tənggara “southeast,” Acehnese tungara ~ tunggara, Javanese (dial.) tunggɔrɔ, Makasar tunggara id., Tausug tunggaraʔ “the name of a wind that blows from the Southeast”

from ten (തെന്‍) ‘south’ + kara (കര) ‘shore’; also compare Tamil teṉ (தென்) ‘south’ + karai (கரை) ‘shore of a sea’ (Adelaar 1992: 115 fn. 161).46

  • 47 This development may be connected with the expansion of the Brunei Sultanate in the late 15th centu (...)

15Most of the loanwords postulated thus far occur in pre-modern Javanese literature, testifying to their relatively early transmission. Alternatively, we may look at the geographical distribution of tentative Dravidian etyma. Several Tamil loanwords have been disseminated beyond the Malay core area, inter alia to Madagascar and the Philippines. While Malay is no longer spoken in these regions, the Italian scholar and explorer Antonio Pigafetta documented that it was used as a lingua franca when he visited the Philippines in the early 16th century (cf. Wolff 1976: 345-346).47 As argued in the introduction, I consider Tamil loans with a wide geographical distribution across Maritime Southeast Asia to be pre-modern borrowings, as postulated in Table 4.

Table 4 – Widespread Tamil loanwords in WMP languages.

  • 48 This form is absent in the dictionaries consulted, but would evidently consist of kommaṭṭi (கொம்மட் (...)
  • 49 The form consists of (மா) “mango” + paḻam (பழம்) “fruit, ripe fruit.” Colloquial Tamil has maːmb (...)
  • 50 Also known as “Carabao mango” (Mangifera indica L. cultivar Carabao).
  • 51 The more common form is piṭṭu (பிட்டு).

Tamil

WMP

comments

appam (அப்பம்்) “round cake of rice flour and sugar fried in ghee; thin cake, wafer, bread”

Malay apam “steamed rice flour cake,” Javanese apəm “a rice flour cake usually served as a ceremonial food,” Gayo apam “k.o. pastry,” Karo Batak ampam “k.o. cake,” Makasar apang “k.o. rice cake,” Maranao apang “pancake,” Tausug apam id.

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 330), Van Ronkel (1902: 101), Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.).

kappal (கப்பல்) “ship, sailing vessel”

Malay kapal “decked ship,” Javanese kapal “ship,” Toba Batak hopal id., Acehnese kapay “large ship,” Makasar kappalaʔ “big ship,” Cham kapal “boat, ship with quadrangular sail,” Tausug kappal “a ship (of modern times, with iron hull)”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: 301), Van Ronkel (1902: 111-112), Jones (2007: 143), Hoogervorst (2013: 86).

kaḍai (கடை) “shop, bazaar, market”

Malay kədai “shop,” Minangkabau kadai “shop,” Acehnese kɯdɛ “shop, booth, stall,” Tausug kadday “a restaurant, eatery, small refreshment stand”

Cf. Jones (2007: 148); also cf. kaḍai (கடை) in the meaning of “pawning” (Table 2), which could be a lexical doublet.

kāval (காவல்) “watchman, guard”

Malay kawal “watchman, patrol, guard,” Javanese kawal “to guard, escort,” Karo Batak kawal “guard,” Tagalog kawal “soldier; warrior; troops”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 111), Jones (2007: 148). Possibly from Hindi qarāval “guard, watchman,” of ultimate Turkish origins.

kommaṭṭikkāy (கொம்மட்டிக்காய்) “unripe water melon”48

Malay kəməndikai “watermelon (Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) Matsum. & Nakai),” Minangkabau kamandiki, Karo Batak mandike, Makasar mandike id.

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903e). Malay also displays təmbikai through metathesis.

māmpaḻam (மாம்பழம்) “mango fruit”49

Malay məmpəlam “mango (Mangifera indica L.),” Javanese pələm, Acehnese mamplam, Minangkabau marapalam id., Angkola-Mandailing Batak marapolom “a smaller type of mangga with a more refined and sweeter taste,” Maranao mampalang “red-fleshed mango,” Tausug mampallam “a small variety of mango,” Subanon mapalam “mango”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 407-408), Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones (2007: 199). The first author glosses Old Javanese hampləm “small type of mangga, about the size of a goose egg, with a very thin and easily removable yellow peel” (not attested in Zoetmulder 1982), implying that the word originally referred to a specific mango variety.

māṅgāy (மாஙமாங்காய்) “unripe mango fruit,” (colloquial) maːŋgaː id.

Malay mangga “mango (Mangifera indica L.),” Maranao manggaʔ, Tagalog manggá id., Tausug mangga “common Cebu mango”50

Cf. Jones (2007: 193). This word may have originally referred to an introduced cultivar. Wild mango populations occur naturally in Maritime Southeast Asia and of proto-Malayo-Polynesian *pahuq “mango” are widespread.

mettai (மெத்தை) “bed, cushion; quilt stuffed with cotton”

Malay metai “a thin cushion-quilt for sitting on,” Tagalog †mitay “mattress”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones (2007: 201).

mīcai (மீசை) “moustache”

Malay misai “moustache;” Acehnese misɛ id., Karo Batak mise “moustache, pointed beard, goatee,” Angkola-Mandailing Batak mise “moustache,” Tagalog misay, Tausug misay id.

Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 116), Jones (2007: 204).

muruṅgai (முருங்கை) “horse-radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.)”

Malay mərunggai Tagalog malunggáy, Ilokano marunggáy, Tausug kalamunggay id. (cf. Swahili mlonge ~ mronge id.)

Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones (2007: 200).

