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Colonial agents and collectors

The Maxwell collection and local private libraries in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century

La collection Maxwell et les bibliothèques privées locales dans la péninsule malaise au XIXe siècle
Farouk Yahya
p. 239-280

Résumés

Cet article examine la collection de manuscrits et d’ouvrages imprimés malais de William Maxwell, un fonctionnaire administratif britannique en poste dans la péninsule malaise au XIXe siècle. Remarquable par sa grande diversité, la collection aborde des sujets aussi variés que la littérature, l’histoire, la religion et les sciences occultes. Acquis auprès de diverses sources locales, les ouvrages offrent un éclairage précieux sur l’acquisition et la circulation des livres dans la région à cette époque. Cet article s’attache ainsi à reconstituer certaines des bibliothèques privées locales qui ont constitué le noyau de la collection de Maxwell. Ce faisant, il vise à identifier les types de textes qui suscitaient l’intérêt dans la péninsule malaise au XIXe siècle. Parallèlement, il explore les relations entre Maxwell et les premiers propriétaires des ouvrages, replaçant ainsi la collection dans le contexte plus large des activités de bibliophilie locales et coloniales.

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  • 1 For the history of libraries in the Malay Peninsula, see Lim 1970. For a study of an eighteenth-cen (...)
  • 2 Black 2023: 372.

1The study of libraries and book collections in the Malay Peninsula prior to the twentieth century is crucial for our understanding of the development of literature, intellectual history, knowledge networks, material culture and social history of the region. However, this area of research is challenging due to the lack of data, surviving records and physical evidence of books and the materials involved in their production, usage and storage. While institutional libraries most likely existed in religious and learning centres such as mosques, monasteries and schools, we may also assume that there were private and personal libraries owned by individuals such as royalty, clergy, scholars, magicians and other members of society.1 Such libraries are an important resource for providing insight into the lives of the people of the region—they serve as “sites of memory and identity […] collections shaped by and imbued with the interests, concerns, and tastes of their memorialised owners.”2

2This paper aims to reconstruct some of the local private libraries in the Malay Peninsula, that later became the basis of the collection of Malay manuscripts and printed books of Sir William Maxwell (1846-1897), a British administrative officer stationed there during the second half of the nineteenth century. Currently mainly held in the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (RAS) in London, with additional material in the library of SOAS University of London and Leiden University Library, the collection is remarkable in terms of the quantity and variety of the material. Numbering more than 100 items, the texts they contain cover a wide range of topics, including literature, history, religion and the occult sciences. The Maxwell collection is thus of cultural and historical significance for the study of the Malay language, literature, art and culture as well as for the history of libraries in Southeast Asia.

3The items were acquired from various local sources, and this paper will focus on cases studies from Perak and Singapore. In doing so it aims to identify the types of texts that were of interest in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century. At the same time, it will explore the relationships between the original book owners and Maxwell, placing the collection within the broader context of local and colonial collecting activities.

Maxwell’s background

  • 3 On Maxwell’s life, see Kynnersley 1899; Makepeace 1921: 434–438; Kovilpillai 1958; Gullick 1991.

4William Edward Maxwell was born on 5 August 1846, the second son of Sir Peter Benson Maxwell (1816-1893), the first Chief Justice of the Straits Settlements.3 Maxwell attended Repton School in Derbyshire, and in 1865 at the age of 18 left England to join his father in Penang, where Sir Peter served as Recorder. Initially, Maxwell worked as his father’s private secretary, but soon assumed various positions in the Straits Settlements, mainly legal posts in Penang, Singapore and Melaka. Over time, he took on more administrative roles, such as becoming the Assistant Government Agent in Province Wellesley (Seberang Perai) in 1874.

  • 4 Low 1954: 33, note 7.
  • 5 For a summary of the events in Perak prior to Maxwell’s arrival, see Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934; L (...)

5His role in Province Wellesley led to his first contact with the neighbouring sultanate of Perak,4 a region that soon became particularly significant for his scholarship in Malay studies. Following the Pangkor Treaty of 1874, Perak became a British protected state, with the sultan remaining the head of state but required to have a British Resident as an adviser. In practice, the Resident was very much in charge of the state administration. An Assistant Resident was also appointed to manage administrative tasks, particularly in the tin-mining areas, while the Resident handled relations with the court and the local population.5

6In 1875 Maxwell assumed the role of Deputy Commissioner of the Larut Field Force during the Perak War (1875-1876), which broke out following the assassination of Perak’s first Resident, James W.W. Birch. In 1876, Maxwell served as Assistant Resident of Perak in the absence of the incumbent, Tristram Speedy. He then temporarily acted as Resident of Perak prior to the arrival of Hugh Low in 1877. Maxwell returned to Perak in 1878 to assume the role of Assistant Resident, being based in the rapidly developing town of Taiping in the Larut region. Taiping was flourishing due to its rich tin deposits and soon became the British administrative capital of Perak.

  • 6 Tordoff 1965: 56–109.

7Maxwell held this position until September 1882, when he was sent to Australia to study the Torrens land title system. He returned to the Malay Peninsula in 1883 and continued in various administrative roles, most notably as the Resident of Selangor in Kuala Lumpur from 1889 to 1892. Subsequently, he was appointed Colonial Secretary and later Acting Governor of the Straits Settlements in Singapore, serving from 1892 to 1894. In 1895, Maxwell was transferred to West Africa as the Governor of the Gold Coast (now Ghana), where he made the Asante kingdom a British Protectorate the following year and sent its king into exile.6 Maxwell died in 1897 at the age of 51 due to illness while returning on leave to Britain.

Maxwell’s manuscript collection

8In addition to his administrative duties, Maxwell was also a keen scholar of the Malay language, as well as of the local culture and history. According to British traveller Isabella Bird who was once his guest in Taiping in 1879:

  • 7 Bird 1883: 286.

Brought up among Malays, and speaking their language idiomatically, he not only likes them, but takes the trouble to understand them and enter into their ideas and feelings. He studies their literature, superstitions and customs carefully, and has made valuable notes upon them.7

  • 8 For a list of Maxwell’s publications, see Gullick 1991: 43–46.
  • 9 For a list of Maxwell’s manuscripts and printed books, see Blagden 1899; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Ga (...)
  • 10 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 166.
  • 11 Ibid.: 148.

9Maxwell published numerous works on these topics and was well respected as a scholar by his peers. Among his key publications is a book entitled Manual of the Malay language (1882) as well as numerous articles in the Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, for which he was editor between 1883 and 1887.8 Many of Maxwell’s publications were based on his own personal experiences as well as the Malay texts that he had diligently collected. Manuscripts were either collected or copied, and oral texts were written down. In 1898 his collection, comprising 66 manuscripts and 43 printed books, was bequeathed to the Royal Asiatic Society. Additionally, a further six manuscripts are held at SOAS Library and another is now in Leiden University Library.9 The earliest dated manuscript that Maxwell had commissioned is a group of riddles (seloka) copied in Penang in 1867, when he was 21 years old (SOAS Library MS 46944, fols. 17r-18r; Fig. 1 – Seloka (riddles), Penang, 1867. SOAS Library, MS 46944, fol. 18r (photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of SOAS Library Special Collections). 1).10 The latest is a two-volume copy of the Hikayat Hang Tuah [Tale of Hang Tuah], completed at the end of his tenure in Selangor in 1892 (RAS Maxwell 77 and 78).11

Fig. 1 Seloka (riddles), Penang, 1867. SOAS Library, MS 46944, fol. 18r

Fig. 1 – Seloka (riddles), Penang, 1867. SOAS Library, MS 46944, fol. 18r

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of SOAS Library Special Collections

  • 12 Ibid.: 144, 149.
  • 13 Ibid.: 147.
  • 14 Proudfoot 1993: 104.
  • 15 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145; Farouk 2013: 384–411.
  • 16 Gallop 2015: 206.
  • 17 Royal Asiatic Society 2013: [9].
  • 18 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 150.

10These texts cover a diverse range of subjects, reflecting Maxwell’s broad scholarly interests. Given his background and role, many of the works in his collection focus on local laws, customs and history, such as the Undang-undang Melaka [Laws of Melaka] (RAS Maxwell 5) and the Salasilah raja-raja Perak [Genealogy of the Perak kings] RAS Maxwell 103).12 Additionally, Maxwell had a keen interest in Malay literature, collecting works like the Hikayat bayan budiman [Tale of the wise parrot] (RAS Maxwell 46)13 and the Syair Abdul Muluk [Poem of Abdul Muluk] (RAS Maxwell 84).14 His collection also includes texts on the occult sciences, such as on divination (RAS Maxwell 15).15 While British colonial scholar-administrators generally showed limited interest in Islamic materials from Southeast Asia,16 Maxwell did collect some religious texts, including a part of the Qur’an with commentary (RAS Arabic 64)17 and a dhikr (RAS Malay 115).18 All these works demonstrate his wide-ranging scholarly interests and his dedication to understanding the Malay cultural and intellectual heritage.

