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New Evidence on the Origin of the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah

Nouvelles preuves sur l’origine de l’Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah
Majid Daneshgar
p. 69-102

Résumés

Nombreux sont les chercheurs à avoir étudié la contribution de l’Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah à la littérature islamique malaise. Une partie d’entre eux, notamment Van Ronkel, Winstedt, Braginsky, et, plus spécialement, Brakel, se sont particulièrement intéressés à la structure et au contenu de l’histoire. Tous ces chercheurs ont suggéré que cet hikayat a été copié d’un manuscrit persan non identifié et que la version malaise comprend des passages ne figurant pas dans le texte persan. Dans cette étude, plusieurs copies manuscrites d’un texte persan, conservées dans diverses bibliothèques du monde entier, sont examinées afin de voir si ce texte pourrait être la source originelle du Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah. Afin de poursuivre et de tester certaines conclusions savantes antérieures, cette étude met en lumière les similitudes et les différences entre le contenu et la structure des versions malaise et persane sur la base de l’édition du texte réalisée par Brakel.

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Notes de l’auteur

This work is part of a larger research project at the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies (FRIAS), University of Freiburg, Germany, where I work as a Junior Fellow and Marie S. Curie Fellow of the European Union. This article would not have been possible without the kind support of the FRIAS and Johanna Pink (from the Orientalisches Seminar, University of Freiburg). I also thank Edwin Wieringa (University of Cologne) for reading the draft of this article and providing me with his helpful comments. My thanks go to Michael Lecker (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) and Andreas Goerke (University of Edinburg) for sharing valuable information about Muḥammad b. al-Ḥanafiyyah with me. I also thank the University of Leiden Library (the Netherlands), the Ganj baksh Collection Library (Pakistan) and the Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries (New Zealand) for granting permission to access their collections and use images of their manuscripts.

Texte intégral

Introduction: Early Hypotheses

  • 1 . In written form, “Ḥanafiyyah” is sometimes rendered “Ḥanafiyya” or “Ḥanīfah.”
  • 2 . Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals. An annotated translation by C.C. Brown, with a new introduction b (...)
  • 3 . Edwin Wieringa, “Does Traditional Islamic Malay Literature Contain Shi‘itic Elements? ‘Alī and Fā (...)

1It is a commonly-held view amongst scholars that the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah1 (henceforth HMH) is one of the oldest Islamic popular romances of Malay Islamic literature and culture. According to the 23rd chapter of the Sejarah Melayu, for example, this story was recited by Malaccans at the time of the Portuguese siege of Malacca in 15112. This in turn suggests that Malays were familiar with HMH’s features and qualities (khawāṣṣ) by that time, and they could use it during wars, conflicts, and disasters. Scholars have been investigating the contribution of HMH to the Islamization of the Malay World since the turn of the 20th century; they have believed that the more we understand of HMH’s origin, the more we we will be able to understand about Islam in this region. According to Edwin Wieringa, this story “was not only received into Malay literature at an early period, but it has remained popular a long time, [since the 19th century] one of the best-sellers of the indigenous press.”3

  • 4 . Ph. S. van Ronkel, “Account of six Malay manuscripts of the Cambridge University Library,” Bijdra (...)
  • 5 . Charles Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, The British Mus (...)
  • 6 . Winstedt, 1939, p. 107.

2Van Ronkel was one of the first scholars to attempt to uncover the origin of HMH. In the late 19th century, he connected this story to sources in Persian; going through the HMH manuscripts held in the Cambridge University Library, he noted the existence of various Persian terms throughout the text. Later, he expanded his theory by referring to Charles Rieu’s catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the British Museum (now in the British Library), in which manuscript Add. 8149 is listed.4 This Persian manuscript was copied in the Murshidabad region of Bengal in 1134-5/1721 and is composed of two parts. Van Ronkel concluded that the Malay HMH is a rendering of these two Persian parts: (i) Qiṣṣa-yi amīr al-muʿminīn Ḥassan va Ḥusayn (fols. 1-28); and (ii) Ḥikāyat-i Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah (fols. 29-82)5. Winstedt agreed, stating that “though in Arabic there are biographies of Muhammad Hanafiyyah, only in Persian is there a special hikayat.”6

  • 7 . L.F. Brakel (a), The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah: A Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance, Berlin, Spring (...)
  • 8 . Hence, Brakel is the one who provided readers with the most comprehensive edition of the Malay HM (...)
  • 9 . Winstedt, 1939, p. 107; Brakel (a), p. 16. See also P. Voorhoeve, “Les manuscrits malais de la Bi (...)
  • 10 . Brakel (a), p. 16.

3However, scholars have been unsure as to whether both the Persian and the Malay versions were “one unified text, consisting of two or more parts, or […] two or more originally independent fragments which have been combined.”7 Winstedt, Voorhoeve, and Brakel8 have all pointed out that some Malay versions of HMH are prefaced with another mystical story about the creation of Muḥammad and his light, known as Hikayat Nur Muhammad (henceforth HNM), which is not found in the Persian version.9 As such, Brakel suggested that the Malay romance includes three sections: (a) Hikayat Nur Muhammad; (b) Hikayat Hasan dan Husain, “mainly about these two sons of ʿAlī, up to their death”; and (c) HMH, “describing the war of ʿAlī’s third son Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥanafiyyah with Yazīd,” the son of Muʿāwiya, the founder of the Umayyad dynasty.10

  • 11 . Ibid., p. 24.
  • 12 . Maqātil is the plural form of maqtal.

4Additionally, Brakel found that one of the oldest manuscripts of the Malay HMH, from the 17th century, includes a colophon that says “tammat hikayat maqatil Husain dan MH” (“the story of Ḥusayn’s death as well as Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah is finished”).11 Following Bausani, Brakel declared that the term maqtal,12 which is very common in Middle Eastern literary works and refers to the killing of Ḥusayn at Karbala in 680 CE, has been known in the Archipelago since the 16th century. Brakel also highlighted the commonalities between the Persian and Malay HMHs. In short, he, along with most other scholars, believes that the Malay version of HMH was not only influenced by Persian literary works but seems to be a direct translation of a Persian work probably written in the 14th century. The two most important conclusions about the date of the British Library Persian manuscript Add. 8149, as presented by Brakel, are that:

The Persian manuscript includes terms, names, and phrases found in Firdawsi’s (d. c. 1020 CE) Shāh-nāma or the Satire on Maḥmūd of Ghazne. Therefore, it must have been influenced by Firdawsi’s writing.

  • 13 . Brakel (a), p. 54.

The city of Tughan Turk, Tabriz, whose name is mentioned in both the Persian and Malay stories of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah, was the capital of Ghazan Khan from 1295 until 1304 CE13.

  • 14 . L.F. Brakel (b), The Story of Muhammad Hanafiyyah, Leiden, Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- (...)

5Therefore, HMH must have been written after these dates. In order to prove his findings, Brakel produced an edition and translation of the Malay HMH entitled The Story of Muhammad Hanafiyyah in 1977. He believed that chapters 2-4 and 21-26 of Part I and chapters 1-17 and 20-21 of Part II “could be traced in the Persian” manuscript Add. 8149.14

  • 15 . Brakel (a), p. 54.

6However, Brakel and other scholars remained uncertain about: (a) various aspects of the Persian original, such as its author, date, and main features15; and (b) whether or not Hikayat Hasan dan Husayn or maqtal (part I) was originally associated with HMH (part II), or with HNM. This article seeks to build on previous studies of HMH by shedding some light on details of the Persian original. The following sections will discuss the background of the Persian text the author has seen and its relationship with the Malay HMH. In order to achieve the latter, the following subjects will be examined:

The similarities between various types of the Persian original (prototype) and the chapters in Brakel’s edition of the Malay HMH, which are traced in Add. 8149;

The common points between our Persian prototype and Brakel’s edition of the Malay HMH that are not found in Add. 8149.

A discussion of the arguments of former scholars of HMH in the light of the Persian prototype.

The Persian Prototype

  • 16 . See Majid Daneshgar, Middle Eastern and Islamic Manuscripts Held at Sir George Grey Special Colle (...)
  • 17 . His name is rendered slightly differently in some copies, as Sayf al-Dīn Ẓafar Bothohārī, Nūr-Bah (...)
  • 18 . Sayyid Maḥmūd Marʿashī Najafī, Fihrist-i Nuskha-hā-yi Khaṭṭi-yi Kitāb-khāna-yi Buzurg-i Āyatullāh (...)
  • 19 . An alternative title is: “Dar Ḥikāyat Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿAlī Karram Allāh Wajhah bā Khātūn-i Janna (...)
  • 20 . See James Fuller Blumhardt and D.N. MacKenzie, Catalogue of Pashto Manuscripts in the Libraries o (...)

7While compiling a catalogue of Islamic writings kept in various libraries in New Zealand,16 I came across several manuscripts of one text. It is called Durr al-Majālis, also written as Durr-i Majālis (“The Jewel of Remembrance Sessions,” henceforth DMJ) and was written by Sayf al-Dīn Ẓafar Naw-bahārī Bukhārī,17 a religious and mystical figure from the late 7th century AH/13th century CE18. As part of the present study I consulted all full or partial manuscripts of DMJ that are preserved in libraries around the world (see the appendix). The work has 33 chapters, although the titles, order, and length of these vary from manuscript to manuscript. Upon reading them, it became apparent that a number of chapters have titles or parts of stories that are similar to those of the Malay hikayat, such as: “Dar Ḥikāyat-i [Sulṭān] Ibrāhīm Adham” (“The Story of [Sultan] Ibrāhīm Adham”); “Dar Ḥikāyat-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿAlī raḍī Allāh ʿanhu bā Khātūn-i Qiyāmat Fāṭimah Zahrā (“On the Story of the Commanders of the Believers, ʿAlī, and the Lady of the Judgment Day, Fāṭimah”)19; Dar Faḍīlat-i Yūsuf (“On the Virtues of Joseph”); “Dar Ḥikāyat-i Mard-i Sakhī va Zan-i Bakhīl” (“On the Story of the Generous Man and Miserly Woman”); “Dar Faḍīlat-i Peyghāmbar-i Mā, Haḍrat-i Muḥammad” (“On the Virtue of Our Messenger, the Prophet Muḥammad”); “Ḥaqq-i Yatīmān (“The Orphans’ Rights”); “Dar Ḥikāyat-i Māriyah Qibṭiyah (“The Story of Māriyah Qibṭiyah”); “Dar Faḍīlat-i Khālid b. Walīd” (“On the Virtues of Khālid b. Walīd”); Dar Ḥikāyat-i Shaykh Barsīsā (?) (“On the Story of Shaykh Barṣīṣā”), and so on. A full assessment of the connection between the aforementioned stories with those found in various Malay texts will be the subject of a future study. Interestingly, the Pashto works of Tawallud-nāma (“The Story of the Birth and Lives of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn”) and Jang-nāma-i Imāmayn (“The Battle and Killing Story of the Two Imāms in Karbala”) by, for example, Ghulām Muḥammad Gagyānī/Gigyānī in the late 18th and early 19th century, were written “on the basis of the account in the Persian [work of] Durr-i Majālis by Sayf ul-Ẓafar Naw-bahārī.”20

  • 21 . Nonetheless, the table of contents shows it as “dar maqātil-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥasan va Amīr al-M (...)

8The oldest manuscripts of DMJ I consulted are Or. 565, preserved in Leiden University Library in the Netherlands (henceforth OL), and dated Ṣafar 972/1564, and PAK-001-0770 (henceforth OP), kept in the Ganj bakhsh Collection, Islamabad, Pakistan, and dated 1092/1681 (fig. 1). This study will focus on one of the last chapters of DMJ, entitled “Dar Maqtal-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn [Imām] Ḥassan va [Imām] Ḥusayn” (“On the Killing of the Commanders of the Believers Ḥassan and Ḥusayn”). The 31st chapter of OL (folios: 214-226) and OP (folios: 267-302), entitled “dar maqtal-i/qatl-i Imām/Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥassan va Ḥusayn Raḍī Allāh,” are identical to each other,21 and their content and length largely resemble that of most DMJ manuscripts. However, they are considerably shorter and incomplete compared to two other copies of DMJ that were apparently copied in the late 18th or early 19th centuries: (a) GMS 170, The National Library of Auckland, New Zealand (henceforth GA); and (b) PAK-001-1498, Ganj bakhsh Collection, Pakistan (henceforth NP).

9It was the existence of the similarities between this one chapter of DMJ and the Malay manuscripts of HMH that led me to write this article.