Malay also displays rəmunggai through metathesis.

puṭṭu (புட்டு) “a kind of confectionery”5151

Malay putu “gen. for a number of sweetmeats,” Javanese puṭu “cylindrical dumpling of rice flour in a sauce of salted coconut milk with a lump of brown sugar in the centre,” Acehnese putu “a sweetmeat,” Tagalog puto “k.o. white cake made from rice flour,” Ilokano púto “rice cake made with eggs, grounded sugar, rice, water and coconut,” Tausug putu “a confection made by steaming grated cassava”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 547), Jones (2007: 256), Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.).

tālam (தாலம்) “eating-plate, porringer (usually of metal)”

Malay talam “platter, tray (without pedestal),” Javanese talam “serving tray, platter,” Acehnese talam “big, round tray,” Cham talam “plate,” Subanon talam “a brass serving platter,” Tausug talam ‘a brass tray (without legs)’

Van Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones (2007: 311).

vagai (வடி) “kind, class, sort; goods; property; means of livelihood”

Malay bagai “kind, variety, species,” Acehnese bagɔə id., Angkola-Mandailing Batak bage “various, etcetera,” Tagalog bagay “thing; object, article,” Bikol bágay “things, stuff; item, matter, object”

Cf. Van Ronkel (1903d), Jones (2007: 30), Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.).

vaḍi (வடி) “sharpness,” cf. Telugu vaḍi ~ vāḍi

Malay badik “k.o. dagger,” Sundanese badi ~ badi-badi “k.o. cut-and-thrust weapon (from Sumatra),” Acehnese badeʔ “k.o. knife,” Cham padaik “short poniard, Malay kəris,” Makasar badiʔ “k.o. thrusting weapon,” Cebuano barì “k.o. sickle”

Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 22). If this etymology is correct, the reconstruction of PMP *badiq “dagger” must be revised (cf. Mahdi 1994: 173-175, Blust & Trussell 2014 s.v.); iron metallurgy is not indigenous to Maritime Southeast Asia.

vari (வரி) “paddy”

Malay kadut bari “dried pulut-rice,” Bugis kadoʔ bari “cooked, sun-dried rice,” Malagasy vary “rice” (cf. Swahili wali “cooked rice”)

Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 42-43). Malay kadut = “sack-cloth; glutinous rice dried but uncooked.” Further attestations from Bornean languages are given in Adelaar (1989: 26).

veḍil (வெடில்) “explosion”

Malay bədil “firearm,” Acehnese bɯde, Toba Batak bodil, Makasar baʔdiliʔ, Bugis baliliʔ id., Tagalog baríl “gun,” Cebuano baril “shoot someone or something with a gun,” Bikol badíl “gun, shotgun, piece of artillery”

Cf. Kern (1902), Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.).

vilaṅgu (விலங்கு) “fetters, shackles, manacles”

Malay bələnggu “fetters, shackles for the feet,” Minangkabau pilanggu id., Acehnese blangku “shackles,” Ilokano bilánggo “bailiff,” Tagalog bilanggô “prisoner, captive,” Maranao bilanggoʔ “jail, prison,” Tausug bilangguʔ “a chain, shackle, fetter”

Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 1010), Van Ronkel (1902: 103), Jones (2007: 36), Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.).

Indirect borrowings

  • 52 As indicated before, its exact pronunciation differs across the Tamil varieties. In varieties spoke (...)

16In addition to the direct loans from Tamil and Malayāḷam addressed in the previous section, this section calls attention to Indo-Aryan vocabulary that reached Southeast Asia through Dravidian sources. Such “northern loanwords,” known as vaḍamoḻi (வடமொழி) in Tamil, are prone to phonotactic conditioning. In the case of Tamil this often involves the addition of a gender suffix—i.e. female –ai, male –aṉ or neutral –am (cf. Van Ronkel 1902: 102)—to loans displaying a word-final /a/. In addition, word-initial and geminated stops are usually devoiced, whereas word-medial and post-nasal consonants are voiced, in accordance with Tamil phonology (cf. Table 1). Other characteristics hinting at Tamil intermediacy are the insertion of epenthetic vowels (svarabhakti) in certain consonant clusters and the rendering of <c>, <ch>, <j>, <jh>, <ś>, <ṣ>, <s> and <z> to <c> (ச).52 Table 5 lists Indo-Aryan loanwords in WMP languages whose transmission presumably took place via Tamil or other Dravidian languages based on these sound innovations.

Table 5 – Indo-Aryan borrowings transmitted through Dravidian languages.

  • 53 Cf. Adelaar (1996: 697).
  • 54 Also written as turicu (துரிசு) ~ turucu (துருசு).
  • 55 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones (2007: 321).
  • 56 Van Ronkel (1903c) argues that Malay jodoh is a Telugu loan, apparently unaware that the etymon is (...)
  • 57 Cf. Gonda (1973: 161), Van Ronkel (1903f: 545-546), Jones (2007: 232).
  • 58 Malay ganja id., on the other hand, must have been borrowed either directly from the Sanskrit etymo (...)
  • 59 The Tamil Lexicon gives the rather uncommon forms kōḍai (கோடை) and kōḍaram (கோடரம்) ~ kōḍagam (கோடக (...)
  • 60 Glossed as such in Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of “palace” is absent in Monier-Williams (1899: (...)
  • 61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 114), Jones (2007: 191).
  • 62 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117), Jones (2007: 220).
  • 63 The Indic origins of this word were already postulated by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 131) and Zoetm (...)
  • 64 Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 184), Van Ronkel (1902: 109-110), Gonda (1973: 162) and Jones (2007: (...)
  • 65 More commonly spelled cāstiri (சாஸ்திரி).
  • 66 First proposed by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: 37). The insertion of a homorganic stop is addressed u (...)
  • 67 Given as such in Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 606), but absent in Zoetmulder (1982).
  • 68 Cf. Edwards McKinnon (1996: 95).
  • 69 Cf. Gonda (1973: 169).
  • 70 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 104), Jones (2007: 36).
  • 71 See vaci (வசி) in Table 1 on the hypercorrection of word-initial /b/ to /p/ in loanwords; Old Javan (...)
  • 72 Also written as vāycci (வாய்ச்சி) or vāṭci (வாட்சி).
  • 73 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 103), Jones (2007: 32).
  • 74 The presence of Malay bintang kətika “stars that tell the time, the Pleiades” would suggest that (...)