11Maxwell collected Malay texts from various social and economic classes, all of which offer valuable insights into the manuscript culture and the nature of local libraries in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century. The following study will focus on those belonging to two sections of society—the upper and middle classes—and seeks to analyse their characteristics.

Manuscripts belonging to the Perak royal court

  • 19 Farouk 2013: 391.

12In some cases, detailed information exists regarding the original owners and the circumstances surrounding their acquisition. There are 28 manuscripts that can be attributed to his time in Perak between 1876 and 1882. Among these, five are originals that he had collected from local Malay owners. Two others contain Maxwell’s own transliterations, translations and notes of the Malay manuscripts that he had studied, as well as possibly records of oral traditions. The remaining manuscripts are new copies that Maxwell commissioned from local scribes. Based on the colophons, many of these manuscripts were copied for him in two distinct years: 1879 and 1882.19

13In 1879, fourteen manuscripts were copied. In an 1881 article, Maxwell notes that during that year he had acquired a collection of Malay manuscripts that had once belonged to the Perak royal family:

  • 20 Maxwell 1881: 81.

In 1879… A chest of native manuscripts which had belonged to former Sultans of Perak was opened at the British Residency, and among them was a small MS. volume containing the laws of the State.20

Fig. 2 Perak ciri, Perak, c. 1879. SOAS Library, MS 46943(B), fol. 17v

Fig. 2 – Perak ciri, Perak, c. 1879. SOAS Library, MS 46943(B), fol. 17v

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of SOAS Library Special Collections

  • 21 Ibid.
  • 22 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145.

14This refers to a manuscript dated 1234/1819 containing a treatise on the Laws of Pahang, Perak and Johor together with the ciri, a type of Malay ritual oath which is recited during the installation of a chief or court official.21 Maxwell had this manuscript copied with the permission (dengan izin) of Raja (later Sultan) Idris b. Raja Iskandar (1849-1916). This copy, completed on 3 Rabīʿ al-Ākhir 1296/27 March 1879, is now Part B of RAS Maxwell 17.22 Part A of RAS Maxwell 17 (an extract from the Tāj al-salāṭīn [The crown of kings]) was copied a few months later, dated 16 Rajab 1296/5 July 1879, from another manuscript dated 1273/1856, which most likely belonged to the same collection.

  • 23 Ibid.: 165–166. Maxwell discusses this manuscript briefly in his notes in SOAS Library MS 46942, fo (...)

15This ciri (without the code of laws) also appears with other examples of the ciri from Brunei in an undated manuscript now in SOAS Library (MS 46943(B); Fig. 2).23 Here, a note by Raja Idris, written beneath the Perak ciri, mentions that he presented it to Maxwell, whom he refers to as “my friend” (“sahabat beta”).

Ini ciri yang terpakai di dalam negeri Perak Darul Ridzuan. Daripada izin[?] Raja Idris ibn al-marhum Bendahara Iskandar Perak, dimaklumkan kepada [?] sahabat beta Tuan Maxwell Assistant Resident Larut yang mulia, adanya.

[signed] Rajah Idris

  • 24 The note by Raja Idris and Maxwell’s translation appear to have been crossed out.

[English translation] This is the “Chiri” (mystic installation formula) which is in use in the State of Perak, Abode of Paradise, presented by me Raja Idris son of the late Bendahara Iskandar of Perak to my friend W. Maxwell, Assistant Reside[nt] of Larut (fol. 17v).24

  • 25 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 147, 149–150.

16Unfortunately, the contents of the other manuscripts housed in the Perak royal chest is unknown. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that several manuscripts were copied for Maxwell between May and September that year, and there is a possibility that they came from the same chest. The subjects covered by these manuscripts cover practical and literary works. These include a copy of the Pantun alif ba ta [Poem of the alphabet] (dated 14 Jumādā al-Awwal 1296/6 May 1879, RAS Maxwell 48), a collection of mantras for elephants (dated 25 Rajab 1296/15 July 1879, RAS Maxwell 107), the Kitab perintah pawang [Book of the pawang’s instructions] (dated 21 Shaʿbān 1296/10 August 1879, RAS Maxwell 106) and the Hikayat bayan budiman (dated 22 Ramaḍān 1296/9 September 1879, RAS Maxwell 46).25

  • 26 Ibid.: 147; Farouk 2016: 290–291, fig. 146; Farouk 2017: 209, 216–217, 222, fig. 8.

17However, it is important to highlight that not all manuscripts that were copied for Maxwell in 1879 derived from the Perak chest. For instance, RAS Maxwell 53, a copy of a divinatory wheel diagram, dated 5 Shaʿbān 1296/24 July 1879, was copied not from this particular collection but from a manuscript belonging to Maxwell’s colleague, Hugh Low, that was obtained in Borneo.26

  • 27 The conflation between royal and state libraries can be found, for instance, in eighth-century Japa (...)
  • 28 Maxwell 1881: 81. On the Perak regalia, see Swettenham 1887: 224–225; Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: (...)

18It remains unclear whether these manuscripts were part of a larger royal library or belonged specifically to Raja Idris’s personal collection. If they were part of the former, the question arises as to whether they were owned personally by the sultan or by the state as part of an institutional library; or perhaps there was no clear distinction between the two.27 Maxwell’s observation that the books in the chest belonged to the “former Sultans of Perak” suggests personal ownership. However, the 1234/1819 manuscript, copied for Maxwell as RAS Maxwell 17, was not merely a personal book. The ciri it contains was considered part of the Perak royal regalia—items that, in Malay culture, legitimised the sovereign’s rule.28

  • 29 Josselin de Jong 1980: 27.
  • 30 McNair 1878: 118, 247.

19Meanwhile, other texts that may have come from the chest focus on kingship and governance, such as the Tāj al-salāṭīn, a work from the “mirror for princes” genre, and the Hikayat bayan budiman, which in neighbouring Kelantan was traditionally part of the heir apparent’s education.29 The collection of mantras for elephants was likely used for managing royal elephants, which were also considered part of the Perak sultan’s regalia.30

  • 31 Newbold 1839: vol. 2, p. 193; also vol. 1, p. 222.
  • 32 Maxwell 1878: 184–187; Maxwell 1882, where it was partially translated on pp. 95–108; Roolvink 1967 (...)
  • 33 Maxwell 1878: 187.
  • 34 Ceridwen 2001: 25–31.

20Meanwhile, some texts that one might expect to be part of the royal library appear to have been held elsewhere. In 1839, Thomas Newbold noted that Malay royal regalia typically included a book of genealogical descent (silsilah) and a code of laws, along with various weapons and textiles.31 While the Laws were grouped with the ciri in the 1234/1819 manuscript, the Perak silsilah seems to have been kept by other individuals. In an article published in 1878, Maxwell provides valuable insights into his acquisition of this text, now RAS Maxwell 105 (Fig. 3).32 He writes that he had “obtained it from the late Raja Osman, the last Perak Bendahara.”33 Raja Osman (d. 1876) was the son of Sultan Ali al-Mukammil Inayat Shah (r. 1865-1871) who was appointed Raja Bendahara (heir presumptive) in 1871. Although the exact circumstances of Maxwell’s acquisition remain unclear, it is likely that it occurred sometime between November 1875, when Maxwell became Deputy Commissioner of the Larut Field Force, and November 1876, when Raja Osman passed away. It is possible that Raja Osman may have presented the manuscript to Maxwell to cultivate favour with the British, potentially seeking political advantages.34

Fig. 3 Silsilah raja-raja Perak, Perak, c. 1815-1840. RAS Maxwell 105, fol. 1r

Fig. 3 – Silsilah raja-raja Perak, Perak, c. 1815-1840. RAS Maxwell 105, fol. 1r

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

  • 35 Ibid.: 51.

21The manuscript was copied onto British paper and measures approximately 19 × 11.5 cm. It comprises 36 folios, although the initial folio is unfortunately missing, leaving only half of an illuminated double-page spread on the surviving first folio. While lacking a colophon, it was likely produced after 1815, as it concludes with the death of the Raja Bendahara Raja Mahmud b. Raja Ibrahim (d. 1815), marking the final episode documented in the text.35 In addition, the date 1255 [1839-1840] is inscribed in the margin of one of the pages of the manuscript (fol. 4v). Following the main text are brief instructions for conducting prayers for the dead (sembahyangkan orang mati) (fol. 39r).

  • 36 Maxwell 1878: 184.
  • 37 Skeat 1900: 33–34.
  • 38 Klinkert 1866: 177.
  • 39 Gallop 1994: 92–103.
  • 40 Blagden 1899: 129.