10For instance, different copies of DMJ start part I with titles such as:

11(OL/OP)

12ىر مقاتل امير المونین حسن و امیرالمونین حسین رضی الله عنه

13/ “On the Killings of the Commander of the Believers Ḥassan and the Commander of the Believers Ḥusayn, May God Be Pleased with Him [Them]”

14(GA and NP)

15در مقتل امیرالمونین (امام) حسن و (امام) حسین رضی الله عنه

16/ “On the Killing of (Imām) Ḥassan and (Imām) Ḥusayn, May God Be Pleased with Him”

17(1959 Vienna)

18در مقتل امیر المونین حسین

19/ “On the Killing of the Commander of the Believers, Ḥusayn”

20(PAK-001-1506)

21در حکایت معاویه

22/ “On the Story of Muʿāwiya”

23Malay HMH MSS D5, preserved in the British Library, includes the following titles for the first part:

24(D 5)

25این حکایه محمد حنفیه

26/ “This is the Story of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya”

27(Brakel):

28هذا الحکایت مقتل حسین

29/ “This is the Story of the Killing of Ḥusayn”

  • 22 English translations are found in the table, below.

30On another occasion, the interest of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn in the fruits brought to them by Diḥyah al-Kalbī is seen in both the Persian and Malay texts22:

31(OL/OP)

32رسول علیه السلام گفت...هربار که دهیه قلبی/وحیة کلبی بر من می آید بجهت این چیزی می آرد

33(D 5)

34مک سبد رسول الله تونهمب این دسقکن حیاة الکلبی درفد قوم نبی...بارڠکالی داتڠ ادله سسواة بوه ٢ هن دباوان اکن حسن دان حسین

35This is despite the fact that Diḥyah al-Kalbī’s name is misspelt in the Persian texts (OL/OP) and in the Malay version (D 5). Gabriel then brings them heavenly fruit—only a pomegranate (anār) in the Persian version, both a pomegranate (delima) and a grape (anggur) in the Malay.

  • 23 English translations are found in the table, below.

36There are also references to Ḥassan’s and Ḥusayn’s demand for the feast garment. Ḥassan received a green one, symbolizing his death with poison, and Ḥusayn had the blood-red one, reflecting his murder in Karbala23:

37(OL/OP)

38جامه سبز بیرون آمد آنرا به حسن داد...و جامه لعل گشته به حسین داد

39(D 5)

40...مک دامبل اوله حسن فکاین یڠ هیجو ...کمدین مک دامبل اوله حسین فکاین یڠ میره...

  • 24 . English translations are found in the table, below.
  • 25 . English translations are found in the table, below.

41The Story of Ḥusayn’s Death in DMJ: General Overview 2425

42In manuscripts OL and OP, the chapter begins with the death of Muʿāwiya and Yazīd’s attempts to destroy Ḥassan and Ḥusayn and ends with the captivity of Ḥusayn’s family and their presence in Yazīd’s palace. Not only do GA (fols: 129-47) and NP (fols: 449-88) contain OL’s/OP’s stories, but they also add a number of events and elements to them (part I). Regarding the first part of this chapter in the DMJ manuscripts, a number of points should be highlighted:

43In most manuscripts, excluding GA and NP, this chapter concludes with a scene in the palace.

44In most manuscripts, except GA, this scene ends with the unsuccessful attempt by a specific servant (whose name, according to some DMJ copies and Add. 8149, was Ṣāliḥ) to kill Yazīd and his subsequent wanderings, unhappy and overburdened by the disasters of life. OP, for example, says: “[…] chun ghulām īn sukhan bishnīd, dast bi tīgh kard va bar sar-i Yazīd zad. Ammā qaḍāʾ taqdīr-i Yazīd-i Laʿīn narasīda būd hīch kār nakard. Ghawghā barkhāst va chihil nafar-i Yazīd rā ghulām bi-kusht, āngāh khud ham kushta shud va ta madām ki Yazīd-i nā-ba-kār dar jahān būd hargiz khud khushdil nashud va mardūd-i dīn va dunyā būd” (“when the servant heard this, he drew his sword and struck Yazīd’s head. However, he was unsuccessful because the accursed Yazīd’s death had not yet been predetermined. Pandemonium ensued as the servant killed 40 of Yazīd’s followers; then he, too, was killed, and for as long as Yazīd was alive in this world he was never again happy, and was rejected by both religion and the world”).

45However, the most important difference relates to an additional part found in both GA (fols: 147-54) and NP (fols: 489-517) (part II). This is the second part of the story, where it dramatically moves on to recount how Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah, the half-brother of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn, became determined to avenge their enemies and kill Yazīd. In both GA and NP, part II of the story comes immediately after part I. Interestingly, part II is (clearly) separated from part I in GA by a single phrase, “bāz qiṣṣa az sar bayān kunam” (“Now a new story begins”), which is similar to the phrase al-qiṣṣa (القصة) employed in the Malay HMH, which means “the story is that.” In NP, while part I finishes with the death of the servant and wanderings of Yazīd, part II starts with the heading “Khabar shudan-i Imām Ḥanīfah va Intiqām az Yazīdi-yān Badbakhtān Giriftan” (“News of Imām Ḥanīfah and the Revenge on Yazīd’s Wretched People”), written in a different hand and with a different paper quality.

46In the two manuscripts, part II begins as follows:

47GA: “ān-rūz ki amīr al-muʾminīn shahādat yāftchun ghulām [-i amīr al-muʾminīn Ḥusayn] dar Kūfa āmad dar ānjā namānd, dar Makka dar-āmad shādiyāna-yi Yazīd mizadand va ān ghulām dar Madīnah dar āmad, ānja ham shādiyāna-yi Yazīd zadand […]” (“On the day of the martyrdom of the Commander of the Believers, … the servant [of the Commander of the Believers, Ḥusayn] arrived in Kufa and he then left there. He went to Mecca and saw people celebrating Yazīd’s [victory], and then the servant went to Medina. There, he also saw that people were celebrating Yazīd’s [victory]”).

48NP: “al-Qiṣṣa: ammā Ḥusayn rā ghulāmī būd az qadīm […] ān ghulām ʿalam-i adhā rā basta bi-jānib-i Kūfa ravāna gardīd […] shādiyāna bar-pā kardand […] az ānjā ravāna-yi Makka-yi muʿaẓẓam gardīd, dar ānjā nīz shādiyāna-hā barpā shud” (“The story is that: Ḥusayn had a servant for years […] [and] that servant raised the flag of mourning and moved towards Kufa […] [People] were celebrating there […] [so] he left and went to Mecca, and there were celebrations there, too […]”).

49The rest of the story is more or less similar, full of repetitions, in GA and NP. Their part II (which is the last part of the chapter) is also very similar to that of the Malay HMH, and ends as follows:

  • 26 . It is odd that both ʿAlī Asghar and Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn will rule the same regions. This also gave Wi (...)

50GA: “[…] Yazīd bugrīkht dar qaṣr āmad chun Muḥammad Ḥanīfah rā dīd az asp furūd āmad va dar ṭasht-khāna dar āmad va miyān-i palīdī ghūṭa khurd. Muḥammad Ḥanīfah raḍī Allāh ʿanhu farmūd tā ātash gardānand va baʿḍī guyand ki sang-i siyāh shud gird bi gird-i kūh-i Qāf bi-gardad tā Rūz-i Qiyāmat nashusta (?) khāhad būd baʿd az ān fatḥ shud va ʿAlī Asghar dar Dimishq va Imām Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn dar Shām bi-Khilāfat nashāndid” (“Yazīd ran away and went to the castle. When he saw Muḥammad Ḥanīfah, he got off his horse and hid in the toilet, becoming covered in filth. Muḥammad Ḥanifah ordered a fire be lit [around him], and some say that he [Yazīd] became like a black stone and will run around the mountain of Qāf, and be unclean until Judgment Day. Then there was conquering and Muḥammad Hanīfah appointed as rulers ʿAlī Asghar in Damascus and Imām Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn in Shām”).26

51NP: “[…] Yazīd chunīn aḥvāl dīd, ū nīz bugrīkht va afrād-i (?) ū parākanda shudand va jumla az tars-i jān-i khud bi Yazīd bad miguftand. Imām Muḥammad Ḥanīfah bi dunbāl-i Yazīd rānd va dar ṣaf-i muʾminān ṭabl-i shādī zadand va Yazīd-i nābikār dar khāna dar-āmad. Dar khāna jāy-i qaḍā-yi ḥajat būd dar ājnā dar āmad, har chand dar khāna ū rā ṭalab kardan hargiz nayāftand. Imām Muḥammad Ḥanīfah farmūd…ātash dar damīd…tā bi khāna-yi ū ātash girift. Bi qudrat-i Parvardgār Yazīd bi-ṣūrat-i sag-i zard shud va baḍī mī-gūyand bi ṣūrat-i gurg shud va bi-gardāgard-i kūh-i Qāf migardad va tā bi-rūz-i Qiyāmat tashna khāhad būd va ʿAlī Asghar rā bi-khalāfat-i Dimishq nashānd, har yik bi mulk-i khud raft” (“When Yazīd understood the situation, he ran away […] and his people were scattered, and they all cursed [talked badly about] Yazīd in order to save their lives. Imām Muḥammad Ḥanīfah went to find Yazīd. The believers banged drums of joy and the evil Yazīd went into [his] house. There was a toilet into which Yazīd entered. Although they tried hard to find him, they could not. Imām Muḥammad Ḥanīfah ordered a fire be lit […] and his [Yazīd’s] house burnt down. Due to God’s will, Yazīd became as a yellow dog, while some say that he became like a wolf and will run around the mountain of Qāf until Judgment Day while suffering terribly from thirst. And [Muḥammad Ḥanīfah] appointed ʿAlī Asghar as the ruler of Damascus; everyone went towards his kingdom […]”).

52It seems clear that there are two versions of chapter 31 (generally known as “The Story of the Killing of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn”): (a) the shorter version, part I only, which ends with Yazīd’s failure in religion and the world; and (b) the longer version, which includes parts I and II, the latter of which details the revenge of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah. Due to the existence of variant versions of this chapter, it can be suggested that, although parts I and II are connected, copyists often tried to produce or re-write only part I of the story, in which Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah does not play any major role. This is obvious in NP: a different writer, with different handwriting and using other paper, added part II into the body of chapter 31 after part I (fig. 2).

Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah as an Indigenous Spiritual Leader: Challenging Hurgronje’s Hypothesis

  • 27 . C. Snouck Hurgronje, De Atjehers, Leiden & Batavia, E.J. Brill & Landsdrukkerij, 1894, vol. 2, p. (...)
  • 28 . Ibid.
  • 29 . al-Balādhurī, Kitāb Jumal min Ansāb al-Ashrāf, Beirut, Dār al-Fikr, n.d., vol. 3, pp. 395-487. Th (...)
  • 30 . Michael Lecker, “On the Markets of Medina (Yathrib) in Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Times,” Jeru (...)
  • 31 . I am grateful to Michael Lecker for drawing my attention to this point.

53In MS Malay B 6 (f. 93v) and MS Malay D 5 (f. 49v), both preserved in the British Library, Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah is said to have been from Boeniara/Buniara (بنیره), which, according to Snouck Hurgronje, is “a subdivision of the Kingdom of Medina”27. According to him, Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya of Boeniara was able to kill Yadib (Yazīd). Then, “a small remnant of Yadib’s followers took refuge in a cave. At this moment the cave closed of its own accord, and the holy man and his horse are still there, awaiting patiently the day appointed for their resurrection”.28 However, he does not provide any reference that mentions the name of Boeniara as the residence of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya. Also, a number of experts I consulted had never heard of the name Boeniara/Buniara as either a subdivision of Medina or the residence of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya. Likewise, the earliest Islamic historical sources, such as Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-Balādhurī (d. c. 892 CE), do not have Boeniara as either a subdivision of Medina or Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya’s place of residence. In his Ansāb al-Ashrāf (Genealogies of the Nobles), al-Balādhurī opens up new sections dealing with Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya after the story of the killing of Ḥusayn (maqtal al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī). In these sections, which also include references from Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-Wāqidī (d. c. 823 CE), a well-known early Arab historian, the main cities related to Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya are Medina, which is also his place of death, and al-Baqīʿ, where his grave is located.29 Nonetheless, there is a place in Medina called al-Buwayra that, according to Michael Lecker, is related to the “Jewish Naḍīr.” Apart from the obvious difference between the orthography of al-Buwayra and Boeniara, the map of the markets of Medina on the eve of Islam created by Lecker30 as well as the reference by ʿAlī b. Aḥmad al-Samhūdī ‘s (d. c. 1505) Wafāʾ al-Wafāʾ to the house of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya clearly demonstrate that he was living near “Baqīʿ al-Gharqad, the cemetery of Medina,” close to the Prophet’s mosque, and far from al-Buwayra.31

  • 32 . Brakel (b), p. v.