Indo-Aryan

Dravidian

WMP

Hindi bāzār “market, market-place, bazar, mart” (or directly from Persian bāzār (بازار) “a market; a market-day”)

Tamil pacār (பசார்) “bazaar, permanent market or street of shops”

Malay pasar “bazaar; market; fair,”53 Middle Javanese pasar “market, bazaar,” Karo Batak pasar “big road,” Cham pasā ~ pasar “market” (cf. Old Mon pṣā ‘market, market place’)

Hindi turś ~ turuś “sour, acid” (or directly from Persian turš ~ turuš (ترش) “acid, tart, sour”)

Tamil turuci (துருசி) “blue vitriol”54

Malay tərusi “copper vitriol; copper sulphate; bluestone,”55 Javanese trusi ~ prusi “verdigris; an ointment made from verdigris for healing sores,” Sundanese trusi “green mineral, verdigris,” Balinese trusi “green vitriol (iron sulphate),” Acehnese turusi “copper vitriol”

Hindi vijay “conquest, victory, triumph’ (from Sanskrit vijaya ‘contest for victory, victory’)

Tamil vicai (விசை) “victory”

Malay †bisai “gallant, victorious”

Kāśmīrī (Ḍoḍī dial.) jōṛō “pair of shoes,” Sindhī joṛo “pair, pair of shoes,” Kumaunī joṛo “pair,” Gujarātī joṛũ “pair, a shoe” (Turner 1966 #10496)

Tamil cōḍu (சோடு) "pair, couple, set," Malayāḷam jōḍu (ജോടു) "a pair, match, couple; a pair of shoes," Kannaḍa jōḍu (ಜೋಡು) "a pair or couple, a match," Tuḷu jōḍu (ಜೋಡು) "a pair, match, couple," Telugu jōḍu "a pair, a couple".

Malay jodoh “twin-soul, affinity, second self, match,”56 Acehnese judo “pair, couple,” Javanese joḍo “marriage partner; the right match (for); etc.,” Karo Batak jodu “a pair”

Sanskrit bandha “binding, tying, a bond”

Tamil pandam (பந்தம்) “tie, attachment, link; torch, flambeau; lamp”

Middle Javanese pandam “lamp,” Javanese (lit.) pandam “light, lamp,” Malay pandam “fixing in resin,”57 Acehnese panam “mixture of resin with wax and oil”

Sanskrit gañja “hemp (Cannabis sativa L.)”

Telugu gañjāyi id. (cf. Oṛiyā gañjēi id.)

Old Javanese guñje ~ guñjay, Javanese gənje id.58

Sanskrit ghoṭa “horse”, Hindi ghoṛā, Marāṭhī ghoḍā id.

(Cf. Goṇḍī kōḍa id.)59

Malay kuda, Toba Batak hoda, Subanon guda, Tausug kuraʔ id.

Sanskrit mālika “a palace”60

Tamil māḷigai (மாளிகை) “palace; temple; mansion; house”

Malay maligai “palace; princess’s bower,”61 Javanese (lit.) malige “throne,” Gayo mǝlige “palace,” Acehnese mɯligɔɛ “palace, royal residence,” Cham (Vietnam dial.) mơlagai “palace, royal residence, house of a prince, etc.,” Bugis malige “palace,” Subanon maligai “spirit house”

Sanskrit manda “drunken, addicted to intoxication; etc.”

Tamil mandam (மந்தம்) “drunkenness; etc.”

Malay mandam “intoxication,” Javanese məndəm “drunken, intoxicated”

Sanskrit nīla “dark-blue; dyed with indigo; the sapphire, etc.”

Tamil nīlam (நீலம்) “blue, azure or purple colour; blue dye, indigo; sapphire”

Malay nilam “sapphire,”62 Makasar nilang, Magindanao nilam id.

Sanskrit parikhā “a moat, ditch, trench or fosse round a town or fort”

Tamil parigai (பரிகை) “moat, ditch; mound within a rampart”

Malay pərigi “well, spring,” Old Javanese parigi “low encircling wall of stones, paved bank or slope,” Tausug paligiʔ “an area of wet, filthy and soggy ground,” Malagasy farihy “a pool, a pond, a lake”63

Sanskrit pattra “the blade of a sword or knife; a knife, dagger”

Tamil pattiram (பத்திரம்) “small sword”

Malay patəram “a small kris used by women,”64 Old Javanese patrəm “dagger, kris (prob. a small variety),” Javanese patrəm “a small dagger”

Sanskrit śāstrī “versed in the śāstras, learned; a teacher of sacred books or science, a learned man”

Tamil cāttiri (சாத்திரி) “one versed in the sāstras, learned man; a title, especially of smārta brāhmins”65

Malay səntəri “seminarist; divinity student,” Javanese santri “a student of Islam living in a school; one who adheres strictly to Islamic rules,”66 Tausug santiliʔ “a beggar (someone esp. an old man who comes to one’s house and asks blessing from God for the family and in return is given rice or money)”

Sanskrit śigru “horse-radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.)”

Tamil cikkuru (சிக்குரு) id.

Old Javanese cikru id.,67 Karo Batak cingkǝru “Job’s tears (Coix lacryma-jobi L.),”68 Toba Batak singkoru id.

Sanskrit śuci “shining; clear, clean, pure”

Tamil cuci (சுசி) “cleanliness purity, ceremonial purification”

Malay cuci “to cleanse, the act of cleaning”69

Sanskrit vajra “diamond, etc.,” Middle Indo-Aryan vaïra id.