22Maxwell provides additional details regarding the manuscript. He observes that the manuscript was “well-thumbed,” as indicated by dark patches on the bottom corners of the pages, attesting to its frequent handling. Furthermore, Maxwell highlights that the manuscript had been treated with reverence and regarded as a precious artefact. It was carefully wrapped in a textile known as tetampan and secured with an outer wrapper made of yellow cloth, likely made of silk.36 In Malay society, yellow is designated exclusively for the use of the king and the royal family,37 emphasising the royal significance of this manuscript. A similar treatment of a historical text was reported in 1866 by H.C. Klinkert, who was based in Riau at the time. He describes a copy of the Sejarah Melayu [Malay annals] wrapped in a yellow silk cover, brought out and read during festivities, accompanied by the firing of cannons.38 Royal letters from various parts of Southeast Asia were also sent in yellow silk envelopes.39 Regrettably, neither the tetampan nor the outer wrapper have survived. A list of Maxwell’s books compiled by Charles Blagden and published in 1899, shortly after the collection entered the Royal Asiatic Society, notes that the manuscript was “wrapped up in ornamental cloth.”40 However, the manuscript currently has a modern Western-style binding,—it is likely that both the tetampan and the outer wrapper were discarded when the manuscript was rebound.

  • 41 Witkam 2019: [307]; see also Roolvink 1967: 306, note 12.

23In 1888, while serving as Acting Resident Councillor of Penang, Maxwell commissioned a copy of this manuscript. This copy became part of the collection of the Dutch scholar Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1857-1936) and is now housed in the Leiden University Library (Cod. Or. 7645).41 Maxwell must have given the manuscript to Snouck Hurgronje, exemplifying the network of scholarship and the exchange of materials among European scholars during the late nineteenth century.

  • 42 On Raja Haji Yahya, see Farouk 2013: 397–399.
  • 43 Maxwell 1884; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.
  • 44 Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 152.
  • 45 Ceridwen 2001: 25.
  • 46 Maxwell 1881: 81.

24Additionally, another version of the Perak silsilah, dated 1299/1881, was held by Raja Haji Yahya b. Raja Daud (d. 1903), the Imam Paduka Tuan (a religious dignitary) of the Perak court.42 Now RAS Maxwell 103, Maxwell later used this as a basis for an article in 1884.43 The dispersed holdings of the Perak royal genealogies suggest that the royal library may have been fluid, with certain books held by different individuals based on their roles within the court and royal family. While Raja Haji Yahya may have been the court historian or genealogist,44 it is however unclear why Raja Osman possessed a copy of the genealogy, or how he had acquired it.45 In addition, the political instability in Perak during the nineteenth century further complicated matters. Maxwell himself noted that the ciri had “disappeared several reigns back, in one of the petty wars which were formerly common in Perak,” until it was found in the chest of manuscripts in 1879.46

25The role played by Raja Idris in the manuscripts copied for Maxwell is also worth considering. Apart from RAS Maxwell 17, Idris played a significant part in facilitating the copying of the Kitab perintah pawang (RAS Maxwell 106) for Maxwell, as indicated by the note on the flyleaf of the manuscript, “Menyuratkan dengan hukuman Tengku Raja Idris, hakim besar” (“Written under the instructions of Tengku Raja Idris, the high judge”). His involvement raises important questions about the management and access to the manuscripts in the royal chest. The fact that the ciri remained undiscovered for many years suggests that no one was actively overseeing the chest of manuscripts until it was eventually brought to Maxwell’s attention.

26Other more practical matters could also be investigated. For example, if we are able to trace the original Malay manuscripts that were in the chest, we would then be able to see if the Maxwell copies resemble the originals in terms of text and art. This could shed light into the copying process of Malay manuscripts and any potential textual and artistic variations that may have been introduced.

The collection of Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah

27In some instances, such as with Raja Osman, Maxwell acquired or copied only one manuscript from each individual. The lack of information regarding the contents and extent of these individuals’ collections limits our ability to gain a broader view of their library holdings as well as their intellectual and literary interests. A notable exception involves books that had belonged to an individual named Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah (fl. 1836-1878). The Maxwell collection at the RAS includes at least 14 Malay manuscripts and three printed books that were previously owned by him. Additionally, there is a further manuscript now kept in the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, as well as two printed books in the Special Collections of the SOAS Library. These are all listed and numbered in the Appendix at the end of this article.

  • 47 Proudfoot 1993: 208.
  • 48 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145–146.
  • 49 Ibid.: 146.
  • 50 Ibid.: 148–149.
  • 51 Ibid.: 148.
  • 52 Ibid.: 149.
  • 53 Ibid.: 144.

28These manuscripts and printed books provide a unique opportunity to reconstruct the private library of a specific individual and gain insights into their literary and intellectual interests. Around 65% of Muhammad’s collection comprises literary and historical works in prose, including texts such as the Hikayat Darma Ta’sia [Tale of Darma Ta’sia] (RAS Maxwell 92b and 95b, nos. 11 and 12 in the Appendix),47 the Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ [Tales of the prophets] (RAS Maxwell 22 and 23, no. 13; Fig. 4)48 and the Sejarah Melayu (RAS Maxwell 26, no. 3; Fig. 12).49 His collection also includes poetry (syair), ranging from romantic works like the Syair Selindung Delima [Poem of Selindung Delima] (RAS Maxwell 82, no. 10),50 to those related to religion and mysticism such as the Syair maʿrifat [Poem of cognition] (RAS Maxwell 63, no. 7).51 A few manuscripts served practical purposes, such as those on marriage laws (Īḍāḥ al-albāb li-murīd al-nikāḥ bi’l-ṣawāb [Clarification of understandings for one who seeks a good marriage] by Daud al-Fatani, RAS Maxwell 87, no. 1, Fig. 6)52 and dream interpretation (Kitab takbir mimpi [Book of dream interpretation], RAS Maxwell 12, no. 14).53 It is also reasonable to assume that he possessed additional books in his collection, potentially including those relating to other topics and genres. While in most cases the reasons for his selection of the texts are unclear, in the colophon of the dream interpretation manuscript he provides a rationale. According to Muhammad, he had copied it “so that it would be easier to interpret dreams” (“supaya akan dapat senang mentafsirkan makna mimpinya itu”).

  • 54 Ibid.: 148.
  • 55 Jones 1979: 29–30; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 292; Kua 2018: 85.
  • 56 Kua 2018: 84.

29Limited information is available about Muhammad himself, apart from what can be derived from the colophons and ownership notes. In RAS Maxwell 60, Hikayat raja berputera [Tales of kings begetting sons] (dated 12 Rajab, although the year is unspecified, no. 15), he identifies himself as an “orang Melaka” (“person from Melaka”).54 The earliest Malay manuscript associated with Muhammad, Malay 6 in the Ancient India and Iran Trust in Cambridge (no. 20), is a volume containing the Hikayat Raja Handak [Tale of Raja Handak] and Tales of the prophets.55 According to the colophon of the former (p. 58), Muhammad completed copying it (wa-kutiba) on 18 Ramaḍān 1252 (26 December 1836), and that its owner was a “Tuan Eban” (“Master Evans”). On the following page (p. 59) is inscribed “Edwin Evans, A.C. College, Malacca, December 31st, 1836”. This refers to Edwin Evans (1820-1852), son of John Evans (1801-1840), then Principal of the Anglo-Chinese College in Melaka. Edwin was the Librarian of the College, which, while primarily housing Chinese books, also kept several Malay manuscripts.56 These inscriptions however suggest that the manuscript was part of Edwin’s own personal collection rather than for the College library. The motivations behind Edwin’s interest in these texts and the full extent of his collection require further investigation. It is also unclear whether Muhammad had copied other Malay manuscripts during this period, either for Edwin, the College, or for other individuals and institutions.

  • 57 Jones 1979; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 290–292.
  • 58 Blagden 1911: 910; Ellen, Hooker and Milner 1981: 82–83.
  • 59 Jones 1979: 26. Further Malay manuscripts that he had collected are currently held at SOAS Library (...)

30This manuscript was one of six Malay manuscripts owned by Sir Harold Bailey (1899-1996), Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Cambridge, that he had acquired from Heffers Bookshop in Cambridge sometime before 1967.57 Three of these six manuscripts were owned by Dudley F.A. Hervey (1849-1911), a British colonial officer. Hervey joined the Civil Service of the Straits Settlements in 1867 and served in Melaka as a Magistrate in 1880, Acting Resident Councillor in 1881 and Resident Councillor from 1882 until his retirement in 1893, after which he moved to Suffolk.58 It is likely that the remaining three Malay manuscripts in the Trust, including Malay 6, were also part of Hervey’s collection.59 If this is the case, then Malay 6 may have entered Hervey’s collection when he was based in Melaka during the 1880s-1890s, perhaps via the Evans family.