54However, we should bear in mind that the name of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya’s residence figures prominently in part II of the story, which, according to Brakel, is purely legendary.32 Thus, it is highly likely its name will not be found in any historical or traditional sources of Islam. Instead, more attention should be paid to how his residence is introduced in other versions of this story, in different languages.

  • 33 . It should be noted that some reports suggest that his grave is located in other places, such as M (...)
  • 34 . Jean Calmard, “Mohammad b. al-Hanafiyya dans la religion populaire, le folklore, les légendes dan (...)
  • 35 . Ibid.
  • 36 . Braginsky 2005, p. 181. The followers of Kaysāniyyah believed that Muḥammad b. Ḥanafiyya is their (...)

55Islamic epics present a lion-hearted and chivalric image of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah, who is displayed as the Imām of his age as well as a messiah. Traces of stories (Pers. Qiṣaṣ va ḥikāyāt) dedicated to him can be found in various corners of Western Asia, particularly in the Middle East, in places such as Kharg Island, in Bushehr province or Guilan of Iran, where a tomb ascribed to him (Buqʿa-yi Mīr Muḥammad-i Ḥanafiyyah and Imāmzāda-yi Muḥammad-i Ḥanafiyyah, respectively) is located.33 It is said that sailors from South Asia used to visit his tomb on Kharg Island in the Persian Gulf as well. The messianic facet of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah has been underscored for many years in the Bamyan Valley of northern Afghanistan, where an area is dedicated to the “dragon slayer” Ḥazrat-i ʿAlī.34 Local people believed that Emir (Shahzāda) Ḥanafiyya, the son of ʿAlī, is waiting in an underground passageway to reappear and fight for peace, along with his horse and his beloved wife, Bībī Ḥanīfah.35 Indeed, the legends of this region present Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya as al-Mahdī al-muntaẓar (“The Awaited Mahdī”), which is an important principle of Twelver Shiʿīsm. Indeed, calling Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya the Mahdī “was initiated by some Shi‘ite sects which claimed that he had not died but was only hiding in mountains and which expected his ‘second coming’ before long.”36

56Following Marc Gaborieau, Calmard says:

  • 37 . Marc Gaborieau, “Légende et culte du saint musulman Ghâzî Miyân au Népal occidental et en Inde du (...)

the cult and legendary accounts of Muḥammad b. Ḥanafiyya seem to have penetrated into India following the Ghaznavid expedition in the Panjab. A legend centered on Ghāzī Miyān (identified as a certain Sālār Masʿūd, a nephew of Maḥmūd of Ghazna) became very popular in Northern India. Ghāzī Miyān becomes a sort of avatar of the “twin” brothers Ḥassan and Ḥusayn. Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya (or rather Ḥanīfah or Ḥanīf or Ḥambiya Muḥammad) appears as avenging his brothers killed by a Hindu raja.37

  • 38 . Or Banyan, which is a title used for Indian merchants who traded between India and the central an (...)
  • 39 . There is a city called Akhond Zādah in contemporary Afghanistan.
  • 40 . See for example, fl. 28 v and 29. However, further evidence is required to arrive at firm answers (...)

57Perhaps unsurprisingly, every author or copyist of the saga of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya tried to indigenize and present him as one of his own people (e.g., a South Asian or Indian Muslim, a Malay Muslim). As such, the copyist of GA, Shaykh Dawūd Mirdkir, says that the servant of Ḥusayn, upon leaving Medina, decided to visit Muḥammad-i Ḥanīfah, “khalīfa-yi pahlavān-i ākhir al-zamān va shīr-i pāk-i ʿālam” (“The Brave Caliph of the End of Time and the Most Chivalric of the Universe”), to inform him of the death of his brother in Karbala. The servant then travelled for three months over a considerable distance before arriving at Muḥammad Ḥanīfah’s headquarters in the city of Bamyan38; In the NP version, copied by Muḥammad Sharīf, the son of Mullā Quraysh Ākhund Zādah,39 in order to visit “pahlavān-i dīn, Imām al-ashjaʿīn” (“The Hero of the Religion, the Leader of the Brave People”), i.e. Imām Muḥammad-i Ḥanīfah, the servant sets off for the city of Banil, which refers to the region of Banil Kalle in Pakhtunkhwa, which had been conquered earlier by the Ghaznavids. More importantly, in the Persian manuscript of the British Library, Add. 8149, also previously examined by scholars, the servant travelled to Anbaz(i), a city outside the Arabian Peninsula, to visit Amīr al-Muʾminīn Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya.40

58These points clearly demonstrate the resemblance of the Malay hikayat of Muhammad Hanafiyya (mainly those introduced by Hurgronje) with those of Central and South Asia, and particularly of the Bamyan valley. Furthermore, another Malay version of this story, MS 12377, also preserved in the British Library, suggests the headquarters of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah is not Boeniara but another city, one derived from the letters b-n-t-y-a-r:

pergi membawa surat kepada saudaranya ke benua b-n-t-y-a-r

  • 41 . Personal comm. Edwin Wieringa, 30 January 2018.

59Whether it reads as Bentara, Bentiar or Bentyar, it is clear that the scribe of this version of HMH did not identify Boeniara as the headquarters of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya. This signifies that local Malays also tried to indigenize his story. On this subject, it is further possible that the reference to Boeniara in some Malay HMH refers to a district with the same name in Southeast Asia, than to a subdivision in Medina, Arabia. In addition, it might be possible that the name of Boeniara in Java was taken from “a foreign-derived” HMH.41

  • 42 . Jean Calmard, “Popular Literature under the Safavids”, 2003, pp. 316-339.

60However, as the Safavids (r. 1501-1736) established the Twelver Shīʿī school of Islam as the religion of their empire, storytellers tended to —or had to—produce more works that would decrease and marginalize the messianic and leadership significance of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya. Thus, on the basis of earlier stories, they produced new or revised older “epico-religious” texts such as the Junayd-nāma, and Mukhtār-nāma, among others, in which Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya is just a warrior while Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn instead is the main figure of the story, one who is presented as the only Imām of his age42, the one who, according to the Safavids, can transfer the genes of ʿAlī and Fāṭimah to the next Shīʿa Imām.

Analyses

61A Comparison of HMH and DMJ

  • 43 . Brakel (a), p. 64.

62Brakel declared that the structure of both the Persian and the Malay texts is largely similar43. Both works include the two main parts of (part I) the Maqtal, on the death of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn, and (part II) the Hikayat of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyya, which relates the revenge story. As mentioned previously, Brakel used an unspecified Persian manuscript, Add. 8149, dated 1721 AD. In his comparison, he discovered that 9 out of 26 chapters from part I and 19 out of 22 chapters from part II of HMH can be traced back to the Persian text.

63In this section, the following will be examined:

64The similarities between DMJ and Brakel’s HMH found by Brakel in Add. 8149;

65The similarities between DMJ and Brakel’s HMH NOT found by him in Add. 8149.

66This comparison will lead to conclusions in two distinct areas: (a) how far DMJ influenced HMH; and (b) how this article can build on the work of previous scholars.

67As this essay seeks to support previous scholarly work on the origins of HMH it will employ the Romanized and the English versions of HMH produced by Brakel as a composite text, which has elicited some debate among philologists, as well as various other manuscripts. It may be questioned whether the original manuscripts of HMH should be employed in this study. In response to this, it should be noted that I went through the two original Malay HMH that are preserved in the British Library (D5 and B6), and found that, as Brakel himself reported, the aspects found in his critical edition are seen in most other Malay manuscripts. Unfortunately, however, lack of space precludes the inclusion of details from all the Malay manuscripts. Hopefully we will publish a full study on this in the near future.

  • 44 . I only had the chance to examine parts of this manuscript. Following other scholars, I will rely (...)

68The main DMJ mss. consulted were OL/OP and GA. The OL and OP mss. are the oldest versions of DMJ available to me, while the GA ms. provides the most detailed version of the story. In addition, other versions of DMJ, particularly NP, will be used where it is deemed necessary. Although I wanted to examine whole pages of Add. 8149 – the Persian source examined by Van Ronkel and Brakel – this was not possible44; however, this should not pose a problem since OL and OP were copied in 1564 and 1681 AD respectively, i.e. much earlier than Add. 8149.

69(A) Similarities between DMJ and HMH on the Basis of Add. 8149

Part I

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 2a: Daḥyat al-Kalbī’s habit of bringing fruit to Ḥassan and Ḥusayn and their seeking fruits in his sleeves

“Jibraʾīl az Rasūl pursīd Ḥusayn dar āstīn-i man chi mikhāhad. Rasūl guft ey barādar Jibraʾīl tu nazdīk-i man bi-ṣūrat-i Dahiya Qalbī mi-āyī va har bār ki Dahiya Qalbī bar man mi-āyad bi-jahat-i īn chīzī mī-ārad va bar-ān khiyāl āstīn-i tu mībīnad […]” (“Gabriel asked the Messenger what Ḥusayn was seeking in his sleeve. The Messenger said ‘O my brother, you look like Dahiya Qalbī while you are in my presence. And whenever Dahiya Qalbī approached me, he used to bring something with him. As such, Ḥusayn is seeking your sleeve […]’”)

--

With the exception of GA, this story is found in other versions of this chapter in DMJ, including NP.

According to the Malay HMH, Gabriel brought a pomegranate and a grape from heaven for Ḥassan and Ḥusayn. However, in DMJ’s chapter, Ḥusayn is the only grandson of Muḥammad who seeks the sleeve of Gabriel, who brings him a pomegranate.

Nonetheless, GA refers to the food sent to Ḥassan and Ḥusayn, via Gabriel, from heaven.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 2 b: Ḥassan’s and Ḥusayn’s interest in wearing the feast-day garments and how the Prophet gave them what they wanted. Later, the green one was chosen for Ḥassan and red one for Ḥusayn.

“[…] Fāṭimah guft yā peyghāmbar-i khudāy, emrūz ʿīd ast; jāma-yi Ḥassan va Ḥusayn […] kuhna shuda-and va ishān mi-giryand ki mā-rā jamā-yi khūb bidī […] jāma-yi sabz birūn āmad, ān-rā bi Ḥassan dād; duyyum karrat dast-i mubārak az āb gīrad Ḥusayn rā kashīd guft tu-rā chi rang bāyad. Ū guft marā laʿl rang mī-bāyad. Peyghāmbar dast-i mubārak az āb bīrūn kashīd va jāma-yi laʿl ghashta bi Ḥusayn dād […]” (“Fāṭimah [while sad] said: ‘O, Messenger of God, today is the feast day. The garments of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn are threadbare, and they are crying and saying that they want a suitable garment’ […] the green garment came out and the Messenger gave it to Ḥassan; for the second time, Muḥammad took out his sacred hand from the water and asked Ḥusayn, ‘what color is yours?’ He replied, ‘mine is blood-red’. The Messenger took out his sacred hand and gave Ḥusayn the red-colored garment […]”).

--

This story is seen in other Persian versions, including NP.

Unlike the Persian version, the Malay HMH says that Muḥammad received two garments for Ḥassan and Ḥusayn from a chest brought by Gabriel.

However, in GA, it is Gabriel who pours green onto the handbook (?) of Ḥassan (sabz bar takhta-yi Ḥassan) and ruby red onto that of Ḥusayn (Yāqūt-i surkh bar takhta-yi Ḥusayn)

Chapter 2c: an angel with burnt wings sat on Gabriel’s shoulder; Ḥassan and Ḥusayn rubbed her shoulders; thus, she was healed and could fly away.

“Firishta bar bāzū-yi Jibraʾīl nishasta va nazdīk-i Rasūl rasīd. Peyghāmbar nigāh bar-vey gardīd ki har-du bāzūy-i firishta sukhta ast […] bugū/bigū har du dast-i Ḥusayn bar du bāzū-yi īn fereshta furūd āyad…nīkū gasht va dar zamān, fereshta bi-havā parīd […]” (“the angel sat on the shoulder of Gabriel while he approached the Messenger. The Messenger looked at her and observed that her wings were burnt […] Ḥusayn’s hands touched the shoulders of the angel [...] it was healed, and then she flew away”).

--

This story is seen in other Persian versions, including NP.