Tamil vairam (வைரம்) “diamond”

Malay †beram “red diamond,”70 Acehnese biram id., Sundanese bɯrɯm “red” (cf. Thai bairāṁ (ไพรำ) “gem, jewel; precious stone”)

Sanskrit vaṇṭha “a javelin”

Tamil vaṇḍam (வண்ட ) “a weapon”

Old Javanese baṇḍəm ~ paṇḍəm missile (or the throwing of such?),71 Javanese paṇḍəm “missile, object hurled”

Sanskrit vāśī ~ vāsī “a sharp or pointed knife or a kind of axe, adze, chisel”

Tamil vācci (வாச்சி) “adze”72

Malay banci “adze,”73 Acehnese baci “axe (small type)” Angkola-Mandailing Batak bangsi “a large adze,” Makasar banci “a tool to cut stones,” Bugis banci “k.o. adze”

Sanskrit veda “the Vedic books and hymns”

Tamil vēdam (வேதம்) id.

Malay †widam “prayer, incantation (in hikayats and poetry),”74 Magindanao wedam “the Vedic books”

17Since some Sanskrit loanwords in WMP languages display voicing of intervocalic consonants, it has been argued that speakers of Tamil were involved in their transmission (cf. Gonda 1973: 161-166; Tadmor 2009: 694). I would argue, however, that the observed process of voicing intervocalic consonants – as well as devoicing word-initial consonants – cannot always be explained through Dravidian intermediacy. If the would-be Dravidian etyma are either unattested or display additional phonological innovations unreflected in the recipient WMP languages (typically the addition of gender endings), we are urged to look for alternative explanations. In some cases, the transmission may have taken place through Middle Indo-Aryan languages, some of which also show voicing of intervocalic stops (cf. Hoogervorst forthcoming). In others, the fluctuation between voiced and voiceless consonants appears restricted to Malay attestations, as demonstrated in Table 6.

Sanskrit

WMP

comments

cañcala “moving to and fro, unsteady, shaking”

Old Javanese cañcala “to move to and fro, shake; uneasy, unsteady,” Javanese cəncɔlɔ “to shake violently; to unsettle,” Malay cəncala ~ jənjala “loose-tongued; over-tal

kative”

Cf. Tamil cañjalam (சஞ்சலம்) “unsteadiness; rapid motion; trembling”

caṇḍāla “an outcast , man of the lowest and most despised of the mixed tribes”

Old Javanese caṇḍāla “of low birth; mean, despicable (conduct); trader, merchant,” Malay cəndala “low, mean, ignoble, depraved” ~ jəndala “low, mean, scoundrelly”

Cf. Tamil caṇḍāḷam (சண்டாளம்) “baseness; demon” ~ caṇḍāḷaṉ (சண்டாளன்) “low, degraded man; person of the degraded caste”

ghaṭikā “a period of time”

Malay kətika “period of time, season,”75 Toba Batak hatiha “point in time,” Karo Batak katika “a time obtained by calculation,” Maranao kotikaʔ “astrology, season, moment”

Cf. Tamil kaḍigai (கடிகை) “Indian hour of 24 minutes; time”

guñjā

“a bunch, bundle, cluster of blossoms”

Malay kuncah “bale, bundle (measure of capacity for things made up in bales or trusses such as bundles of straw),” Acehnese gunca “measure of capacity”

Cf. Tamil kuñjam (ுஞ்சம) “bunch of flowers; tassel, cluster of grass; a measure in the width of cloth”

jīrṇa

“old, worn out, withered, wasted, decayed”

Old Javanese jīrṇa “old, worn out, decayed; digested; satisfied (with water), refreshed,” Javanese (lit.) curnɔ “broken to pieces, smashed, wrecked, crushed,” Malay cərna “assimilation or digestion (of food)”

Cf. Tamil cīraṇam (ரணம) “digestion; decay, ruin, spoilt condition”

krakaca

“a saw”

Malay gərgaji “a saw, to saw,” Acehnese grɔgajɔə “a saw,” Javanese graji, Makasar garagaji, Toba Batak garagaji, Angkola-Mandailing Batak garagaji, Cebuano lagádì id., Tagalog lagarí “carpenter’s saw,” Ilokano ragádi id., Maranao garogadiʔ “file (a tool),” Tausug gawgariʔ id.

The substitution of word-final /a/ by /i/ in Indic loanwords borrowed into WMP languages does not stand in isolation (Gonda 1973: 427-430; De Casparis 1988: 53; Hoogervorst forthcoming).

sac-chattra

“with an umbrella”

Malay səjahtəra “peace, tranquillity, ease”

The Sanskrit compound has been explained as a metaphor for “under government protection” (Poerbatjaraka 1953: 41).76

uccar

“to emit (sounds), utter, pronounce”

Old Javanese ujar “words, speech, talk,” Malay ujar “utterance, speech, saying”

vicakṣaṇa “conspicuous; clear-sighted, sagacious, clever”

Old Javanese wicakṣaṇa “sagacious, clever, wise, versed in, familiar with, expert in,” Javanese wicaksɔnɔ “endowed with wisdom,” Malay bijaksana “practical wisdom or skill”

  • 75 Along similar semantic lines, Old Javanese ekacchattra “supreme (sovereign) ruler” reflects Sanskri (...)

18Most of the above examples of fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates are restricted to Malay. Rather than attributing such changes to acquisition from speakers of Dravidian languages, it would thus be more fruitful to consider this a definable tendency within the Malay language. While it is by no means a regular phonological innovation, the following Malay lexical doublets substantiate this claim:75

19bucuk ~ bujuk “murrel (Channa sp.)”

20cakat ~ jagat “world” (from Sanskrit jagat “the world, earth”)

21cicik ~ jijik “disgust”

22cogan ~ jogan “metallic standard or emblem” (from Persian čaugān (وگان) “a stick carried as an ensign of royalty”)

23cokar ~ jogar “an indoor-game played with counters or pieces” (from Portuguese jogar “to play”)

24congkah ~ jongkah “sticking out at the point or jagged at the edge”

25corong ~ jorong “a funnel”

26cuai ~ juai “of little account”

27curang ~ jurang “ravine”

28kəracang ~ kərajang “gold foil”

29picit ~ pijit “pinching, compression in the hand, a form of massage”

30The above examples lend support to the aforementioned hypothesis that fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates reflects internal developments in Malay, which may include interdialectical transmission and infrequent usage of the words involved.