  • 60 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 104.
  • 61 Proudfoot 1993: 118, 519.

31However, it appears that Hervey was also personally acquainted with Muhammad. In 1876, Muhammad gifted one manuscript and two printed books to Hervey. The manuscript is on the history of Kedah (Sejarah Kedah, Bodleian Malay c.5, no. 17), copied in Singapore (no year or name of scribe given), with Muhammad’s name inscribed beneath the colophon. An ownership note at the front of the manuscript bears Hervey’s name and the date of 1 April 1876 in Singapore.60 A few months after Hervey received the Bodleian manuscript, in August 1876, Muhammad gifted him (hadiahkan) two printed books that had been published in Singapore in 1873: the Syair unggas soal jawab [Poem of birds questioning and answering], (SOAS Library ER2055/37062, no. 18) and Syair terubuk [Poem of the terubuk fish], (SOAS Library ER2055/37078, no. 19).61 The exact relationship between Muhammad and Hervey requires further investigation. It is also unclear whether these printed books were from Muhammad’s own private collection that he decided to give to Hervey, or if he had purchased them as gifts.

  • 62 Blue Book 1889: N2-N3.

32It seems that by this time Muhammad had relocated to Singapore. In the note beneath the colophon of the Bodleian manuscript, Muhammad mentions that he was a “kerani polis” (“police clerk”). Muhammad again describes himself as a “kerani polis” in the two-volume Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ (RAS Maxwell 22 and 23, no. 13; Fig. 4) dated two years later in 1878. He could thus be identified with “Mahomed bin Abdul Fattah,” a clerk (cashier) in the Magistrate’s Office in Singapore, who retired in 1879, according to the 1888 Blue Book for the Straits Settlements.62 At the time of its publication, Mahomed was 77 years old, thus indicating his birth year as 1811.

  • 63 Straits Times 1874.
  • 64 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145–146.

33Muhammad appears to have been active in the local writing scene. A report in a Singaporean newspaper, The Straits Times, from 1874 mentions a paper on Malay history by a “Mahomed bin Haji Abdul Fattah,” winning one of the Keasberry Prizes for that year.63 Nevertheless, despite his skill in writing and copying texts, many of the manuscripts in his collection were copied by others. The Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ, for instance, was copied by a Hamid b. Muhammad Nuruddin from Limbongan, Melaka.64

  • 65 Ibid.: 149.
  • 66 Proudfoot 1993: 208.

34Others were either purchased or given to him as gifts. For example, in 1852 Muhammad purchased a copy of the Hikayat Nabi Mikraj [Tale of the Prophet’s ascent] (RAS Maxwell 97, no. 4; Fig. 5)65 from an individual named Enci’ Husin Kaling. Many others were gifts. A printed volume containing the Hikayat Darma Ta’sia and the Hikayat Abu Nawas [Tale of Abu Nawas], (RAS Maxwell 95b and c, no. 12),66 for example, was received as a gift (dapat hadiah) from a Haji Maudin in 1876. These items are important for understanding the commodification and exchange of Malay manuscripts and printed books, although this is beyond the scope of this paper.

Fig. 4 Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ, probably Singapore, dated 1295/1878. RAS Maxwell 23, p. 583

Fig. 4 – Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ, probably Singapore, dated 1295/1878. RAS Maxwell 23, p. 583

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS

Fig. 5 Hikayat Nabi Mikraj, probably Singapore, by 1852. RAS Maxwell 97, fol. [34]v

Fig. 5 – Hikayat Nabi Mikraj, probably Singapore, by 1852. RAS Maxwell 97, fol. [34]v

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

35At the same time, these items can also provide us with a glimpse into a further layer of local Southeast Asian libraries, specifically those of the original owners from whom Muhammad had purchased or received gifts. This process is similar to opening a Russian doll or peeling an onion, and can reveal insights into the collection and dissemination of books in the Malay Peninsula. For instance, we may consider the manuscripts originally owned by an individual named al-Haji Muhammad Hasan al-Khatib b. Muhammad Ali. One is the aforementioned book on marriage, Īḍāḥ al-albāb (RAS Maxwell 87, no. 1). According to its colophon (fol. 123r), this manuscript was copied in 1240/1825 by a Tuan Haji Abdul Wahab. A note at the end of the manuscript (fol. 127v), underneath the date 1240/1825, mentions that it was owned by Muhammad Hasan (Fig. 6). Muhammad Hasan also remarks on the front flyleaf that he was from Johor (asal-asal orang Johor), while the back of the front flyleaf is imprinted with his seal, although this is damaged. Twenty-eight years later, in 1270/1853-1854, Muhammad Hasan added a further note on fol. 127v stating that he had gifted it to Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah. The nature of their relationship remains unclear.

Fig. 6 Daud al-Fatani, Īḍāḥ al-albāb, Johor or Singapore, dated 1240/1825. RAS Maxwell 87, fol. 127v

Fig. 6 – Daud al-Fatani, Īḍāḥ al-albāb, Johor or Singapore, dated 1240/1825. RAS Maxwell 87, fol. 127v

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

  • 67 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148; Gallop 2019: 713, cat. no. 2135.

36Muhammad Hasan’s seal also appears in another manuscript, a work on the Islamic creed titled Taḥṣīl nayl al-marām [Achieving the goal], dated 1263/1847 (RAS Maxwell 80, no. 16).67 Ownership notes at the beginning and end of this manuscript however give the name Enci’ Muhammad Ali b. al-Haji Muhammad Hasan Khatib, presumably Muhammad Hasan’s son. Muhammad Hasan’s seal, dated 1261/1845-1846, appears at the end of the manuscript (Fig. 7). It is likely that this manuscript, like RAS Maxwell 87, was also gifted to Muhammad Abdul Fattah, although this is not explicitly stated.

Fig. 7 Taḥṣīl nayl al-marām, probably Malay Peninsula, dated 1263/1847. RAS Maxwell 80, fols. [31]v-[32]r

Fig. 7 – Taḥṣīl nayl al-marām, probably Malay Peninsula, dated 1263/1847. RAS Maxwell 80, fols. [31]v-[32]r

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

  • 68 <https://www.hmmlcloud.org/dreamsea/detail.php?msid=8167> (last accessed 3 October 2025). See also (...)

37A third manuscript from Muhammad Hasan’s collection has recently surfaced in Borneo, via the efforts of the DREAMSEA (Digital Repository of Endangered and Affected Manuscripts in Southeast Asia) project in digitising the royal Kotawaringin collection in the Istana Pangeran Adipati Mangkubumi, Pangkalan Bun, Kalimantan (Project No. DS 0136 00015).68 The manuscript is an illustrated and illuminated copy of the devotional text Sharaf al-anām [Honour of humankind]. Muhammad Hasan’s seal appears twice (fols. 2v and 50v), together with multiple ownership notes, in which he writes that he had purchased the manuscript in 1260/1844-1845 from a person from Terengganu for the price of four ringgit and one tali (fols. 1r, 2r, 2v, 50v). Like in RAS Maxwell 80, the name Muhammad Ali b. Muhammad Hasan also appears within (fol. 1v). At the front of the manuscript (fol. 1r) is another ownership note, this time with the name Kiai Mas Tumenggung Warganata Abdul Rahman b. Kiai Mas Tumenggung Dipanata Abdul Amin (?) of “Kota Ringin.” His relationship to Muhammad Hasan, and how the manuscript ended up in his hands, is unclear.

38All three manuscripts deal with religious content, which align with Muhammad Hasan’s role as a khatib (religious preacher). However, they were not used exclusively by Muhammad Hasan and his son but were also lent to others. Notes within the Maxwell manuscripts request borrowers to handle them with care and to return them promptly.

  • 69 Teeuw et al. 2004: vol. 1, p. 25; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

39It is unclear where Muhammad had acquired Muhammad Hasan’s manuscripts from. However, it is known that some of the materials in Muhammad’s collection were acquired in Singapore. For instance, a note dated 1847 in a manuscript containing a collection of poems (RAS Maxwell 58, fol. 1v, no. 2) mentions that Muhammad had obtained song titles (nama lagu orang bernyanyi) from someone in Singapore (Fig.  8).69

Fig. 8 Song titles. Collection of syair, Singapore, c. 1847. RAS Maxwell 58, fol. 1v

Fig. 8 – Song titles. Collection of syair, Singapore, c. 1847. RAS Maxwell 58, fol. 1v

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

Fig. 9 Hikayat Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān, Singapore, by 1283/1866. RAS Maxwell 56, p. 340

Fig. 9 – Hikayat Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān, Singapore, by 1283/1866. RAS Maxwell 56, p. 340

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS

  • 70 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 147.
  • 71 On Husin b. Ismail and his work, see Tol 2001; Tol 2020: 14–17. Many thanks to Henri Chambert-Loir (...)
  • 72 Such as the use of a “rectangular” lam-alif and the use of the letter kaf for ga, which are some of (...)