In contrast to the Malay version, which says that Ḥassan and Ḥusayn touched the shoulder of the angel, Persian texts only mention the name of Ḥusayn.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 3: The Prophet gave a bottle with earth in it to Ummi Salamah

“Jibraʾīl ʿalayh al-salām bi-dasht-i Karbalā raft va qadrī khāk biyāvard va burd dast-i mihtar-i ʿālam bi-dād va guft har-gāh ki in khāk bi-rang-i khūn shavad, kushtan-i Ḥusayn nazdīk ast va guft ey Ummi Salamah, in khāk dar shīsha bi-kun va nigāh-dār […]” (“Gabriel, God’s mercy be upon him, went to the Karbala Plain and picked up some of its earth, gave it to the Messenger [the best of the universe], and said that when this earth turns red, the killing of Ḥusayn is close. And the Prophet told Ummi Salamah to put the earth into the bottle and keep it […]”).

“[Muḥammad] guft yā Jibraʾīl qadrī khāk az dasht-i Karbalā biyār. Jibraʾīl ʿalayh al-salām rafta az-ān khāk āvarda; Rasūl ṣallī Allāh ʿalayh wa-sallam dar qārūra andākht va bi-man dād va guft Ummi Salamah…chun in khāk khūn khāhad shud, vaqt-i marg-i Imām Ḥusayn nazdīk rasīda […]” (“[Muḥammad] told Gabriel to fetch some of Karbala’s earth. Gabriel, mercy be upon him, went and got some earth; the Messenger (peace be upon him) put it into a bottle and gave it to me and said: ‘O Ummi Salamah […] when this earth gets blood red, Imām Ḥusayn’s death is close […]’”).

Other Persian manuscripts express the story as do OL/OP.

In both GA and the Malay HMH, this story is prefaced with the Prophet’s concern about the loneliness of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn at the time of their deaths. In this regard, the GA version says that Muḥammad said: “vāy Ḥassan vay Ḥusayn; vāy gharībān; vāy yatīmān” (“Poor Ḥassan, poor Ḥusayn; my two poor lonely children, my poor orphans”).

Chapter 4: Muʿāwiya’s (unsuccessful) attempt not to have intercourse with a woman and “to remain childless,” as per Muḥammad’s recommendation, is seen after he was bitten by a scorpion.

Peyghāmbar [bi-Muʿāwiya] farmūd az pusht-i tu farzandī peydā shavad, kushanda-yi Ḥassan va Ḥusayn-i man ū bāshad. Muʿāwiya guft ey peyghāmbar-i Khudāy dar jahān, hīch pisarī nadāram va baʿd az in sowgand mīkhuram ki gird-i ʿawrat nagardam tā marā hīch farzandī nashavad…Muʿāwiya shabī barkhāst tā bowl kunad, baʿd az bowl kardan istinjā bi dīvārī kard va dar dīvār kazhdum nishasta

“ān ḥazrat farmūd az pusht-i tu farzandī āyad ki farzandān-i man bi-nā-ḥaqq kushad. Muʿāwiya guft ki zan na-mīkunam, az in sabab Muʿāwiya zan nakardī tā bi-taqdīr-i Allāh taʿālā kazhdum āvīkhta shud; ṭabībān guftand ʿalāj-i ān bi-zan kun ta nīkū shavī. Dard-i ū ghālib shud […] kanīzakī dāsht […] bar ū ʿalāj kard…az ān ʿalāj Yazīd dar shikam-i ān kanīzak mānd […]”(“Muḥammad said [to Muʿāwiya], ‘From your loins will come a child

Brakel said that he could not find a parallel for “the birth of Yazīd” in Add. 8149*. However, all available Persian versions of DMJ have the story from OL/OP.

Furthermore, intercourse with a slave is found

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

būd, sar-i ālat-i Muʿāwiya nīsh zad […] ḥakīmān guftand ki tu bā ʿawrat nazdīkī bu-kun tā zahr-i ālat-i tu rīkhta gardad va nīkū gardī. Muʿāwiya […] nazdīkī kard va Yazīd-i laʿīn dar shikam-i Mādar qarār girift […]” (“The Prophet said [to Muʿāwiya]: ‘from your loins a child will appear who will be the killer of my Ḥassan and Ḥusayn.’ Muʿāwiya said: ‘O Messenger of God of the universe, I do not have any son, and hereafter I promise not to have intercourse with any woman in order not to have a child’ […] Muʿāwiya woke up one night to urinate. He cleaned his penis on a wall in which there was a scorpion, and it bit the head of his penis [...]. Doctors said to Muʿāwiya, ‘you should have intercourse with a woman in order to extract the poison and be cured.’ [...] So Muʿāwiya had sex [...] and the accursed Yazīd was placed in his mother’s womb”).

who will unjustly kill my children.’ Thus, Muʿāwiya did not get married until, in accordance with the divine predestination of God Almighty, he was bitten by a scorpion, and doctors said that his healing would depend on him finding a wife. His pain increased […] he had a female slave […] she became his healing […] [and], from that intercourse, Yazīd was placed in the womb of that female slave”).

in HMH: “Tabib berketa: Hay Mu‘awiyah! Jika tiada engkau kepada perempuan, tiadakan sembuh penyakit itu! [...] Maka daripada sangat tiada menderita sakitnya, maka disuruhnya cahari seorang perempuan tuha lagi Habsi […]” (p. 124). See the discussion in the final section of this article.

Chapter 21:

(a) Yazīd’s desire to marry ʿAbdullah Zubair’s wife “who was particularly beautiful”

(b) Muʿāwiya’s suggestion to ʿAbdullah Zubair that he gives his former’s daughter to ʿAbdullah Zubair and the latter becomes the ruler of Egypt.

“Muʿāwiya bar Yazīd āghāz kard man ki chandīn ranj va mashiqqat dīdam va khilāfat bi-dast āvardam az bahr-i tu kardam, aknūn ey farzand hīch raghbatī va āruzūī dar khāṭir dārī ki ān-rā bi tu bi-rasānam?; guft ey (sic) ʿAbdullāh Zubair zanī dāsht, zanī ṣāhib-i jamāl dārad ki dar shahr bi jamāl-i ān zan hīczanī na-mīrasad va āruzū-yi man ān-ast ki ū imrūz marā bāshad. Rūz-i dīgar Muʿāwiya ʿAbdullāh Zubair rā bi-khānd va khalvat bi-kard […] dar ḥaqq-i tu mikhāham luṭf kunam va dukhtar-i khud rā bi tu daham va vilāyat-i Miṣr rā ḥavāla-yi tu gardānam, ʿAbdullāh Zubair bi-dīn chīz-hā farīfta kard […] Muʿāwiya Mūsā Ashʿarī rā ṭalab numūd […] va bā-vey guft man tu-rā az bahr-i ān khāndam ki bar zan-i ʿAbdullāh Zubair bar-

“Va ān-chinān būd ke Muʿāwiya (RA) rā mawt nazdīk shud chashm pur āb kard va guftand ey Muʿāwiya girya īn chīst: guft marā hamīn yik pisar buvad […] Muʿāwiya Yazīd rā jahd bisyār numūd, Yazīd bīrūn āmad va dūstān-rā jamʿ kard guft: ey yārān kudām dukhtar khub-tar ast? Hama guftand ki ey khalīfa hīch zanī dar jahān khūbtar nīst tā az Shahr-Bānū va ū zan-i ʿAbdullāh Zubair ast agar ḥīla kunī ʿAbdullāh Zubair ān-rā ṭalāq dahad hīch zan az ān khub-tar-nīst. Yazīd az zabān-i Muʿāwiya jānib-i ʿAbdullāh Zubair maktūb nivisht ki mā-rā bā tu kārī ast […] Yazīd guft ey Muʿāwiya marā bar ʿAbdullāh Zubair vaṣiyyat kun tā baʿd az tu rūy az man na-gardānad […] Yazīd bar ʿAbdullāh guft mi-khāham ki tu-rā khāhar bi-zanī khā-kunām […]

This story is found in other versions of DMJ.

However, the GA version introduces the wife of ʿAbdullāh Zubair as Shahr- Bānū. Moreover, GA tries to excuse Muʿāwiya and ascribes the cuckolding of ʿAbdullāh Zubair to Yazīd.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

(c) Muʿāwiya sent Mūsa Ashʿarī to the wife of ʿAbdullāh Zubair, to propose his son to her.

(d) The wife of ʿAbdullāh Zubair rejected Yazīd and instead accepted Ḥusayn’s proposal, who, according to Mūsā Ashʿarī, also wanted her.

āvar ān-bi-jahat-i pisar-i man bi-dīd bi-khāh […] [ʿawrat] dar zamān guft nikāḥ-i man bar Ḥusayn bar-khān […]” (“Muʿāwiya told Yazīd ‘I worked hard and suffered a lot and obtained the caliphate and give it to you. Now, my son, do you have any desire in your mind which I can grant to you?’ [Yazīd said] ‘this ʿAbdullāh Zubair has a wife, a beautiful wife that no woman’s beauty in the town can compete with. My desire is that she will be mine today’. Some day later, Muʿāwiya called for ʿAbdullāh Zubair and talked alone with him […] [Muʿāwiya told him] ‘I want to do a favour to you, to give you my daughter and give you the governorship of Egypt’. He tricked ʿAbdullāh Zubair with such things […] Muʿāwiya asked Mūsā Ashʿarī […] and said to him: ‘I asked you to go to ʿAbdullāh Zubair’s wife and to see her and get her for my son […]’

[the wife] promptly told [Mūsā Ashʿarī]: ‘Marry me to Ḥusayn’”.

baʿd az vafāt-i Muʿāwiya Yazīd rā bi-khilāfat –i pādshahī nishāndand va Mūsā Ashʿarī rā bi Shahr-Bānū risālat firistād barāy-i munākiḥat-i khūd […] Shahr-Bānū guft Imām Ḥusayn rā bi-khāh […] (“And so it was that death was close to Muʿāwiya (RA) and his eye was full of tears, and it was said to him ‘O Muʿāwiya, why are you crying?’ He said: ‘I have only this son’ […] Muʿāwiya tried to convince Yazīd (to marry). Yazīd came out and gathered his companions and said: O my followers, which girl is better? All said ‘O Caliph, no woman in the world is better that Shahr- Bānū. She is the wife of ʿAbdullāh Zubair; if you trick ʿAbdullāh Zubair he will divorce her. No woman is better for you than her […] Yazīd, on behalf of Muʿāwiya wrote to ʿAbdullāh Zubair, saying ‘I want to talk to you’ […] Yazīd then said ‘O Muʿāwiya, command ʿAbdullāh Zubair not to refuse me’ […] Yazīd told ʿAbdullāh: ‘I want to give you my sister’ […] After the death of Muʿāwiya, Yazīd was given the caliphate and he sent Mūsā Ashʿarī to Shahr- Bānū to get her to marry him […] [however], Shahr- Bānū chose Imam Ḥusayn as her husband […].”

Chapter 22:

(a) Muʿāwiya dies


(b) Yazīd asks the leader of Medina to kill Ḥassan and Ḥusayn; “[he] replied that he was not capable of fighting openly against Ḥusayn”.

“tā āvarda-and chun Muʿāwiya dar jahān namānd, khilāfat bar Yazīd girift va ān bad-bakht rā dar khāṭir uftād ki Ḥassan va Ḥusayn raḍī Allāh taʿālā tā bi-makr az miyān dūr-kunam va quwwat-i yik-dīgar az īshān bishkanam. ʿawratī zālī rā bar zan-i Amīr al-muʿminīn Ḥassan raḍī Allāh ʿanhu firistād va guft […] tu Ḥassan rā az pīsh dūr kun ta man tu-rā dar nikāḥ-i khud dar āvaram va tā tu malaka-yi ḥaram bāshī […] ān rūz garmā-yi sakht būd va dar vaqt-i ifṭār-i rūza qadaḥ-i zahr taʿbiya kard […] va Amīr al-

“Yazīd qaṣd-i kushtan-i imāmayn kard va maktūb bar valī-yi Madīnah ki ʿUtbah b. Walīd būd nivisht ki Imām Ḥassan va Ḥusayn rā bikūshī. ʿUtbah [b.] Walīd javāb nivisht ki man ishān-rā kushtan natvānam ki ahl-i Madīnah hama ānhā rā dūst mī-dārand. Agar man ishān-rā bikusham dar ḥāl īshān marā bi-kushand […] chun shab shud ʿUtbah pinhān bar Imām Ḥassan va Ḥusayn dar āmad va khidmat kard va dast-basta istāda shud va girīstan girift […] Yazīd maktūb-i dīgar firistād ki ey ʿUtabah marā maʿlūm shudi

According to both Malay HMH and Persian stories of DMJ, Yazīd tried to kill Ḥassan and Ḥusayn after the death of his father, Muʿāwiya.