Concluding remarks

31Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir was hardly exaggerating when he insisted that the study of Tamil was a worthwhile investment in the multi-ethnic environment of his childhood. Two millennia of intermittent contact between South India and Maritime Southeast Asia have left a considerable and lasting lexical imprint. This study called attention to some tentative Tamil, Malayāḷam and perhaps other Dravidian borrowings into WMP languages, illustrating the interconnectedness of the speech communities inhabiting both sides of the Bay of Bengal. To better understand these patterns of language contact, I have made an effort to demonstrate why certain loanwords in WMP languages can be identified as Dravidian or Dravidian-mediated, whereas others cannot. In doing so, the following definable (yet inconsistent) tendencies of sound change in Malay and other WMP languages have surfaced:

The monophthongisation of /ai/ to /i/ (also in inherited vocabulary), as evidenced in Malay pərigi “well, spring” from Tamil parigai (பரகை) “moat, ditch; mound within a rampart,” kuali “wide-mouthed cooking-pot” from kuvaḷai (கவளை) “wide-mouthed vessel, cup” and undi “lot, die” from uṇḍai (உண்ைட) “ball; dice”

The voicing of word-initial /k/ to /g/, as evidenced in Malay gadai “pledging, pawning, mortgaging” from Tamil kaḍai (கைட) “shop, bazaar, market,” gundik “secondary wife” from koṇḍi (கொண்ட) “prostitute, concubine,” gulai “wet-currying; currying in rich highly-spiced sauce” from kuḻai (கழை) “to become soft, mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked” and gərgaji “a saw, to saw” from Sanskrit krakaca “a saw.”

The insertion of a word-medial homorganic nasal, typically before geminated consonants, as evidenced in Malay banci “adze” from Tamil vācci (வாச்ச) id., contoh “sample, model, specimen” from cauttu (சௌத்த) “pattern, sample, model,” kəməndikai from kommaṭṭikkāy (கொம்மட்டக்கா்) “unripe water melon” and səntəri “seminarist; divinity student” from cāttiri (சாத்தி) “one versed in the sāstras, learned man; a title, especially of smārta brāhmins.”

The addition of word-final /h/, as evidenced in Malay contoh “sample, model, specimen” from Tamil cauttu (சௌத்த) “pattern, sample, model,” jodoh “twin-soul, affinity, second self, match” from a Dravidian reflex of jōḍu “a pair, a couple” and kuncah “bale, bundle” from Sanskrit guñjā “a bunch, bundle, cluster of blossoms.”

32It was further argued that the voicing of intervocalic consonants and the devoicing of word-initial consonants, observed in Indo-Aryan loanwords adopted into Malay, cannot be unambiguously associated with Dravidian intermediacy; this process partly reflects internal developments within Malay, predominantly attested in affricates. On the other hand, I contend that proto-WMP *paRigi “artificially enclosed catchment for water: well, ditch,” *surambiq ~ *surambi “extension to house” and proto-Malayo-Polynesian *badiq “dagger” and *panay “dish, bowl (of clay or wood)” were in fact early South Indian borrowings, rather than inherited forms.

33While this study provides an overview of the remarkably scattered earlier scholarship and postulates a number of new etymologies, it does not claim to present a comprehensive list of Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. For the Malay language, Jones (2007) remains the best resource. Tamil and Malayāḷam loanwords restricted to specific regions, such as North Sumatra, Java or the Malay Peninsula, merit a more extensive research beyond the constraints of this paper. Of equally keen interest is the introduction of Persian and Arabic loanwords into Southeast Asia and the plausible role played by Indian speech communities in this process.

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Notes

3 There is some controversy over the antiquity of the earliest Tamil literature. Tieken (2008) argues that the Caṅgam (சங்கம்) poetry was produced at the time of the Vēḷvikkuḍi (வேள்விக்குடி) and Daḷavāypuram (தளவாய்புரம் ) inscriptions of the Pāṇḍyas (8th – 9th c. CE) and that claims to date the genre to earlier times—typically from the first centuries BCE to the first centuries CE—tend to be fraught with overtones of regionalistic pride. However, this remains a minority view within Tamil Studies (cf. Wilden 2002).

4 But see Tschacher (2009) for an overview.

5 Even then, it remains difficult to pinpoint the direct source of Indic loanwords in Southeast Asia. As I argue elsewhere (Hoogervorst forthcoming), plausible etyma of Malay words such as bapak “father”, cǝmǝti “whip”, curiga “a broad-bladed short curved sword or dagger,” kodi “score” and tiga “three” are found both in Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages and the exact pathways through which they spread across the Bay of Bengal often remain opaque.

6 I will not here focus on loanwords transmitted in the opposite direction, as this topic has already been addressed elsewhere (Mahdi 1998; Hoogervorst 2013).

7 The following sources are used: Acehnese (Djajadiningrat 1934), Angkola-Mandailing Batak (Eggink 1936), Balinese (Barber 1979), Bengali (Biswas 2000), Bugis (Matthes 1874), Cebuano (Wolff 1972), Cham (Aymonier & Cabaton 1906), Gayo (Hazeu 1907), Goṇḍī (Burrow & Bhattacharya 1960), Hindi (Platts 1884), Ilokano (Rubino 2000), Javanese (Robson & Wibisono 2002), Kannaḍa (Kittel 1894), Karo Batak (Joustra 1907), Koṇḍa (Krishnamurti 1969), Magindanao (Juanmartí 1892), Makasar (Cense 1979), Malagasy (Richardson 1885), Malay (Wilkinson 1932), Malayāḷam (Gundert 1962), Maranao (McKaughan & Al-Macaraya 1996), Marāṭhī (Molesworth 1857), Middle Indo-Aryan (Turner 1966), Middle Javanese (Zoetmulder 1982), Minangkabau (Moussay 1995), Ngaju (Hardeland 1859), Old Javanese (Zoetmulder 1982), Old Khmer (Jenner 2009), Old Mon (Shorto 1971), Oṛiyā (Praharaj 1931-40), Pāḷi (Rhys Davids & Stede 1966), Persian (Steingass 1892), Sanskrit (Monier-Williams 1899), Sinhala (Clough 1892), Subanon (Finley 1913), Sundanese (Coolsma 1913), Tagalog (Noceda & Sanlucar 1860, Ferrer 2003), Tamil (Tamil 1924-36), Tamil (colloquial) (Asher & Annamalai 2002), Tausug (Hassan et al. 1994), Telugu (Brown 1903), Thai (Haas 1951-present), Toba Batak (Warneck 1977) and Tuḷu (Männer 1886).