40Another Singaporean source was Husin b. Ismail, who in 1283/1866 gifted to Muhammad a copy of the Hikayat Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān [Tale of Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān], (RAS Maxwell 56, no. 5; Fig. 9).70 This individual is most likely Husin b. Ismail (fl. 1830-1865), a teacher, translator and scribe from Wajo, South Sulawesi, who resided in Singapore during the mid-nineteenth century.71 Proficient in both Bugis and Malay, Husin was a prolific scribe, with at least 100 manuscripts he copied now kept in various institutions worldwide. In the early 1840s, thirteen Bugis and Malay manuscripts that he had copied—mainly works on history and literature—were purchased by a United States Exploring Expedition (1838-1842) led by Captain Charles Wilkes (1798-1877) and are now in the Library of Congress. The handwriting in manuscript RAS Maxwell 56 suggests that it is the same Husin.72 However, whether the manuscript was given to Muhammad from Husin’s own collection, or whether it was specially copied as a gift to Muhammad, remains unclear.

Fig. 10 Hikayat Serangga Bayu, Singapore, by 1870. RAS Maxwell 59, fol. [57]v

Fig. 10 – Hikayat Serangga Bayu, Singapore, by 1870. RAS Maxwell 59, fol. [57]v

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

  • 73 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148–149.

41At the same time, there are five other manuscripts in the Maxwell collection that mention that they were gifted to Muhammad in 1870 by the “wife of Mr. Husin” (“isteri Enci’ Husin”): RAS Maxwell 59, 63, 76, 81 and 82. The names of the scribes are not given in the manuscripts, but the handwriting is similar, suggesting that they were copied by the same Husin b. Ismail. It is also notable that the manuscripts were given to Muhammad by Husin’s wife, indicating that Husin had likely passed away by then and that his wife decided to bequeath the manuscripts to Muhammad. This implies that the manuscripts were originally part of Husin’s own collection, offering a glimpse into his personal library and literary interests. The manuscripts include literary works in prose (Hikayat Serangga Bayu [Tale of Serangga Bayu], RAS Maxwell 59, no. 6 (Fig. 10); Hikayat Shah Mardan [Tale of Shah Mardan], RAS Maxwell 76, no. 8; Hikayat Maharaja Ali [Tale of Maharaja Ali], RAS Maxwell 81, no. 9) as well as poetry, both religious and romantic (Syair maʿrifat, RAS Maxwell 63, no. 7; Syair Selindung Delima; RAS Maxwell 82, no. 10).73

Fig. 11 Front cover of Hikayat Darma Ta’sia / Hikayat Abu Nawas, Singapore, ca. 1870. RAS Maxwell 92

Fig. 11 – Front cover of Hikayat Darma Ta’sia / Hikayat Abu Nawas, Singapore, ca. 1870. RAS Maxwell 92

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS

  • 74 Proudfoot 1993: 208.
  • 75 Gallop 1990: 109.

42Returning to Muhammad’s own library, the nature of his relationship with Maxwell and the circumstances surrounding Maxwell’s acquisition of Muhammad’s book collection remain unclear. It appears that they had become acquainted by the 1870s in Singapore, as the manuscripts and printed books dated in that period indicate that Maxwell had acquired at least some of Muhammad’s books at this stage. For instance, RAS Maxwell 92 (no. 11) is a printed book which combines the Hikayat Darma Ta’sia and the Hikayat Abu Nawas, followed by a syair.74 It is bound in an orange paper cover featuring a honeycomb pattern, of a type commonly found among Malay printed books of the nineteenth century (Fig. 11).75 The end of the Hikayat Abu Nawas bears the name of Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah, while the front is inscribed “W.E. Maxwell; Singapore 1872,” indicating that Maxwell acquired it in Singapore in 1872, likely from Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah himself.

  • 76 Ibid.: 208; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

43Meanwhile RAS Maxwell 95 (no. 12) is a compilation of various books bound together in a Western binding, but it is unclear whether they were bound together before or after entering Maxwell’s collection.76 Parts (b) and (c) of this compilation are the same Hikayat Darma Ta’sia and Hikayat Abu Nawas as RAS Maxwell 92, and again they were owned by Muhammad, although this copy is missing the syair and the honeycomb cover. As mentioned above, Muhammad received this copy as a gift from a Haji Maudin in 1876, indicating that it must have entered Maxwell’s collection after that year.

  • 77 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 144. Inside is inscribed “W.E. Maxwell Esquire / Magistrate of (...)

44It is likely that Muhammad and Maxwell crossed paths in Singapore at the Magistrate’s Office—Maxwell was the Magistrate of Police there in the 1870s (as also noted in RAS Maxwell 577). They may have bonded over a shared interest in Malay literature. For instance, it is interesting to note the presence of duplicate titles in the Maxwell collection, where similar works found amongst Muhammad’s books were also acquired by Maxwell from other sources. For instance, both RAS Maxwell 50 and RAS Maxwell 87 are of the Īḍāḥ al-albāb by Daud al-Fatani, indicating that Maxwell and Muhammad shared similar interests in certain texts. Further research is needed, however, to identify the points connection between these two individuals.

Characteristics of the libraries

  • 78 Josselin de Jong 1980: 27–28.
  • 79 Mandelbrote 2006: 178; see also Black 2023: 388.

45The above examples provide valuable insights into the characteristics of private libraries in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century. One aspect to consider is their profile, particularly in terms of the number of volumes and range of topics held. Books may serve many purposes, including for work, study, leisure and religious practices, and thus by looking at their titles we could gain an insight into the activities and interests of their owners. We can also try to see if certain classes of society tended to own certain types of books, as attempted by P.E. de Josselin de Jong in 1980.78 However, it is important to place the size and composition of a book collection in context. As Giles Mandelbrote has observed, “even a single book might take on profound significance for its owner”, and an owner’s interests may in fact change over time.79 Additionally, it should be noted that not all books in a library would necessarily have been read or used by their owner. Such books may have been received through inheritance or as gifts, acquired for their beauty, collectability or as a status symbol, or simply because the owner had lost interest in the subject or did not have time to read them.

46The books held by the Perak royals seem to be predominantly concerned with matters of kingship, such as lineage (the silsilah), rituals (the ciri), and governance (codes of law and the Tāj al-salāṭīn). However, these might not be the full extent of their collections as Maxwell likely only collected texts that were of interest to him. We also only have limited information about the background of the chest and its contents. Of the six manuscripts mentioned earlier, only one can be confirmed as originating from the royal chest, as it was mentioned by Maxwell in his 1881 article. The origins of the remaining five are still speculative, as their only connection is that they were copied around the same time, and thus it is unclear whether they too came from the chest.

  • 80 An example of a study on private libraries of the non-elite (focused on England) is Spufford 2006.

47The other collection considered was of Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah. He was a clerk in Singapore, and thus belongs to what may be called the middle-classes. His collection suggests that a typical private library of this socio-economic group may have consisted of approximately 20 books. It is predominantly focused on works on literature (including classic works such as the Sejarah Melayu as well as poetry), with a few titles on practical matters such as dream interpretation and marriage laws. However, he may have owned additional volumes that did not make it into the Maxwell collection. Furthermore, for individuals such as Muhammad, who were not prominent members of society, records about their lives are often rather scarce. Thus we lack detailed information about his background and educational level, which could help place his reading habits into context. There is also a paucity of studies on the book collections of other individuals from the same demographic.80 As such it is difficult to determine whether Muhammad’s collection was representative of middle-class private libraries during the nineteenth century.

  • 81 Low 1836: 87.
  • 82 Skeat 1953: 121.

48The books mentioned above are all in Malay, but it is reasonable to assume that both the Perak royals and Muhammad also possessed books in Arabic, particularly copies of the Qur’an and prayer books. In 1836, James Low noted that Malay households owning “two to five acres of land” typically kept a copy of the Qur’an among their possessions.81 It is also possible that they owned books in Western languages, although it remains unclear whether the Perak royals or Muhammad spoke English; they may have communicated with Maxwell in Malay. Nevertheless, there is evidence that English-language books were collected by Malay society during this period. For example, during a trip to Terengganu in 1899, W.W. Skeat reported that the sultan there showed him a copy of John George Wood’s Illustrated natural history (first published in 1853 with many editions since).82

Fig. 12 Sejarah Melayu, probably Singapore, dated 1266/1850. RAS Maxwell 26, pp. 1-2

Fig. 12 – Sejarah Melayu, probably Singapore, dated 1266/1850. RAS Maxwell 26, pp. 1-2

Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)

49It is also interesting to note that none of the books in the Perak chest or Muhammad’s collection date earlier than the nineteenth century. Although Maxwell mentions that the chest contained books belonging to the “former Sultans of Perak,” the dates of the original manuscripts that he copied from are relatively recent. For example, the original manuscript of the Laws and ciri (RAS Maxwell 17B) is dated 1234/1819, while the original Tāj al-salāṭīn is dated 1273/1856. Similarly, the oldest book in Muhammad’s collection, Īdāḥ al-albāb (RAS Maxwell 87), dates to 1240/1825. Meanwhile, in terms of aesthetic appeal, while the silsilah held by Raja Osman (RAS Maxwell 105) is illuminated, many of the Perak royal manuscripts in the Maxwell collection are copies. Although a few of these are decorated, it remains unclear whether the originals similarly contained artistic elements. Of the manuscripts in Muhammad’s collection, only the Sejarah Melayu (RAS Maxwell 26, no. 3) is illuminated (Fig. 12). Additionally, although the handwriting in these manuscripts is often neat and clear, they are rarely elevated into calligraphy as an art form. Until there is further evidence, we may presume that the owners of these libraries prioritised literary content over the historical or artistic value of the manuscripts.