OP’s story resembles that of NP, too.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

(c) persuades Ḥassan’s wife to kill him with poison “with the promise that he would marry her and make her a ruler”.

(d) Ḥassan is killed when he breaks his fast with the poisoned water.

(e) Before his death, Ḥassan asks Ḥusayn to “bury him by the tomb of the Envoy!”, which is refused by Yazīd.

(f)ʿAbdullāh Masʿūd intervenes and does not allow Ḥusayn to attack Yazīd, because Ḥusayn was “the only surviving descendant of the Prophet”

muʾminīn Ḥassan ān-rā bi-khurd va bi-mujarrad-i khurdan, zahr dar kār shud va haftād parkāla/purkāla az jigar bi-uftād […] Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn biyāmad, ḥalat-i barādar bi-nawʿ-i dīgar bi-dīd […] [Ḥassan] guft: aknūn dast-i shafaqqat az sar-i farzandān-i man bāz-nadārī ki yatīmān dil shikasta bāshand [...] baʿd naql-i marā dar rawḍa-yi jaddam barīd […] yik-pāya jināza Ḥusayn bigrift va dīgar pāya Muḥammad Junayd girift. Khāstand tā bi-ḥaẓīra-yi rasūl barand, Yazīd-i badbakht bar madīna bi-guft nakhāham ki Ḥassan rā dar haẓīra-yi peyghāmbar ṣalʿam dafn kunand […] Ḥusayn-i ʿAlī khāst tā bar īshān jang kunad, ʿAbdullāh Masʿūd dar-āmad va guft ey yādgār-i Rasūl Allāh […]” (“It has been narrated that, when Muʿāwiya died, Yazīd wanted to eliminate Ḥassan and Ḥusayn and break their bond. He hired a witch to approach Ḥassan’s wife and said to her, ‘if you kill Ḥassan, I will marry you and you will become the princess of the hareem’ […] that day was very hot and, during ifṭār, [she] gave him a poisoned drink […] and the commander of the believers, Ḥassan, drank it. The poison took effect and his liver was split into 70 parts […] The commander of the believers, Ḥusayn, came and saw his brother in a changed condition […] [Ḥassan] told him, ‘do not remove your kind support from my children, as they are broken-hearted orphans now […] then, place my body in the tomb of my ancestor (grandfather) […]’. Ḥusayn picked up one side of the body and Muḥammad Junayd picked up the other. They wanted to move the body into the tomb of the Prophet but misfortune [fell] as Yazīd told [the people of] Medina: ‘I do not

ki dūstdār-i pisarān-i ʿAlī raḍī Allāh ʿanhu hastī, sākhta bāsh, imrūz yā fardā sar az tan judā mīkunam va agar kheyriyat-i khud mikhāhī, pisarān-i ʿAlī rā bi-har ḥīla ki dānī va tavānī ishān-rā bukhush […] [ʿUtbah] ʿawratī būd dar Madīnah, sāḥirah nām […] ṭalab kard pīsh-i ū hizār dīnār-i surkh nahād […] ān zan-i bad-bakht chun zar dīd farīfta shud […] yik ghulūlah dar-ū kard va dar-ū zahr taʿbiya kard va nazd-i zan-i Imām Ḥassan, zanān-i bisyār karda būd, āmad […] ki nām-i ān Quṭṭāmah/Qaṭṭāmah būd […] ayyām-i tābistān būd, Imām Ḥassan dar khāna khud āmad ki bānū istāda shud […] baʿd az sāʿat āb ṭalabīd […] ān sharbat bi-nūshīd, balki shuʿla-yi ātash būd, bi-mujarrad-i nūshīdan shūrī dar vujūd-i mubārak uftād [...] pisar-i khud, Qāsim, rā guft ki ey nūr-i dīda-yi man barādaram ṭalabīda biyāvar […] Imām Ḥassan [bi Ḥusayn] guft: […] az sabab-i kasī ki ḥāl-i man chunīn shuda ast, ū rā naranjānī ki man avval ū rā shifāʿat khāham kard va bi ziyārat-i man bisyār āy va naẓar-i shafaqqat az Abū al-Qāsim darīgh nadārī […]” (“Yazīd decided to kill both Imāms and wrote a letter to the ruler of Medina, ʿUtbah b. Walīd, [saying] ‘you must kill Ḥassan and Ḥusayn.’ ʿUtbah Walīd responded: ‘I cannot kill these imāms as all the inhabitants of Medina love them. If I kill them, they will immediately kill me’. Then […]ʿUtbah went to visit Imām Ḥassan and Imām Ḥusayn at night, secretly, and was in their service and cried […] Yazīd sent another letter, saying ‘O ʿUtbah, it has become clear to me that you are a follower of ʿAlī’s sons; be aware and be ready as you will be beheaded today or tomorrow [i.e. very soon], and if you want what’s best for you, try to kill the sons of

It is clear that the different stories outlined in HMH on the death of Ḥassan are seen in both OP and GA.

In other Persian manuscripts of DMJ (e.g. Ms. 853 in Michigan), the name of Ḥassan’s wife is mentioned as Asmā, which is the case according to most Islamic traditions.

Unlike both Persian and Malay stories, Shīʿī traditions suggest that Quṭṭāmah is the one who tempted Ibn Muljam to kill ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

permit you to bury Ḥassan in the tomb of the Messenger (peace be upon him) […]’. Ḥusayn went to fight them, but ʿAbdullāh Masʿūd intervened and said: ‘O the only memory of the Messenger of God […]’”).

ʿAlī by every trick you know and can implement […]’. [ʿUtbah] called for a witch named Sāḥirah, in Medina, and gave her one-thousand red dinars […] that shiftless woman was tempted upon seeing the coins […] [so] she made a bag/ball of medicine, in which she placed some poison. She took it to one of Imām Ḥassan’s many wives, whose name was Qaṭṭāmah/Quṭṭāmah […]. This all happened during the summer; Imām Ḥassan entered his house and his wife was standing there […]. After a while, he demanded some water […] He drank the liquid, and it was like the flame of a fire [inside him]. Upon drinking it, his sacred body’s condition was changed […] and he said to his son, Qāsim, ‘O the light of my eyes, ask my brother to come […] ’ Imām Ḥassan said [to Imām Ḥusayn]: ‘[…] Do not punish whoever has made me this [poison], as my intercession will cover her at the outset, and visit my tomb regularly (more and more) and do not leave your kind attention from Abū al-Qāsim’”).

Chapter 23:

(a) “Yazīd sent a letter to Utbah […] in which he informed him that all the Arabs had already paid homage to him as Caliph. When Utbah conveyed the letter to Husayn, the latter became enraged and wondered whether the Arabs had perhaps forgotten that the Prophet had destined Yazīd for Hell.”

“[Yazīd] nāma dar Madīnah bar ʿUtab (sic) firistād ki Ḥusayn ʿAlī rā dar bayʿat-i man bi-khān, Walīd nāma bar dast girift va dar masjid-i peyghāmbar ṣalʿam dar āmad va nāma pīsh-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn nahād. Va Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn ān-rā bi-khānd va dar khashm dar-āmad va guft man dar bayʿat-i ū chigūna dar-āyam ki ū az ahl-i dūzakh ast. [Yazīd] bār maktūbī dīgar bar Walīd ʿUtab (?) firistād: har-gāh ki chūn in nāma-yi man bi-tu rasad chinān kunī ki sar-i Ḥusayn judā gardānī va bi-nazdīk-i man firistī […] (“Yazīd sent a letter to ʿUtbah in Medina asking Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī to pledge. Walīd got the letter and entered the mosque of the

“ʿUtbah Walīd bar Imām Ḥusayn guft ki ay makhdūm-zāda-yi man (?) Yazīd bar man har bār mī-nivīsad barā-yi bayʿat shumā; banda chi-kunam: Imām Ḥusayn barābar-i muḥibbān mashvirat kard ki chi ittifāq kunīm…marā yik ṣavāb uftād ki man az Madīnah tark gīram va sukūnat-i Makka ikhtiyār kunam va Makka rā hīch kas fatḥ nakarda ast magar peyghāmbar […] (“ʿUtbah b. Walīd told Imām Ḥusayn: ‘Yazīd frequently sends me letters to get your pledge. What should I do?’ Imam Ḥusayn consulted his followers about what can be done […] ‘I can do one good thing, move from Medina to settle in Mecca. Mecca was not conquered by anyone except the Prophet […]’”)

The resemblance between DMJ OL/OP and the Malay versions are more obvious than in the GA copy.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

(b) “Yazīd asked Utbah to bring him Husayn’s head in return for a reward.”

Prophet (peace be upon him) and placed the letter before Ḥusayn. The Commander of the Believers Ḥusayn read the letter and became enraged and said, ‘how can I pledge with Yazīd when he is one of the people of Hell?’ Yazīd sent another letter to ʿUtbah b. Walīd [saying]: When you get this letter of mine, chop off the head of Ḥusayn and bring it to me […]’”)

Chapter 24:

(a) Shamīr (Simir) went forward to behead Ḥusayn;

(b) [Emir] Ḥusayn asked him to show his chest

(c) Shamīr’s chest was black and he had the nipples of a dog

(d)Ḥusayn recalled the Prophet’s statement about his killer’s physical features;

“Shibr-i** (Shamīr) malʿūn az asp furūd āmad, bar sīnah-yi Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn binshast va tīgh kashīd tā sar-i mubārak judā kunad […] [Ḥusayn raḍī Allāh ʿanhu guft] ey malʿūn tu sīnah-yi khud bāz kun ki kushanda-yi marā jaddam nishān gufta ast. Shibr-i bad-bakht sīnah-yi khud gushād va Amīr al-Muʾiminīn dar sīnah-yi ū nigāh kard va bi-guft […] rāst guft peyghāmbar-i khudāy ki kushanda-yi tu-rā dar sīnah qiyās-i varam-i pīsī bāshad […] [Shibr] sar az tan judā gardānīdah […]” (“The accursed Shamīr dismounted the horse, and sat on the chest of the Commander of the Believers, Ḥusayn. He took out his sword to cut off the holy head […] [Husayn said]: ‘O accursed one, bare your chest, as my grandfather (the Prophet) informed me about my killer’s signs’. The Commander of the Believers looked at his chest and said ‘[…] the Prophet was right, you have the sign of leprosy on your chest’. […] [Shamīr then] cut off his head […]”).

“Shamīr-i badbakht bar sīnah-yi mubārak nishasta […] Imām Ḥusayn guft […] sīnah-yi khud bāz kun […] ān bad-bakht sīnah rā bāz kard, dāgh-i baraṣ bar sīnah būd; Imām Ḥusayn guft ṣidq shanīdam az jadd-i khud, Muḥammad-i Muṣṭafā ki kushanda-yi Ḥusayn kasī bāshad ki dāgh-i baraṣ bar sīnah-yi ū bāshad […] va sarash bi-burīd (“The wretched Shamīr sat on the holy chest […] Imām Ḥusayn said ‘[…] bare your chest’ […] that poor man showed his chest, which had signs of leprosy. Imām Ḥusayn said ‘I have heard the truth from my grandfather, Muḥammad Muṣṭafāʾ (peace be upon him) who said that the killer of Ḥusayn has the sign of leprosy on his chest […]’ Shamīr then cut his head off […]”).

The death scene of Ḥusayn in HMH largely resembles that in DMJ.

Although none of the available versions of DMJ mention that Shamīr had the nipples of a dog, the only available Persian document frequently copied from the 16th to 19th centuries is “The Garden of the Martyrs” (“Rawḍat al-Shuhadāʾ) (c. 1503), the magnum opus of Kamāl al-Dīn Ḥusayn Wāʿiẓ Kāshifī. According to this work, Ḥusayn observed that Shamīr’s teeth had turned into those of a pig and that his chest was afflicted with leprosy***.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 25:

(a) Upon the death of Ḥusayn, Jaʿfar the son of Abū Bakar stayed in Mecca where he performed the ṭawāf. There he saw a masked man who was seeking God’s forgiveness as he had wanted to get the jewel on the belt of Ḥusayn’s corpse.

(b) He cut off both Ḥusayn’s hands; then he heard a voice.

(c) Angels washed Ḥusayn’s corpse.

(d) The appearance of Noah, Abraham, Ismail, Miriam, Eva, Sarah, Hagar, and Isaac.