8 Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 755), for example, suggests that the Javanese name Irawati (also Irəwati) goes back to Sanskrit Revati through its Tamil form Irēvati (இரேவதி), as the prothetic /i/ is characteristic of Tamil. Other scholars have detected “Tamilisms” in the classical Malay literature (cf. Van Ronkel 1904; Muniandy 1995).

9 Ras (1968) calls attention to an orthographic convention in Malay and Javanese in which the schwa—originally lacking a dependent vowel sign—can be indicated through gemination of the next consonant. As intervocalic consonants following a schwa are typically longer in several WMP languages, the author argues that this rule reflects Malay and Javanese phonology.

10 The exact pronunciation differs from one variety to another. According to Zvelebil (1964: 242-246), northern dialects incline towards /s/, western dialects to /ʧ/ and southern dialects to /ʃ/.

11 Cf. Middle Javanese miñu “wine” from Portuguese vinho id., Javanese mau “just now” from (krama) wau id. (ultimately from PMP *baqeRuh “new, recently”), musṭika “bezoar; the most excellent, a jewel” from pusṭika id. (reflecting Sanskrit sphaṭika “crystal, quartz” through metathesis), Malay moyang “great-grandparent” from an earlier ⁺puyang (reflecting *pu + *hiang “Lord God; ancestor;” Adelaar 1992: 109), mərpati “dove, pigeon” from Sanskrit pārāpatī “female pigeon” (Gonda 1973: 165), and a set of Malay compounds beginning with manca “many,” reflecting Sanskrit pañca “five” (ibid.: 438-440).

12 The realisation of <ṭ> (ட) as a retroflex flap /ɽ/ in colloquial Tamil (cf. Andronov 2004: 25) suggests the pronunciation /muɽukːu/.

13 Malay tənggala “plough” has been formed through a similar process and presumably goes back to Middle Indo-Aryan *naṅgala id.; /t/ regularly corresponds to /n/ through prenasalisation (Hoogervorst forthcoming).

14 Such a word remains unattested in the literature, but would evidently consist of the elements ce- (செ) ‘red’ and puṟaṇi (புறணி) ‘skin; anything that is outside’. Other scholars favour a Persian etymology of Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani (e.g. Jones 2007: 281), which I find problematic on phonological as well as semantic grounds (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17).

15 Attested in the Kidung Sunda (Zoetmulder 1982: 333).

16 Compare, among many other examples, cambuk ‘heavy whip’ from Persian čābuk (چابك) ‘a horse-whip’, nənggara ~ nəgara ‘royal kettle-drum’ from Persian naqāra (نقاره) ‘a kettle-drum’ and məndali ~ mədali ‘medal’ from Dutch medaille id. on the former tendency and gajah ‘elephant’ from Sanskrit gaja id., səkolah ‘school’ from Portuguese escola id. and teh ‘tea’ from Southern Min (茶) id. on the latter.

Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1636).

17 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1636).

18 Cf. Malay hong ‘the Buddhist oṁ (ॐ)’ from Sanskrit oṁ ‘a word of solemn affirmation and respectful assent’, handai ‘companion; associate’ from Tamil āṇḍai (ஆண்டை) ‘master, lord, landlord’, hablok ‘piebald (of a horse)’ from Hindi ablak ‘piebald; spotted; pepper-and-salt’, hasidah ‘meal-cake eaten at the ashura festival’ from Arabic ʿaṣīda ‘a thick paste made of flour and clarified butter’ and haleja ‘an Indian woven fabric of mixed silk and cotton’ ultimately from Turkish alaca ‘multi-coloured’.

19 Attested in the Javano-Balinese Adhigama (Zoetmulder 1982: 762).

20 Other examples include Malay kangsa ~ gangsa ‘bell-metal’ from Sanskrit kaṁsa ‘brass, bell-metal’ and gusti ‘wrestling’ from Persian kuštī (کشتی) ‘fighting, wrestling’.

21 The differences in pronunciation and meaning between these two sets would suggest different pathways of borrowing, e.g. dispersal through Old Javanese gaḍe ~ gaḍay “pawning” vis-à-vis Malay kədai “a shop.” However, Bugis gade “stall, store” and Makasar gaʔde “booth, shop, stall” resemble the former series phonologically but the latter semantically.

22 The word may have previously denoted other pulses, as the soya bean originates from East Asia. The word kaḍəle is first attested in the Middle Javanese poem Sri Tañjung, where Prijono (1938: 105) leaves it untranslated. Later textual attestations must be dated to colonial times. The word kədəlai occurs once in the Hikayat Abdullah, translated by Hill (1955: 118) as “soy beans.” Von de Wall (1877-97/2: 500) glosses it as “k.o. gram, small tree,” Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: 145) as “pulse (soya)” and Wilkinson (1932/1: 526) as “mung-bean (Vigna radiata (L.) R.Wilczek); soya bean (Glycine max (L.) Merr.).” Mung-beans are currently known in Malay as kacang hijau (cf. Javanese kacang ijo), a term absent in early literature. It may be pointed out that both mung-beans and soya beans can be used to make different types of fermented bean cakes, such as tempe, bongkrek and oncom; the two pulses may have been used interchangeably in the past. The “chickpea” is known in modern Malay as kacang kuda or kacang Arab.