  • 83 Farouk 2013: 394–399.
  • 84 Proudfoot 1993: 51; Proudfoot 2002: 118–120.

50In terms of how the collections were built, Maxwell’s remark that the manuscripts in the Perak royal chest were owned by “former Sultans of Perak” suggests that at least some of the items there were inherited. Additionally, we know that there were scribes working in Perak—Raja Haji Yahya was one (he copied the Kitab perintah pawang, RAS Maxwell 106, for instance), and Maxwell hired various individuals to make copies of manuscripts83—but whether there was a formal royal scriptorium remains to be investigated. In contrast, we have a clearer understanding of how Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah acquired the books in his collection. The process of obtaining a manuscript was time-consuming, as it required not only commissioning a copy but also first obtaining access to the original, which could be difficult.84 It was therefore fortuitous for Muhammad—and perhaps an indication of his good standing within the community—that many of the manuscripts in his collection were gifted to him. Other texts were either commissioned to be copied (such as the Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ, RAS Maxwell 22 and 23; Fig. 4) or purchased from others (Hikayat Nabi Mikraj, RAS Maxwell 97, no. 4)—the fact that he was willing to do so demonstrates the high value he placed on these texts (it is interesting to note that they both relate to stories of prophets).

  • 85 Gallop 1990: 96–98, 105–107; Proudfoot 1993.
  • 86 Proudfoot 2002.
  • 87 For the prices of printed books in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, see Proudfoot 1987: 7– (...)

51Muhammad also acquired printed books, likely through booksellers in Singapore, which was a major centre for Malay-language publishing during the nineteenth century.85 Printing made books more affordable and accessible compared to manuscripts.86 Despite this, only two printed books are found in Muhammad’s collection (RAS Maxwell 92 and 95, nos. 11 and 12; Fig. 11), which is surprising given their lower cost.87 It is possible that he owned more printed books that were not included in the Maxwell collection.

Fig. 13 Wooden cupboard, probably Indonesia, nineteenth century. Masjid Raya Sultan Riau, Penyengat

Fig. 13 – Wooden cupboard, probably Indonesia, nineteenth century. Masjid Raya Sultan Riau, Penyengat

Photo by Farouk Yahya, 2007

  • 88 Proudfoot 2002: 122.
  • 89 Cf. Isaac Newton’s personal library; see Mandelbrote 2006: 181.
  • 90 Lim 1970: 15.

52In summary, the loaning and gifting of manuscripts appears to have been fairly common amongst owners, which fostered social interactions and connections.88 These interpersonal relationships also meant that Muhammad’s reading may have extended beyond the books in his personal library—he may not have needed to keep certain titles if he could just borrow them from others.89 In addition, we may also consider the presence of public libraries in relation to his access to reading material, although in the nineteenth century these catered primarily to Europeans.90

  • 91 Many thanks to Annabel Gallop for discussing this point with me.
  • 92 Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 3388b; Witkam 2007: 152. The text of the letter is available on (...)
  • 93 Winstedt and Sturrock 1914: 83.

53Another point worth considering is the physical aspect of these private libraries, i.e. where the books were stored in the house or palace. As mentioned earlier, books may be kept in caskets or chests (peti). Thus exploring the characteristics of the Perak chest—such as its materials, size and design—may be another avenue of research. It is possible that it was made of wood, like some of the chests currently held in Malaysian museum collections, many of which appear to be of Javanese origin. However, unlike other parts of Southeast Asia such as Bali and Myanmar, there is little evidence for a tradition of storing manuscripts in chests in the Malay Peninsula.91 However this does not mean that such practices were unknown. For instance, a letter dated 1860 from an Encik Bujal in Singapore to the scholar Hermann von de Wall (1807-1873) mentions “six chests filled with books” (“peti enam berisi kitab”).92 In the Malay folktale of Pak Belalang (“Father Grasshopper”), the protagonist pretends to be a diviner and gains the confidence of the king. At the end of the story, Pak Belalang—not wanting to push his luck—informs the king that his chests of books on divination (“pĕti-pĕti surat elmu nujum”) were all destroyed in a fire.93

  • 94 Matheson 1985: 17.

54Books may also have been stored in cupboards (almari/lemari), such as those in the Masjid Raya Sultan Riau in Penyengat, Riau (Fig. 13).94 Here, in the vestibule of the mosque are a pair of tall, dark cupboards with doors decorated with golden Arabic calligraphy in mirror-writing, composed of a Qur’anic verse from the sura al-Kahf (18:46). More modest homes might have had low bookcases that were either placed free-standing on the floor, set on a shelf or mounted on the wall, similar to those commonly found in mosques and houses from the twentieth century onwards (Fig. 14). However it is unlikely that there was a room that served as a library. Instead, the chest, cupboard or bookcase were most likely kept in the bedroom or living room. Books may also have been scattered around the home.

Fig. 14 Wooden bookcases, probably Malay Peninsula, twentieth century. Masjid Seberang Bukit Tumbuh, Terengganu

Fig. 14 – Wooden bookcases, probably Malay Peninsula, twentieth century. Masjid Seberang Bukit Tumbuh, Terengganu

Photo by Farouk Yahya, 2019

Conclusion

55This paper has examined private libraries among two socio-economic groups in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century: members of the Perak royal court and a white-collar worker in Singapore, using the collection of Malay manuscripts and printed books acquired by a British colonial officer, William Maxwell. They give us some idea regarding the types of libraries that existed during this period, even if we lack sufficient data regarding the collections and the owners themselves.

  • 95 Burrows and Johnston 2019.

56Finally, we may also turn to the private library of Maxwell himself. It not only continues the work done by his predecessors such as William Marsden and Stamford Raffles, but it can also be said to reflect the trend of nineteenth-century Britain, when there was a growth in manuscript and book collecting.95 The reasons for collecting are many, but one that often applies to British colonial administrator-scholars was to assist with governance—this is exemplified in the choice of texts that Maxwell acquired.

  • 96 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 146.
  • 97 Low 1954: 22.

57We must also consider how he collected the Malay materials and the colonial power dynamics involved. The situation is complex, as there were many factors involved. In the case of Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah, the context of how Maxwell acquired his books remains unclear. However, in Perak, we have some information on Maxwell’s activities. It seems that he had good relations with his Malay contacts there. Maxwell did not obtain the books by force, but instead they were either given to him or copies were made. However, Maxwell’s presence followed the Perak War of 1875-1876, and the cooperation of the royals may have been influenced by their own personal agendas. For instance, Maxwell made a copy of the Misa Melayu, a historical account of Perak, from a manuscript belonging to Raja Yusuf b. Sultan Abdullah (d. 1887) (RAS Maxwell 25).96 Yusuf was one of the contenders for the throne during the power struggles in the 1870s and lent his support to the British during the Perak War. It is probably not a coincidence that he gave Maxwell the text in 1877, the same year the British appointed him regent (“Chief Native Authority”) of Perak; he was later made sultan in 1887. Raja Idris, his son-in-law, also sided with the British, and himself became sultan upon Yusuf’s death.97

  • 98 Cundall, ed., 1886: 41–42; Swettenham 1887: 224–225; see also Mulaika 2024: 15.
  • 99 Such as the betel box, V&A inv. no. REPRO.1887-72.

58Additionally, many of Maxwell’s manuscripts were copies, and by keeping the originals the Perak royals were able to maintain the balance of power. We may however contrast this with the British treatment of the Perak royal regalia. These items, which include weapons, jewellery, betel boxes and pedestal trays, were confiscated by the British during the Perak War. In 1886, with the British-leaning Yusuf-Idris faction in power, they were exhibited in the Colonial and Indian Exhibition in London, with Raja Idris providing assistance by supplying a history of the regalia.98 Electrotype copies of the objects were made in the following year by Elkington & Co. (now deposited in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London99) and the originals were eventually returned to Perak.