“Va Jaʿfar Muḥammad Ṣādiq guft ān rūz dar Makka būdam ke Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn Shahādat yāft. Dawr-i ṭawāf-i Kaʿba āvāzī shanīdam ki mardī mīguft yā Rabb ma-rā bi-yāmurz […] dīdam shakhṣī nīmī-rūy-i ū siyāh gashta va zār-zār migiryad […] [guft]man rikāb-dār-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn usayn va dahum az māh-i Muḥarram rūz-i ʿĀshūrā usayn shahīd shud va dar izār-i band-i Amīr al- Muʾminīn Ḥusayn gowhar-i qaymati-yi kharāj-i vilāyat būd va marā ṭamaʿ-i ān gowhar dar sar uftād ki az band-i Amīr al- Muʾminīn bistānam […] shayṭān dar khāṭir talqīn bi-kard ki dast bi-bur sar-i angushtān, kārd kashīdam bar dast bar andām va judā kardam […] [ṣadā-yi guft]: natarsīd va az fardā-yi Qiyāmat va az rūy-i peyghāmbar (saw) sharm nadāshtī […] fowjī az āsimān firishtigān furūd āmadand va basāṭī gustardand […] va tan-i Amīr al- Muʾminīn Ḥusayn rā bi-mushk va zaʿfarān va gulāb bi-shustand […] [chahār howdaj dar taʿziyat-i usayn] dar ān […] mihtar Ādam va Ḥawwā būd, va dar duyyum […] mihtar Nūḥ būd va dar siyyum […] Ibrāhīm va Sārah būd va dar chahārrum peyghāmbar/ peyghambar” (“And Jaʿfar Muḥammad Sādiq said: ‘I was in Mecca the day Ḥusayn was martyred. While performing ṭawāf, I heard a man’s voice saying, “O my lord, forgive me” […] I observed a man, half of whose face was black, crying […] [he said] “I am the servant of Ḥusayn and it was on the 10th of the month of Muharram, the day of ʿĀshūrā, that Ḥusayn was martyred. And there was a wealthy jewel of the caliph in the loincloth of Ḥusayn’s belt and I was tempted be embarrassed on

“Va Jaʿfar Muḥammad Ṣādiq guft ān rūz dar Makka būdam ke Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn Shahādat yāftih, az ṭawāf-i Kaʿba āvāzī shanīdam ki mardī mīguft bārī bar man raḥmat kun. Nazdīk-i u shudam […] ki shakhṣī nīm-rūy siyāh gashta va zārī mīkard […] Muḥarram rūz-i ʿĀshūrā Ḥusayn shahid shud va dar izar-i band-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn gouhar-i qaymati-yi kharāj-i vilāyat būd va marā ṭamaʿ-i ān gouhar dar sar uftād ki az band-i Amīr al- Muʾminīn bistānam […] shayṭān dar khāṭir talqīn bi-kard ki dast bi-bur sar-i angushtān, kard kashīdam bar dast bar andām va judā kardam […] [ṣadāy guft]: natarsīd va az farda-yi Qiyāmat va az rūy-i peyghambar (saw) sharm nadāshtī […] foujī az āsimān firishtigān furūd āmadand va basāṭī gustardand […] va tan-i Amīr al- Muʾminīn Ḥusayn ra bi-mushk va zaʿfarān shustand […] [dar taʿzi-yat-i Ḥusayn] dar ān basāt mihtar Ādam va Ḥawwā būd, va dar duyyum […] mihtar Nūḥ būd va dar siyyum […] Ibrāhīm va bībī Sārah būd va dar chahārrum peyghambar” (“And Jaʿfar Muḥammad Sādiq said: ‘I was in Mecca the day when Ḥusayn was martyred. While performing ṭawāf, I heard a man’s voice saying, “O my lord, forgive me” […] I observed a man, half of whose face was black, crying […] [he said] “I am the servant of Ḥusayn and it was on the 10th of the month of Muharram, the day of ʿĀshūrā, that Ḥusayn was martyred. And there was a wealthy jewel of the caliph in the loincloth of Ḥusayn’s belt and I was tempted to take it from Ḥusayn’s belt […] Satan tempted me to cut the hand and fingers (?). I took a knife and chopped it […] [a voice said]: ‘won’t you be afraid and won’t

This story is found in almost every version of DMJ.

As Brakel says: Jaʿfar bin Abī Bakar in the Malay text is “of course a corruption of Ja‘far as-Sadiq b. Muhammad al-Bakir (the famous Imam), as confirmed by the Persian account” of Add. 8149 and other DMJ versions.

Brakel’s edition of HMH

OL/OP

GA

Additional Comments

to take it from Ḥusayn’s belt […] Satan tempted me to cut the hand and fingers (?). I took a knife and chopped it […] [a voice said]: ‘won’t you be afraid and won’t you the Day of Judgment when facing the Prophet?’ […] a group of angels came down from heaven and began a feast […] and washed the corpse of Ḥusayn with mushk and saffron and rosewater [four howdah come to commemorate his death]. At this event Prophet Adam and Hawwa, second Noah, third Abraham and Sarah, and fourth the Prophet himself were in attendance”).

you be embarrassed on the Day of Judgment when facing the Prophet?’ […] a group of angels came down from heaven and began a feast […] and washed the corpse of Ḥusayn with mushk and saffron [to commemorate his death]. At that event Prophet Adam and Hawwa, second Noah, third Abraham and bibi Sarah and fourth the Prophet himself were in attendance”).

Chapter 26:

(a) Angels, along with Adam, Khadija, Fatimah, and Mary paid the final honours to Ḥusayn’s corpse.

(b) The women in Ḥusayn’s army were captured by Yazīd’s army.

(c) A believer in Damascus left the city and saw the women of the Prophet’s family having their veils removed.

(d) The believer introduced himself as Saleh.

“Dar-īn miyān muḥāfah-yi Fāṭimah Zahrā az havā peydā gasht va firishtigān anbūh anbūh muḥāfah va jumla jāmi-hā-yi mātam pūshīda […] ham da-rīn miyān ʿAlī Murtaḍā bā firishtigān zārī-kunān rasīd, tan-i farzand rā kinār girift […] va khalq-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn rā bi-giriftand […] mardī dar Dimishq in vāqiʿ khāndan shanīd, chandān bi-girīst az girya bī-hūsh shud. Chun be-hūsh bāz-āmad bīrūn-i shahr shud dīd Ahl-i Bayt-i nubuwwat rā sarhā-birahna va piyāda mī-ārand, Ahl Bayt Ḥusayn chun ān mard rā mihrabān dīdand pursīdand tu kīstī guft man dustdār-i khāndan-i Peyghāmbar-i khudāy-am, guftand chi nām dārī? Gut nām-i man Ṣāliḥ ast […]” (“In the meantime, the howdah of Fāṭimah Zahrā appeared in the sky and many angels were consumed with grief […] in the meantime, ʿAlī Murtaḍā, crying, arrived with the angels and hugged his son’s corpse […] and the followers of Ḥusayn were imprisoned […] a man in Damascus heard what happened, and he cried so much he became unconscious. After he recovered he came out and saw the People of the Prophet’s House coming, being un-veiled while they were walking […] when

“Dar-īn miyān muḥāfah-yi Fāṭimah Zahrā az havā peydā gasht va firishtigān anbūh anbūh muḥāfah va jumla jāmi-hā-yi mātam pūshīda […] ham da-rīn miyān ʿAlī Murtaḍā bā firishtigān zārī-kunān rasīd, tan-i farzand rā kinār girift […] va khalq-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn rā bi-giriftand […]” (“In the meantime, the howdah of Fāṭimah appeared in the sky and angels were consumed with grief; Here, ʿAlī Murtaḍā arrived with the angels while crying. He hugged the corpse of Ḥusayn […]”)

Although GA is silent on the role of Ṣāliḥ, NP presents it as very similar to that in other DMJ’s as well as Add. 8149 and Malay HMHs.

In most DMJ versions, following the incarceration of Ḥusayn’s family the story of a monk who was asked to hold the head of Ḥusayn overnight is told, which is also not in the Malay edition of Brakel.

70* Brakel (a), p. 7.

71** The name of Shamīr was written as Shibr in the Abū Muslim-nāma, too. See Jean Calmard, “Popular Literature under the Safavids”, 2003, p. 318.

72***Kamāl al-Dīn Ḥusayn Wāʿiẓ Kāshifī, Rawḍat al-Shuhadāʾ, Lucknow, Munshi Newal Kishore, 1873.

73As such, it can be said that all the similarities between Brakel’s HMH and Add. 8149 can be found in the different versions of DMJ.

Part II

  • 45 . L.F. Brakel (b), p. 51.

74Brakel noted that similarities between HMH and the Persian manuscript (Add. 8149) are also present in part II. As mentioned earlier, he said that chapters 1-17 and 20-21 of the second part are found in MS Add. 8149 in the British Library. And this is also the case when HMH and DMJ are compared. For instance, the first chapter of part II of Add. 8149, as well as of GA and NP, starts by telling how a servant informed Muḥammad Ḥanfiyyah of the death of his brother(s), after which Muḥammad Ḥanfiyyah tore his clothes.45

75Also, in both GA and NP, the names of people and events are largely similar to those of HMH; for instance, in both the Persian and Malay versions, Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah sent messages to his brothers who were living in various parts of the world:

76GA: “maktūb bi-jānib-i Mashīb bi-Kāqah nivisht va dar ʿIrāq firistād […] yik maktūb bar Tughān Turk, Amīr-i Tabrīz nivishta […] va yik maktūb bi-ṭaraf-i ʿUmar ʿAli, Ṭalīb- va ʿAqīl ʿAlī nivishta dar Shām firistād […]” (“[he] sent letters to Mashīb bi-Kāqah (?) in Iraq […] one letter [was] sent to Tughān Turk, the ruler of Tabriz […] and one letter he sent to ʿUmar ʿAlī, Ṭālīb ʿAlī and ʿAqīl ʿAlī in Shām […]”).

77NP: [Muḥammad Ḥanīfah] farmūd ki tā dabīr-i dānā […] maktūb bi-jānibi-i Masīb Qaʿqaʿah bi-nivīsad […] nāma bi jānib-i Masīb Qaʿqaʿah dar ʿIrāq firistāda shud,[…] va yik maktūb bi-jānib-i Ibrāhīm [Ashtar] nivishta karda dar shahr-i Najaf firistād […] maktūb-i siyyum bi jānibi-i Tughān Turk samt-i Tabrīz nivishta kard […] va maktūb-i chahārum bi-jānib-i [] ʿUmar ʿAlī, Maṭlab ʿAlī va ʿAqīl ʿAlī dar Shām firistād […]” (“[He] told his wise secretary to write a letter to Masīb Qaʿqaʿah […] the letter was sent to Masīb Qaʿqaʿah in Iraq […] and one letter was written to Ibrāhīm [Ashtar] and sent to Najaf […] the third letter was written to Tughān-i Turk in Tabriz […] and the forth one was sent to ʿUmar ʿAlī, Maṭlab ʿAlī and ʿAqīl ʿAlī in Shām […]”).

  • 46 . Ibid., pp. 206-207.

78HMH: “[…] sembilan kami bersaudara: seorang namanya Umar Ali […] Talib Ali, Akil Ali benua Baghdad […] Sebermula anak-anakan bapaku Syahi Mardan Ali, Masib Kaka namanya, […] benua Irak […] Bermula Ibrahim Astar, anak raja benua Tuj‘ah […] Tughan Turk dan Mughan Turk, benua Tabriz […]46 (“[Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah and ʿAlī Akbar] addressed our [i.e. their] nine brothers: ʿUmar ʿAlī, Ṭālib ʿAlī and Aqīl ʿAlī in Baghdād […] the son of my father, Shah Mardan Ali, whose name is Masib Kaka […] in Iraq […] Ibrāhim Astar, the son of the king of Tujʿah […] Tughan Turk and Mughan Turk from Tabriz”).

79It seems that Mughan Turk, who accompanies Tughan Turk in the revenge story in HMH is known as Sayalān/Saylān Turk in GA and Asad Turk in NP.

80There is yet another similarity: the animals that appear in both HMH and DMJ are the same: e.g. horse, elephant, camel, etc. Furthermore, the names of the allies of Yazīd, Marwān and ʿUtbah b. Walīd are largely similar:

81GA: Khāqān-i Chīn, Ḥabashī (from “Khaqan of China and Abyssinia”)

82NP: Khāqān-i Chīn; Zang-bār, Ḥabashī (from “Khaqan of China, Zanzibar and Abyssinia”)

83HMH: Feringgi, Cina, Habsi, Zanggi (Franks [Portuguese(?)], China, Abyssinia, Zanzibar)

84Although the Franks are not listed as allies of Yazīd in the versions of DMJ here examined, the rest of the story in GA calls the enemy of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah Khāriji-ān, which means “Franks.”