23 Also kārikkaṉ (காரிக்கன்) in the same meaning.

24 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 2038).

25 Compare Javanese təlkun “turkey” from Dutch kalkoen id. We may further call attention to fluctuation between kəmɔnggɔ ~ təmɔnggɔ “spider,” kleḍek ~ tleḍek “female dancer,” krətəg ~ trətəg “bridge,” krətəp ~ trətəp “decorative buckle” and kropos ~ tropos “rotten, porous, hollow.” Javanese truwelu ‘rabbit’ and Malay tərwelu (†təruilu) ~ †kuilu go back to Portuguese coelho id. and in this case the fluctuation may be due to false association between the Malay verbal prefixes tər- and kə-, both expressing accidental passives.

26 Glossed as such by Hunter & Supomo (forthcoming) and found in the 12th-century Ghatoṭkacāśraya.

27 Possibly rationalised as kayu “wood, tree” + apung “floating on water.” Analogously, Malay exhibits the synonym kiambang, which appears to be a portmanteaux of an earlier ⁺kiapu and ambang “to be afloat.”

28 Through reduplication and the addition of suffix –an. The form is attested in the Old Javanese Rāmāyaṇa (Zoetmulder 1982: 551).

29 There is some semantic overlap with Malay kari “curry (prepared in the Indian way)” and Javanese kare “a dish of meat cooked in a spicy sauce, curry,” both presumably reflecting Tamil kari (கறி) “chewing, eating by biting; vegetables (raw or boiled); meat (raw or boiled); pepper,” either directly or through English “curry.” While largely similar, gulai and kari consist of slightly different spice mixtures; the latter often contains daun kari “curry leaves (Murraya koenigii (L.) Spreng.).”

30 While the proto-Austronesian word-final diphthong /ay/ had already become /i/ in proto-Malayic (Adelaar 1992), I would argue that the rule was still partly in force during an earlier developmental stage of Malay, as evidenced by loanwords such as kalui “a freshwater perch (Osphronemus goramy)” from Tamil kalavai (கலைவ) “Indian rock-cod (Mycteroperca acutirostris),” malai ~ mali “pendent flower ornament for the human head” from mālai (மாலை) “garland, wreath of flowers,” mətərai ~ mətəri “seal” from muttirai (முத்திரை) “seal, signet” and sərunai ~ səruni “a sort of clarinet” from Persian surnai (سرنی) “a clarion.”

31 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 1148).

32 The colloquial pronunciations would have been /paɽaɦu/ and /paɽawu/ respectively.

33 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1931).

34 So glossed by Zoetmulder (1982/2: 2120) on account of its occurrence in the Ādiparwa as a rendering of Sanskrit vīṭā “a kind of metal ball.” In the 15th c. CE Tantu Panggəlaran, however, the form huṇḍi definitely refers to a “lot (in a drawing).” In this text, the ruler Kaṇḍyawan decides which of his five sons is to replace him as a king: Wəkasan ta sira magawe huṇḍi halangalang; sing mandudut ikang winuntəlan, sira gumantyanana ratu (Pigeaud 1924: 62), which I would translate as “Eventually he made lots of alang-alang grass; whoever pulled [the lot that was] rolled up, he would replace him as king.” Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 52) doubtfully glosses the word as “quiver.”

35 I would argue that attestations such as Malay onde-onde “ball-shaped cake, dumpling” and Javanese onḍe ~ onḍe-onḍe “a round fried cake made from rice flour filled with sweetened ground mung-beans sprinkled with sesame seeds” reflect Tamil eḷ-ḷ-uṇḍai (எள்ளுண்டை) “pastry balls made of sesame,” whereas Javanese ronḍe “hot ginger-flavoured drink containing small round glutinous rice-balls” goes back to uruṇḍai (உருண்டை) “mouthful of food in the shape of a ball.”

36 Van Ronkel (1903b) discards this etymology, pointing out that Tamil vaṇṇāra– can only occur as the first element of a compound; the form reflects vaṇṇāṉ (வண்ணான்) “washerman, a person belonging to the washerman caste, dhoby,” plural vaṇṇār (வண்ணார்). However, there are several similar cases in which Malay has only adopted the first element of a Tamil (or other) compound, e.g. kəndəri “a measure of weight” from kuṉṟi-maṇi (குன்றிமணி) “a standard weight for gold,” (batu) canai “whetstone” from cāṇai-k-kal (சாைணக்கல்) “grindstone, whetstone, hone,” kəluli “steel” from kalluḷi-y-urukku (கல்லுளியுருக்கு) “a kind of very hard steel used for cutting stones” and (Penang dial.) sandərom “necklace worn by women” from cantira-mālai (சந்திரமாலை) “a kind of necklace.”

37 Substitution of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits a more elaborate treatise elsewhere.

38 The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (விறிசு) “rocket” and purucu (புருசு) ‘a kind of rocket.”

39 Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane “large flat bowl for cooking,” Ngaju panai “large earthen bowl,” Makasar panne “plate made of porcelain,” Cebuano panay “earthenware vessel, usually hemispherical but shallow, used to hold liquids.” Also see Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.), who reconstruct PMP *panay “dish, bowl (of clay or wood)” and attribute the similarity to the Dravidian attestations to chance.

40 Cf. Javanese wungkal “a flat grindstone.” In word-initial position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 16).

41 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240).

42 Several other clan names in North Sumatra have South Indian origins (Joustra 1902).

43 Not attested in Gundert (1962), but glossed in Yule & Burnell (1903: 669) as “a fencing-master, a teacher (but at present it more usually means ‘an astrologer’)”.