  • 100 Kelham 1928: 279.
  • 101 There is a long history of Europeans wearing—and being depicted in—non-Western dress, the reasons f (...)
  • 102 For a discussion on the notion of “going native,” see Brantlinger 2011: chapter 3.
  • 103 Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 99–100.

59At the same time, it is important to recognise that Maxwell appeared to have a genuine scholarly interest in the Malay language and culture. As mentioned earlier he began collecting texts when he was just 21 years old, but his immersion in the local environment went further. In a photograph probably taken sometime during the 1870s-1880s,100 Maxwell is seated on the floor in the traditional Malay way next to Raja Idris and dressed similarly, i.e. styled as if he were a prince (this also raises the possibility that, apart from texts, Idris may also have given Maxwell pieces of Malay clothing).101 While some British observers may have regarded this negatively as “going native,”102 Maxwell’s conduct may have helped smooth the colonial government interactions with the Perak royals. This would have been a welcome change from his predecessors. Sultan Ismail of Perak (r. 1871-1874), for example, was reportedly annoyed with the first British Resident, James Birch, for refusing to sit cross-legged on the floor.103

  • 104 On Toh Puan Halimah, see Gullick 1989: 218–220.

60Another aspect of Maxwell’s collection is that he appears to have been willing to share his books with other Malay readers, as in the case of the c. 1870 edition of the printed book Hikayat Darma Ta’sia/Hikayat Abu Nawas (RAS Maxwell 92, no. 11; Fig. 11). A note inscribed on the flyleaf—underneath Maxwell’s signature and the date 1872—reminds readers to handle it with care, “because this belongs to Mr Maxwell” (“sebab surat ini Tuan Maxwell yang empunya”). Intriguingly this note was written by Toh Puan Halimah, a wealthy and influential Perak aristocrat whose father and husband were both exiled by the British a few years later in the aftermath of the Perak War.104 The connections between Maxwell and Halimah need to be researched further.

  • 105 For objects from the Gold Coast Government, see https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/term/BIOG1 (...)
  • 106 Maxwell 1896: 27.
  • 107 Levtzion 1965; Wilks 1989: 344–353.

61A final consideration is to perhaps contrast Maxwell’s attitude in collecting Malay material with those from West Africa. The British Museum holds several objects taken from the Asante kingdom during the British expedition there in 1895-1896, including some ancestral stools and gold ornaments, which were presented by the Gold Coast Government and by Maxwell personally.105 Yet it does not appear that he collected any manuscripts or printed books from his time in West Africa, and bemoaned the lack of literature there,106 despite evidence of a written tradition.107

  • 108 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 166.

62Maxwell’s experience reflects the complexity of the colonial period. It reminds us that it cannot be viewed solely through the lens of imperialism. Instead, there were many different attitudes, motivations and approaches among the actors involved. There is still much to uncover from his collection of Malay manuscripts and printed books—apart from the individuals discussed above, Maxwell also collected material from many other local sources, including Sufi sheikhs (SOAS Library MS 46945).108 Research on these could help furnish an even better understanding of the history of libraries in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

63This article was first presented at the “Colonialism and manuscript libraries in island Southeast Asia” workshop at SOAS University of London, in May 2023, organised as part of the Leverhulme Trust-funded Research Leadership Award Mapping Sumatra’s Manuscript Cultures. Thanks to the participants and attendees of the workshop for their constructive comments.

64I am also grateful to various institutions for their help in facilitating my research, including the Ancient India and Iran Trust, Leiden University Library (particularly Marije Plomp), the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (especially James Liu and Edward Weech) and SOAS Library Special Collections. Many thanks are also due to Annabel Gallop, Mulaika Hijjas and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on this paper, and to Anna Contadini, Henri Chambert-Loir, Jessica Rahardjo and Roger Tol for their help on various points and queries.

APPENDIX: MALAY MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED BOOKS ASSOCIATED WITH MUHAMMAD B. ABDUL FATTAH

65This list details the Malay manuscripts and printed books associated with Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah, with information about colophons, ownership notes and seals. The list is divided into three parts:

* Part A includes items from Muhammad’s collection which were later acquired by Maxwell. These items are listed chronologically by Muhammad’s acquisition date, or by the date of copying if the acquisition date is not available. Items without a specific year are placed at the bottom of the list.
* Part B includes items Muhammad gave to Hervey.
* Part C features the Cambridge manuscript that Muhammad had copied for Evans.

Part A: Collection of Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah

1. 1853-54: RAS Maxwell 87

66Īḍāḥ al-albāb li-murīd al-nikāḥ bi-l-ṣawāb by Daud al-Fatani

— Flyleaf recto: Inilah kitab Bāb al-nikāḥ al-Haji Muhammad Hasan Khatib b. Muhammad Ali, asal-asal orang Johor juga adanya.
Barangkali ada orang meminjam maka hendaklah dengan segera dipulangkan adanya.
1256 Hjirah [1840-41], tahun Bā’

Kerana baharu punya kam(?) adanya, wa-llāhu aʿlam
— Flyleaf verso: Seal of Haji Muhammad Hasan (see RAS Maxwell 80, no. 16 below)
— Fol. 123r: Colophon: Telah selesai daripada menyurat kitab Bāb al-nikāḥ Tuan Haji Abdul Wahhab, Hijrah 1240 shahr Jumādā al-Awwal, kepada enam likur haribulan, sehari Arbaa.
— Fol. 123v: Hijrah al-Nabi SAW kepada 1240
Dan kepada kemudian ini hijrah ini kepada 1258.
Masjid Jamiʿ yakni tempat sembahyang Jumaat adanya, wa-llāhu aʿlam
Jumlahnya delapan belas tahun umurnya kitab ini adanya 1258; wa-llāhu aʿlam tammat al-kalām
— Fol. 127v: 1240 sanat.
Milik al-Haji Hasan al-Khatib b. Muhammad Ali wa-llāhu aʿlam.
1270 sanat [1853-54]. Kepada sehari bulan Muḥarram, hari Ahad, sahaya Haji Hasan b. Ali ada hadiahkan kitab Bab nikah ini kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. al-marhum Haji Abdul Fattah, sahlah adanya

67Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

2. 1847: RAS Maxwell 58

68Collection of syair

— Fol. 3v: Tahun 1847 kepada 4 bulan Jun sahaya Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah menerima nama lagu orang bernyanyi kepada yang puasa orang pesukuan Singapura diamnya di Teluk Mekah(?)
— Fol. 172r: Ini salinan dari Tuan Rafar(?) Syair Silambari
— At the end are English texts (probably by Maxwell) on coal fields and the island of Banca (Bangka)

69Literature: Teeuw et al. 2004: vol. 1, p. 25; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

3. 1850: RAS Maxwell 26

70Sejarah Melayu

— P. 236: Tamatlah hikayat Melayu ini kepada 1266 sanat tahun kepada sehari bulan Rabīʿ al-Awwal [14 January 1850]. Bahawa yang empunya ini Enci’ Muhammad b. Tuan Haji Abdul Fattah

71Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 146.

4. 1852: RAS Maxwell 97

72Hikayat Nabi Mikraj

— End, fol. [34]v: Kepada 15 haribulan Mei tahun 1852, sahaya Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah, beli hikayat ini kepada Enci’ Husin Kaling adanya

73Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

5. 1866: RAS Maxwell 56

74Hikayat Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān

— P. 340: Colophon: Hijrah al-Nabi Muhammad SAW seribu dua ratus delapan puluh tiga dan kepada dua puluh tiga haribulan Rabīʿ al-Ākhir [3 September 1866]. Saha[ya] Enci’ Husin b. Ismail hadiahkan Hikayat Si Dhū al-Yazān ini kepada Muhammad b. Haji Abdul Fattah adanya

75Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 147.

6. 1870: RAS Maxwell 59

76Hikayat Serangga Bayu

— End, fol. [57]v: Tamatlah Hikayat Ahmad dan Muhammad ini kepada dua puluh satu haribulan Shaʿbān dan kepada hari [?] jam pukul sembilan pagi hari adanya.
Enci’ Husin/1870 kepada 2 November isteri Enci’ Husin hadiah kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah

77Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

7. 1870: RAS Maxwell 63

78Syair maʿrifat

— End: 1870 kepada 2 November isteri Enci’ Husin hadiah kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah

79Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

8. 1870: RAS Maxwell 76

80Hikayat Shah Mardan

— End: 1870 kepada 2 November isteri Enci’ Husin hadiah kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah

81Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

9. 1870: RAS Maxwell 81

82Hikayat Maharaja Ali and Hikayat Raja Jumjumah

— 1870 kepada 2 November isteri Enci’ Husin hadiahkan kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah

83Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

10. 1870: RAS Maxwell 82

84Syair Selindung Delima

— P. 140: Tamatlah Syair Seri Benian kepada dua belas hari bulan Rabīʿ al-Awwal dan hari Jumaat dan pada jam pukul sembilan diwasa(?), itulah adanya
— P. 141: 1870 kepada 2 November isteri Enci’ Husin hadiah kepada Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah

85Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148–149.