B) Common Points between DMJ and HMH which are NOT found in Add. 8149

85Brakel stated that chapters 1 and 5-20 of part I and chapters 18-19 and 22 of part II of the Malay HMH are not found in the Persian manuscript Add. 8149. However, it will be seen that the stories from these Malay chapters are, on the other hand, found in the DMJ versions. Examples include:

Part I

Brakel’s edition of HMH

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 1: Muḥammad is unable to recite but Gabriel instructs him to do so. It is expressed that Gabriel is henceforth as a brother to the Prophet.

“[…] ey farzandānam man dar aṣl nivishtan nimidānam […] Jibraʾīl ʿalayh al-salām dar-rasīd” (“O my children, I, indeed, cannot read and write […] Gabriel then came”).

Muhammad’s illiteracy is clearly explained in GA when Ḥassan and Ḥusayn show their handwriting to Muḥammad. Also, throughout OP, Muḥammad frequently addresses Gabriel as his brother (barādar/akhī).

Chapter 6: Muḥammad becomes ill; his close companions understand about the approaching death of the Prophet; the Companions’ responsibilities during the funeral are detailed.

Chun haḍrat-i risālat panāh rā nīz shahādat rūzī gardānd bi-sabab-i zahr dādan […] zahr rā farmān shud dar pāshna-yi pāy bāsh, tā sar-i vaqt-i vafāt, Ḥaqq Taʿālā zahr rā dar vujūd-i mihtar-i ʿālam bi-junbānad va az ān sabab shahīd shud” (“Whereas the martyrdom of the Prophet by poison was predetermined … the poison was ordered to stay in the heel of the Prophet until the time of death, when God Almighty allowed the flow of the poison into the body of the Prophet; due to that poison, the Prophet was martyred”).

Although DMJ talks about the death of Muḥammad, its quality differs from that of HMH.

However, the GA ms. starts with a qurʾanic verse about martyrdom: “And do not say about those who are killed in the way of Allah, ‘They are dead.’ Rather, they are alive, but you perceive [it] not”. Later, it talks about the death/killing of the Companions and the first four caliphs, whose names and deaths are mentioned in the 6th, 9th, 13th, 14th, 15th, and other chapters of part I of HMH.

Nonetheless, different stories about the death of Muḥammad and the Companions’ roles are found in other chapters of DMJ, which will be discussed in subsequent studies.

Chapters 8 and 9: the death of Fāṭimah after seeing her father, Muḥammad, in a dream; how ʿAlī and his sons buried Fāṭimah; the Companion’s demand for the body; how ʿAlī “became furious and put on battle-dress […]”, as well as the Prophet’s recommendation to Abū Bakr that “all of mankind together was no match for ʿAlī when dressed like this.”

Muʿāwiya guft […] Rasūl farmūd ana Madīnah al-ʿilm wa ʿAliyyun bābu-hā […]” (“Muʿāwiya said […] the Prophet (peace be upon him) said that ‘I am the city of science and ʿAlī is its door’”).

Although the death of Fāṭimah and her funeral are not discussed in this chapter of DMJ, the story is found in another ḥikāyat of DMJ entitled “on the story of ʿAlī and Fāṭimah”. In this ḥikāyat, Fāṭimah first dreamed about her father and then she died. However, interestingly, all the Companions were allowed to carry the coffin of Fāṭimah, a point which is mentioned in Brakel’s commentary.

The only prophetic ḥadīth in GA regarding ʿAlī relates to his knowledge, which is expressed by Muʿāwiya to his fellows.

Chapter 12: Shahr-Banun wanted to choose her husband; she rejected Ḥassan because he was a polygamist.

Imām Ḥassan zanān-i bisyār dāsht va rahā karda būd; guyand haftād-u du tan zan karda […] (“Imām Ḥassan had many wives and he left them/divorced them; it is said that he had 72 wives […]”).

GA does not refer to the Ḥassan’s interest in Shahr-Bānū; however, there are several references to his polygamous lifestyle, which caused his wife to give him a poisoned drink.

Part II

Brakel’s edition of HMH in Part II

GA

Additional Comments

Chapter 18

“Tughan Turk and Mughan Turk had set out to intercept the army of the Zanggi”

Va Tughān-i Turk va Sayalān-i/ Saylān-i Turk bā chihil hizār savār muqābil-i Ḥabashī shudand” (“And Tughan Turk and Sayalān/Saylān Turk, along with their 40,000-strong army, intercepted the army of Abyssinia”).

Chapter 19: A mighty battle between Yazīd and Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah and “the fighting became still more violent”

Va Amīr al-Muʾminīn Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah raḍī Allāh ʿanhu jānib-i Dimishq ravān shudand va Yazīdān dah lak savār būd va bā ān-hā dar maydān dar-āmadand va jang mī-kardand va du pās-i rūz tīgh rafta” (“And Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah (may God be pleased with him) moved towards Damascus. The followers of Yazīd were in ten groups, and they encountered them on the battlefield and they fought and attacked each other with swords for two days.”

Further Discussion of Earlier Literature

Discussion of Earlier Arguments

86The above sections have tried to show the strong connection between DMJ and HMH. However, this section provides readers with more analysis of recent literature:

  • 47 . Brakel (a), pp. 54-55.

87The references to Tughan Turk, the Emir of Tabriz, in DMJ’s 31st chapter on the death of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn confirms the claim of both Brakel and Bausani that this story must originally have been written when Tabriz was the capital of Persia under Ghaza Khān in the 13th and early 14th century47. Also, the name of Zahrāb as the one who killed Ḥusayn’s infant, as found in the DMJ copy in Michigan, had been already mentioned in Firdawsī’s Shāh-nāma. A couplet by Saʿdī is also found in DMJ’s manuscripts. These details put together help us to conclude that DMJ was probably composed in the 13th century.

88As mentioned above, this article seeks only to uncover the possible origins of HMH, rather than to discuss the process by which it was translated from Persian or the production of HMH and additions made by Malay scribes. However, it should be noted that DMJ’s account of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn’s death and of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah may disagree with both Brakel and Braginsky, particularly in the second part.

  • 48 . Brakel (b), p. 7.

89Brakel stated that he was unable to find a parallel for [I4:] how Muʿāwiya’s son, Yazīd, was conceived. As such, he stated that HMH “exempted Muʿāwiya from any blame. Yazīd is reviled again and again because of his illegitimate birth […].”48

90Braginsky argued that:

  • 49 . Braginsky, 2005, p. 183.

Another peculiarity of the tale, which is largely a Malay innovation, is the strict division of its characters into two camps. The first of them, headed by Muhammad Hanafiyyah, is connected with the divine world, as is indicated by prophetic dreams of the main hero and wonderful events that happen to him. The second, headed by Yazīd, is connected with the demonic world, as is testified to, for instance, by Yazīd’s begetting of Mu‘awiah, poisoned by a scorpion’s venom, and an old black Ethiopian woman […]49.

91These scholars believed that the episode of Muʿāwiya and the scorpion was not found in Persian sources. Yet, as seen previously, Yazīd’s connection “with the demonic world” is clearly shown in the DMJ mss.; indeed, all available DMJ manuscripts state that Muʿāwiya was poisoned by a scorpion’s (kazhdum) venom and that then, to cure himself, he was advised to have sex with a woman, an event which ultimately led to the birth of Yazīd. GA in particular presents Yazīd’s mother as an insignificant female slave (kanīzak). Interestingly, this infelicitous image of Yazīd’s birth is also seen on fl. 51 of a poetic Bengali version of Jang-nāma-i Imām Ḥusayn (Isl. Ms. 853), preserved in the special collections of the University of Michigan.

92It is true that HMH tried to portray Muʿāwiya as a faithful Companion of Muḥammad, although it did not come to the attention of earlier scholars that part I of the DMJ mss. in general, and of the GA in particular, is replete with stories that exempt Muʿāwiya from any wrongdoing. For instance, on fol. 132 of GA, there is a report that highlights Yazīd’s mistake and then says:

“[…] in makr-i Yazīd būd va baʿḍī bar Muʿāwiya iḍāfat mīkunand, bizih-kār mīshavandrā-ki Muʿāwiya az kibār-i Ṣaḥābah būd va kātib-i vaḥy būd va Rasūl Allāh ʿAlayh wa-sallam guft harkas bi-dhikr-i nīk yād kunad aṣḥāb-i man, ū rā ast bihisht pas har-ki Muʿāwiya rā bi badī yād kunad ū bizih-kār shavad []” (“it was a trick played by Yazīd, however, one which some people ascribed to Muʿāwiya, though they are sinners, as Muʿāwiya was one of the Companions and the writer of the revelation, and the Prophet of God said ‘whoever remembers my Companions well, he deserves Paradise’; thus, anyone who remembers Muʿāwiya badly is a sinner […]”).

93Brakel also agreed that only an Acehnese manuscript—Or. 8667—mentions both Yazīd and Muʿāwiya “as fellow Muslims”. However, there is a point worth mentioning regarding GA: when Muʿāwiya learned about the pregnancy of his female slave he wanted her to have an abortion because Yazīd was cursed, “however, the opinion of Sunnis is not to curse Yazīd, and this is the true opinion” (“va qawl-i ahl-i Sunnat va Jamāʿat īn ast ki Yazīd rā laʿnat nakunad ki hamīn ṣahīh ast”).

94Also, in both GA and NP manuscripts the Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah section not only starts with a letter carried by the servant but it is also bolstered by a prophetic dream in which Muḥammad told him:

(GA, fol. 149) “[…] ey farzandān, ū rā bikush ki man bā tu hastam va hīch khaṭā va uft va nikbatī bar tu nakhāhad rasīd va tu-rā fatḥ va nuṣrat khāhad shud” (“Oh my children, kill him [Yazīd] and know that I am with you and you will not receive blame, loss and misery, and you will be victorious […]”).

(NP, fol. 495) “[] ammā fatḥ va nuṣrat bi-nām-i nāmi-yi tu bar lawḥ-i azal nivishta-and va dar zadan-i dushman-i khānah-dān va asīr numūdan-i īshān dirang makun” (“but your conquering and victory has been carved on the eternity plate [or: on the plate of eternity], and do not be patient in beating and capturing the enemies of the family […]”).

  • 50 . Brakel (a), p. 16.

95As mentioned earlier, Winstedt, Voorhoeve, and Brakel have all pointed out that some Malay versions of HMH are prefaced with another mystical story about the creation of Muḥammad and his light, i.e. Hikayat Nur Muhammad (HNM), which is not found in Add. 8149. Indeed, they are still uncertain whether part I (the killings of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn), part II (the Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah revenge story), and HNM are found in one manuscript or whether both the Persian and Malay versions were “one unified text, consisting of two or more parts, or […] two or more originally independent fragments which have been combined.”50

96To provide an answer to such uncertainties, and before referring to DMJ, Brakel’s statement should be examined:

  • 51 . Ibid.

In Acehnese literature these three [I. HNM.; II Hikayat Hasan dan Husain (= part one); III HMH (= part two)] are still found separately. In Malay, one finds separate copies of the HNM (in many different redactions) but perhaps only one ms. of a separate Hikayat Hasan dan Husain, and as far as I know no separate mss. of the Hikayat Muh. Hanafiyah proper. II and III at least are translations from Persian, and they are already found combined in a ms. of the Persian original (Br. Mus. Add. 8149) […] in our ms. however the beginning of III is clearly marked51.

97Now, let’s discuss it as follows:

98The above structure described by Brakel is found in DMJ, as well. In most of the DMJ manuscripts, The Story of the Killing of Ḥassan and Ḥusayn (part I) is separate from that of Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah (part II). In some cases, however, as in GA and NP, it is not.

99Although there are many paragraphs in DMJ that highlight the creation of Muḥammad, the GA ms. ends with a story called Nūr-nāma-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Rasūl Allāh (“The Book of the Light of the Prophet”) (part III) (fols: 158-62), which is about the creation of Muḥammad from light. This work is largely similar to the Persian, Arabic, and Malay HNM. It starts with a conversation between Gabriel and Muḥammad in which the latter tells the former: ū sitārah az nūr-i man ast (“that star is from my light”). The story ends by mentioning the existence of 990 copies of Nūr-nāma during the lifetime of Muḥammad Ghazālī and references to the particular attention that Maḥmūd of Ghazna had paid to it (fig. 3).

100Also, other versions of DMJ, such as 14248, preserved in the library of the Parliament in Tehran, are bound with other stories, such as the Wafāt-nāma; these stories are largely similar to that of Muḥammad’s death as it appears in HMH.