44 Also saṟāmbi (സറാന്പി) ~ srāmbi (സ്രാന്പി) ~ śrāmbi (ശ്രാന്പി ). The word can also denote “a prayer-house of Māppiḷas (a Muslim community in Kerala)” or “small mosque.” A more specific definition is given by Yule and Burnell (1903: 181): “a gatehouse with a room over the gate, and generally fortified. This is a feature of temples, &c., as well as of private houses, in Malabar. The word is also applied to a chamber raised on four posts.” Upper class houses in Kerala were traditionally equipped with such a fortified gateway (Logan 2007: 82-83).

45 Consisting of surambi + suffix –an.

46 However, Tamil sailors use the term Cōḻa koṇḍal (சோழ கொண்டல்) for “southeast” (Arunachalam 1996: 265), making a Malayāḷam etymology more plausible.

47 This development may be connected with the expansion of the Brunei Sultanate in the late 15th century CE and perhaps with commercial contacts, if not slave trade, in earlier times.

48 This form is absent in the dictionaries consulted, but would evidently consist of kommaṭṭi (கொம்மட்டி) “a small water-melon, climber (Citrullus); country cucumber, climber (Cucumis melo L.)” + kāy (காய்) “unripe fruit.” The WMP attestations suggest that the segment <ṭṭ> (ட்டி) in the envisioned Tamil precursor may have been voiced, at least in a particular variety. This is supported by Telugu gummaḍi (గుమ్) “a gourd, a pumpkin (Cucurbita maxima Duchesne)” and Koṇḍa gumeṇḍi “a pumpkin (C. maxima; C. pepo L.).”

49 The form consists of (மா) “mango” + paḻam (பழம்) “fruit, ripe fruit.” Colloquial Tamil has maːmbaʐam “mango (ripe),” displaying regular voicing of post-nasal stops. However, the WMP attestations suggest that the <p> (ப) was voiceless in the Tamil variety through which the word has spread eastwards.

50 Also known as “Carabao mango” (Mangifera indica L. cultivar Carabao).

51 The more common form is piṭṭu (பிட்டு).

52 As indicated before, its exact pronunciation differs across the Tamil varieties. In varieties spoken by Brahmins, Sanskrit loanwords tend to be pronounced more authentically (cf. Zvelebil 1964: 253-256).

53 Cf. Adelaar (1996: 697).

54 Also written as turicu (துரிசு) ~ turucu (துருசு).

55 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones (2007: 321).

56 Van Ronkel (1903c) argues that Malay jodoh is a Telugu loan, apparently unaware that the etymon is attested in all major Dravidian languages. In fact, even Tamil cōḍu (சோடு) may have given rise to the WMP attestations if it was pronounced as /ʤoːɖu/ ~ /ʤoːɽu/ in the lending variety; this level of phonetic detail cannot be indicated in the script.

57 Cf. Gonda (1973: 161), Van Ronkel (1903f: 545-546), Jones (2007: 232).

58 Malay ganja id., on the other hand, must have been borrowed either directly from the Sanskrit etymon or through Hindi gāñjā id.

59 The Tamil Lexicon gives the rather uncommon forms kōḍai (கோடை) and kōḍaram (கோடரம்) ~ kōḍagam (கோடகம்), the latter undoubtedly reflecting Sanskrit ghoṭaka ‘a horse, a mare’. Kern (1889: 281) speculates that a form *kōḍa may also have existed in some undocumented variety of Tamil, giving rise to the WMP attestations. The most common Dravidian word for ‘horse’, however, is (Tamil) kudirai (குதிரை), presumably derived from the root kudi (குதி) ‘to jump’ (Burrow & Emenau 1984 #1705, #1711), whose similarity with the WMP attestations is probably fortuitous. Also refer to Bhattacharya (1966: 38) for superficially similar Austro-Asiatic attestations.

60 Glossed as such in Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of “palace” is absent in Monier-Williams (1899: 813).

61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 114), Jones (2007: 191).

62 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117), Jones (2007: 220).

63 The Indic origins of this word were already postulated by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 131) and Zoetmulder (1982/1: 1298). Conversely, Mahdi (1994/1: 441-453) supports an Indonesian origin. Along similar lines, Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.) reconstruct proto-WMP *paRigi ‘artificially enclosed catchment for water: well, ditch’.

64 Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 184), Van Ronkel (1902: 109-110), Gonda (1973: 162) and Jones (2007: 236).

65 More commonly spelled cāstiri (சாஸ்திரி).

66 First proposed by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: 37). The insertion of a homorganic stop is addressed under cauttu (சௌத்து) in Table 2.

67 Given as such in Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 606), but absent in Zoetmulder (1982).

68 Cf. Edwards McKinnon (1996: 95).

69 Cf. Gonda (1973: 169).

70 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 104), Jones (2007: 36).

71 See vaci (வசி) in Table 1 on the hypercorrection of word-initial /b/ to /p/ in loanwords; Old Javanese displays the derived verb amaṇḍəm ~ umaṇḍəm “to throw at and hit (with st.).”

72 Also written as vāycci (வாய்ச்சி) or vāṭci (வாட்சி).

73 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 103), Jones (2007: 32).

74 The presence of Malay bintang kətika “stars that tell the time, the Pleiades” would suggest that kətika constitutes a blend of Sanskrit ghaṭikā and kārttika “the twelfth month of the year, when the full moon is near the Pleiades,” cf. Pāḷi kattikā “the month October-November” and Old Khmer kattika ~ kāttika “the twelfth lunar month, corresponding to October-November.” In the latter meaning, the word was presumably also borrowed into Malagasy (dial.) as hatsiha “the name of one of the months.”

75 Along similar semantic lines, Old Javanese ekacchattra “supreme (sovereign) ruler” reflects Sanskrit ekacchattra “having only one (royal) umbrella, ruled by one king solely.”

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Tom Hoogervorst, « Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia »Archipel, 89 | 2015, 63-93.

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Tom Hoogervorst, « Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia »Archipel [En ligne], 89 | 2015, mis en ligne le 15 juin 2017, consulté le 04 juillet 2022. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/490 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/archipel.490

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Auteur

Tom Hoogervorst

Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies (KITLV), Leiden, the Netherlands.

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