101Obviously, whether part I, II, and III are or are not separate can be seen in the various DMJ MSS. Malay scribes seem to have followed or been influenced by the way in which DMJ was written or copied by Muslims in Central or South Asia.

Final remarks

102This study has shown how Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah, whose role is frequently seen in the legendary part of the text (part II), was indigenized and established as the hero of a particular region. It shows that scribes tried to localize Muḥammad Ḥanafiyyah to make him one of their own, ruling a territory that was not limited to Boeniara. Moreover, although Brakel and other scholars opined that HMH is based on the Persian manuscript Add. 8149 in the British Library, this article has shown the possibility that HMH was dependent on the Persian text DMJ, which has been studied for the first time here. Interestingly enough, not only is DMJ’s story older but it is also more detailed than the Add. 8149 manuscript, so that those chapters of HMH whose parallels Brakel could not find in Add. 8149 do appear in DMJ. Furthermore, the final question posed by earlier scholars regarding the link between HNM and parts I and II of HMH has been answered, as DMJ manuscripts also place part I and II of HMH alongside HNM. Finally, this essay has tried to build on earlier literature to shed more light on the Persian origin of HMH.

APPENDIX

The DMJ manuscripts available to the author

103MS Or. 565, Leiden University Library, Leiden

104MS Or. 877, Leiden University Library, Leiden

105MS 170, Auckland Libraries, Auckland

106MS 853, University of Michigan Special Collections Library, Michigan

107Cod. Pers 187, Staatsbibliothek, Munich

108Cod. Pers 188, Staatsbibliothek, Munich

109MS 29, The National Library of Iran, Tehran

110MS 258, The National Library of Iran, Tehran

111MS 27641, The National Library of Iran, Tehran

112MS 33429, The National Library of Iran, Tehran

113MS 14248, Iranian Parliament Library, Tehran

114MS 19495, Iranian Parliament Library, Tehran

115MS 53, Talaat Library, Cairo

116PAK-001-0770, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

117PAK-001-1043, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

118PAK-001-1471, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

119PAK-001-0487, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

120PAK-001-1180, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

121PAK-001-1506, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

122PAK-001-1666, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

123PAK-001-1498, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

124PAK-001-2123, Ganj Bakhsh, Islamabad

The Catalogue-based examination of DMJ Manuscripts

125MS 40539, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

126MS 40550, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

127MS 40551, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

128MS 27706, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

129MS 46429, SOAS Library, London

130MS 1959, Kaiserlich-Königlichen Hofbibliothek zu Wien, Vienna

131MS 26/1, Library of Dargah Aliyah Mahdaviyh, Palanpur, Gujarat

132MS Corpus, No. 88, Libraries of the University and Colleges of Cambridge, Cambridge

133MS Egerton 1026, British Museum (now British Library), London

134Nos. 1762 and 1882, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, India Office Library, London

135MS 40539, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

136MS 40550, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

137MS 40551, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

138MS 27706, Central Library of Astan Quds Razavi, Mashhad

139Sh. 211, National Library of Tajikistan, Dushanbe

140Sh. 201, National Library of Tajikistan, Dushanbe

141Cod. 19, The Russian State Library/V. I. Lenin State Library of the USSR, Moscow

142Cod. 20, The Russian State Library/ V. I. Lenin State Library of the USSR, Moscow

143Cod. 2870, Academy of Sciences of Turkmenistan, Ashgabat

144MS B 1006, The Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences/ Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow

145MS 12750, Marʿashi Najafi Library, Qum

146MS 10680, Marʿashi Najafi Library, Qum

147MS 54, McGill University Persian Manuscripts, Québec

148MS 5777, Imam Sadiq University, Tehran

149MS 544, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

150MS 545, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

151MS 546, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

152MS 547, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

153MS 548, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

154MS 549, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

155MS 550, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

156MS 551, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

157MS 552, Nikolay Lobachevsky Scientific Library, Kazan

Fig. 1 – From left to right: the colophons of OL and OP

Fig. 1 – From left to right: the colophons of OL and OP

158

Fig. 2 – From left to right: the end of the part I and the beginning of the part II in NP. The different hands are obvious. Part II starts with the heading “Khabar shudan-i Imām Ḥanīfah va Intiqām az Yazīdi-ān Badbakhtān Giriftan.”

Fig. 2 – From left to right: the end of the part I and the beginning of the part II in NP. The different hands are obvious. Part II starts with the heading “Khabar shudan-i Imām Ḥanīfah va Intiqām az Yazīdi-ān Badbakhtān Giriftan.”

Fig 3 – Nūr-nāmah-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Rasūl Allāh, GA ms.

Fig 3 – Nūr-nāmah-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Rasūl Allāh, GA ms.
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Notes

1 . In written form, “Ḥanafiyyah” is sometimes rendered “Ḥanafiyya” or “Ḥanīfah.”

2 . Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals. An annotated translation by C.C. Brown, with a new introduction by R. Roolvink, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 162-163.

3 . Edwin Wieringa, “Does Traditional Islamic Malay Literature Contain Shi‘itic Elements? ‘Alī and Fātimah in Malay Hikayat Literature,” Studia Islamika 3/4, 1996, pp. 93-111.

4 . Ph. S. van Ronkel, “Account of six Malay manuscripts of the Cambridge University Library,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 46/1, 1896, pp. 1-53; see also Winstedt, A History of Classical Malay Literature, Singapore, Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1939, p. 106.

5 . Charles Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, The British Museum, 1881, vol. 2, p. 819; V. Braginsky, The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views, Leiden, KITLV Press, 2005, pp. 181-182.

6 . Winstedt, 1939, p. 107.

7 . L.F. Brakel (a), The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah: A Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance, Berlin, Springer, 1981, p. 16.

8 . Hence, Brakel is the one who provided readers with the most comprehensive edition of the Malay HMH; this article inevitably refers to his works frequently.

9 . Winstedt, 1939, p. 107; Brakel (a), p. 16. See also P. Voorhoeve, “Les manuscrits malais de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris,” Archipel 6, 1973, pp. 42-80.

10 . Brakel (a), p. 16.

11 . Ibid., p. 24.

12 . Maqātil is the plural form of maqtal.

13 . Brakel (a), p. 54.

14 . L.F. Brakel (b), The Story of Muhammad Hanafiyyah, Leiden, Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 1977, p. v.

15 . Brakel (a), p. 54.

16 . See Majid Daneshgar, Middle Eastern and Islamic Manuscripts Held at Sir George Grey Special Collections Auckland Libraries New Zealand, Auckland, N.Z., Sir George Grey Special Collections, Auckland Libraries, 2018; Majid Daneshgar and Donald Kerr, Middle Eastern and Islamic Materials in Special Collections University of Otago, Dunedin, N.Z., Special Collections, University of Otago Library, 2017.

17 . His name is rendered slightly differently in some copies, as Sayf al-Dīn Ẓafar Bothohārī, Nūr-Bahārī, Tothohārī or Pothohārī, Sayf al-Dīn Ẓafar b. Burhān, Sayf Ẓafar ʿAlī, and, on one occasion, very differently, as Yūsuf Ẓafar Abū Ṭāhir.

18 . Sayyid Maḥmūd Marʿashī Najafī, Fihrist-i Nuskha-hā-yi Khaṭṭi-yi Kitāb-khāna-yi Buzurg-i Āyatullāh Marʿashī Najafī, Qum, Kitāb-khāna-yi Buzurg-i Āyatullāh Marʿashī Najafī, 1383/2004, vol. 32, no. 12750, and no. 10680, p. 405; Muḥammad Ḥossein Nūrī-niā et al. Fihrist-i Nuskha-hā-yi Khaṭṭī, Mashhad, Sāzmān-i Kitāb-khāni-hā, Mūzi-hā va Markaz-i Asnād-i Āstān-i Quds-i Razavī, 1388/2009, Manuscript no. 40539, p. 75.

19 . An alternative title is: “Dar Ḥikāyat Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿAlī Karram Allāh Wajhah bā Khātūn-i Jannat Fāṭimah Zahra (“On the Story of the Commanders of the Believers, ʿAlī, and the Lady of the Paradise, Fāṭimah”).

20 . See James Fuller Blumhardt and D.N. MacKenzie, Catalogue of Pashto Manuscripts in the Libraries of the British Isles, London, The Trustees of the British Museum and the Commonwealth Relations Office, 1965, pp. 108-114.

21 . Nonetheless, the table of contents shows it as “dar maqātil-i Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥasan va Amīr al-Muʾminīn Ḥusayn Raḍī-allāh ʿanh.”

22 English translations are found in the table, below.

23 English translations are found in the table, below.

24 . English translations are found in the table, below.

25 . English translations are found in the table, below.

26 . It is odd that both ʿAlī Asghar and Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn will rule the same regions. This also gave Winstedt the idea that “Zain al- ‘Abidin is installed ruler of Damascus in Indo-Malay Muslim fashion, seated on a throne with a Sanskrit name […]” Winstedt, 1939, p. 107.

27 . C. Snouck Hurgronje, De Atjehers, Leiden & Batavia, E.J. Brill & Landsdrukkerij, 1894, vol. 2, p. 180.

28 . Ibid.

29 . al-Balādhurī, Kitāb Jumal min Ansāb al-Ashrāf, Beirut, Dār al-Fikr, n.d., vol. 3, pp. 395-487. There are even disagreements on the birthdate of Muḥammad b. al-Ḥanafiyyah, either thirteen or twenty one years after Hijrah.

30 . Michael Lecker, “On the Markets of Medina (Yathrib) in Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Times,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8, 1986, pp. 133-147.

31 . I am grateful to Michael Lecker for drawing my attention to this point.

32 . Brakel (b), p. v.

33 . It should be noted that some reports suggest that his grave is located in other places, such as Medina.

34 . Jean Calmard, “Mohammad b. al-Hanafiyya dans la religion populaire, le folklore, les légendes dans le monde turco-persan et indo-persan,” Cahiers d’Asie centrale 5/6, 1998, pp. 201-220.

35 . Ibid.

36 . Braginsky 2005, p. 181. The followers of Kaysāniyyah believed that Muḥammad b. Ḥanafiyya is their Imām who is alive and hidden in the mountains of Raḍwā, near Medina. W. Madelung, “Kuraybiyya,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., ed. P. Bearman et al., Leiden, Brill, 1979, vol. 5, pp. 433-434.

37 . Marc Gaborieau, “Légende et culte du saint musulman Ghâzî Miyân au Népal occidental et en Inde du Nord,” Objets et Mondes 15/3, 1975, pp. 289-310. Jean Calmard, “Popular Literature under the Safavids,” in Society and Culture in the Early Modern Middle East: Studies on Iran in the Safavid Period, ed. Andrew J. Newman, Leiden & Boston, Brill, 2003, pp. 316-339.

38 . Or Banyan, which is a title used for Indian merchants who traded between India and the central and southern parts of Persia.

39 . There is a city called Akhond Zādah in contemporary Afghanistan.

40 . See for example, fl. 28 v and 29. However, further evidence is required to arrive at firm answers in this respect (i.e. Anbaz(i)).

41 . Personal comm. Edwin Wieringa, 30 January 2018.

42 . Jean Calmard, “Popular Literature under the Safavids”, 2003, pp. 316-339.

43 . Brakel (a), p. 64.

44 . I only had the chance to examine parts of this manuscript. Following other scholars, I will rely on Brakel who went through Add. 8149 completely.

45 . L.F. Brakel (b), p. 51.

46 . Ibid., pp. 206-207.

47 . Brakel (a), pp. 54-55.

48 . Brakel (b), p. 7.

49 . Braginsky, 2005, p. 183.

50 . Brakel (a), p. 16.

51 . Ibid.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 – From left to right: the colophons of OL and OP
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/793/img-1.jpg
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Titre Fig. 2 – From left to right: the end of the part I and the beginning of the part II in NP. The different hands are obvious. Part II starts with the heading “Khabar shudan-i Imām Ḥanīfah va Intiqām az Yazīdi-ān Badbakhtān Giriftan.”
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/793/img-2.jpg
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Titre Fig 3 – Nūr-nāmah-yi Ḥaḍrat-i Rasūl Allāh, GA ms.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/793/img-3.jpg
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Majid Daneshgar, « New Evidence on the Origin of the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah », Archipel, 96 | 2018, 69-102.

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Majid Daneshgar, « New Evidence on the Origin of the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah », Archipel [En ligne], 96 | 2018, mis en ligne le 20 novembre 2018, consulté le 12 décembre 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/793 ; DOI : 10.4000/archipel.793

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Auteur

Majid Daneshgar

Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Freiburg, Germany.

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Association Archipel

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