11. 1872 [?]: RAS Maxwell 92 (same as RAS Maxwell 95) [printed book]

86(b) Hikayat Darma Ta’sia (c. 1870)

— Front: W. E. Maxwell / Singapore 1872
Hai sekalian encik-encik dan tuan-tuan. Siapa-siapa yang memegang dan membuka dan membaca surat ini, hendaklah peliharakan baik-baik. Jika hendak membaca pun maulah baca saja, janganlah pulak hendak menunjukkan kepandaian tangan kepada surat ini, hendak tulis-menulis yang tiada berketahuan, kerana jari kotor rupanya tiada memberi faedah, sebab surat ini Tuan Maxwell yang empunya. Janganlah diperbuat tiada berketahuan. Demikianlah To’ Puan Halimah nyatakan adanya, tamat

87(c) Hikayat Abu Nawas (c. 1870)

Colophon: [same RAS Maxwell 95] Tammat al-kalām bi-l-khayr wa-sallam ajmaʿīn. Tamatlah sudah Hikayat Abu Nawas yang indah-indah ceteranya ini daripada cetera yang lain-lain. Kepada bulan duabelas hari Jumādā al-Ākhir dan kepada hari Jumaat jam pukul sembilan di dalam bandar Singapura di Kampung Gelam Lorong Masjid Sultan Ali wa-llāhu aʿlam bi’l-ṣawāb, tamma
Yang empunya Enci’ [Muhammad] b. al-marhum al-Haji Abdul Fattah

88Literature: Proudfoot 1993: 208.

12. 1876: RAS Maxwell 95 (same as RAS Maxwell 92) [printed book]

89(b) Hikayat Darma Ta’sia (c. 1870)
(c) Hikayat Abu Nawas (c. 1870)

Colophon: [same as RAS Maxwell 92] Tammat al-kalām bi-l-khayr wa-sallam ajmaʿīn. Tamatlah sudah Hikayat Abu Nawas yang indah-indah ceteranya ini daripada cetera yang lain-lain. Kepada bulan duabelas hari Jumādā al-Ākhir dan kepada hari Jumaat jam pukul sembilan di dalam bandar Singapura di Kampung Gelam Lorong Masjid Sultan Ali wa-llāhu aʿlam bi’l-ṣawāb, tamma

1876; kepada 20 haribu[lan] Disember Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah dapat hadiah daripada Haji Maudin, harga kertas dengan dakwat 20 sen

90(d) Hikayat Raja Sulaiman (c. 1873)

Yang empunya pekerjaan ini Tuan al-Haji Muhammad Nuh, orang Juwana, Kampung Haji Lane, ʿafā’llāhu ʿanhu, amīn, amīn, tamma
Enci’ Muhammad b. Haji Abdul Fattah

91Literature: Proudfoot 1993: 208; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

13. 1878: RAS Maxwell 22 & Maxwell 23

92Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ (2 vols)

— Maxwell 23, p. 583: Tammat Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ. Tammat al-kalām surat ini kepada 30 haribulan Jumādā al-Ākhir pada 1295 sanat [1 July 1878]. Yang mempunyai surat ini Muhammad Kerani Polis b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah adanya.
Wa-maktūb Hamid b. Muhammad Nurudddin Melaka Limbongan adanya

93Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145–146.

Date of acquisition unknown

14. RAS Maxwell 12

94Kitab takbir mimpi

— Fol. 1v: Maka adalah Kitab takbir mimpi ini al-faqīr ilā ‘llāh taʿālā Enci’ Muhammad b. al-marhum al-Haji Abdul Fattah menjadikan Kitab l-f-t [lewat?] mimpi supaya akan dapat senang mentafsirkan makna mimpinya itu

95Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 144.

15. RAS Maxwell 60

96Hikayat raja-raja berputera

— Fol. 60v: Colophon: Tammat al-kalām bi-l-khayr wa-l-salām. Termaktub surat ini kepada dua belas hari bulan Rajab dan kepada hari Sabtu, jam pukul Sembilan, kepada sanat tahun dan [Dāl?]. Yang empunya kitab ini Enci’ Muhammad b. Haji Abdul Fattah, orang Melaka

97Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

16. RAS Maxwell 80

98Taḥṣīl nayl al-marām

— Front: Adapun yang empunya kitab a-y-d-a-’ ini Enci’ Muhammad Ali b. al-Haji Muhammad Hasan Khatib, tatkala hijrah al-Nabi SAW kepada seribu dua ratus enam puluh Hā(?) tiga tahun adanya. Intahā, wa-llāhu aʿlam, tamma

— End, fol. [31]r: Colophon: Tamat kepada dua puluh lima haribulan Rabīʿ al-Awwal [12 March 1847], malam Sabtu, jam pukul sembilan adanya. Intahā, 1263 sanat.

— Next page after colophon, fol. [31]v: Dan inilah pesan orang yang punya kitab ini. Upamanya barangkali adalah sanak saudara meminjam dia atau sahabat handai ada suka membaca dia, maka hendaklah baik-baik peliharakan supaya jangan kena minyak pelita jadi rosaklah dia, itulah pesanan adanya. Dan lagi jikalau ada ghalatnya dan ada salahnya melainkan tuan-tuan boleh benarkan dengan kerana Allah Taala, itulah adanya.
Adapun yang punya kitab ini Enci’ Muhammad Ali b. Muhammad Hasan Khatib yang hina, daif dan miskin daripada hamba Allah yang banyak di dalam dunia ini adanya. Amīn Allāhumma amīn. Tarikh 1263 sanat

— Next page after that, fol. [32]r: seal: Sanat 1261 tanda tangan Haji Muhammad Hasan al-Khatib b. al-Haj Muhammad Ali (see RAS Maxwell 87)

99Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148; Gallop 2019: 713, cat. no. 2135.

100Note: Although this manuscript does not explicitly say it was owned by Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah, because it has the seal of Muhammad Hasan Khatib (like RAS Maxwell 87), we may assume that it was also part of his collection.

Part B: Given by Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah to Hervey

17. 1876: Bodleian Malay c.5

101Sejarah Kedah

— Fol. 1v: Bismillāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm, al-ḥamd li-llāh rabb al-ʿālamīn. Dengan nama Allah, Tuhan yang Amat Murah lagi Amat Mengasihani akan hambaNya, segala raja-raja.
Ini Kitab D.F.A. Hervey / Kepada satu haribulan April tahun 1876 di Singapura

— Fol. 67v: Termaktub kepada bulan Jumādā al-Awwal dan kepada sembilan hari hari Sabtu, jam pukul sepuluh, di Kampung Sungai Kalang adanya, tammat al-kalām bi-l-khayr wa-sallam.
Enci’ Muhammad b. Haji Abdul Fattah Kerani Polis namanya

102Literature: Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 104.

18. 1876: SOAS Library ER2055/37062 [printed book]

103Syair unggas soal jawab

— Title page: Ini Syair unggas soal jawab adanya.
Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah / 1876 kepada 17 Ogos sahaya sudah hadiah kepada Tuan Herveynya ini syair

— Colophon: Telah khatamlah Syair unggas ini kepada sepuluh haribulan Dhū al-Qaʿdah, kepada hari Khamis, waktu jam pukul delapan. Ada kepada tahun Wāw, tarikh hijrah al-Nabi SAW seribu dua ratus depalan puluh sembilan 1289 sanat [10 Dhū al-Qaʿdah 1289 / 9 January 1873]. Maka adalah yang punya pekerjaan ini al-Syeikh al-Haji Muhammad Nuh al-marhum al-Haji Ismail ahl al-Badawi Juwana di negeri Kajen namanya. Tempat pekerjaan ini di dalam bandar Singapura daerah Kampung Kalang, Loron[g] Masjid Sultan Ali adanya. Empunya menulis ini al-Husin b. al-marhum al-Musa Terengganu Tukang adanya

104Literature: Proudfoot 1993: 535.

19. 1876: SOAS Library ER2055/37078 [printed book]

105Syair terubuk

— Title page (handwritten): D.F.A. Hervey / Kepada tujuh belas haribulan Ogos tahun 1876 / di Singapura

— Colophon [printed]: Setelah khatamlah Syair ikan terubuk dengan puyu-puyu di dalam bandar negeri Singapura daerah Kampung Gelam di Lorong Masjid Sultan Ali Iskandar Syah(?) al-Malik al-Ḥ-r-h-r [Jawhar?] kepada 24 haribulan al-Muḥarram, hari Ahad, waktu jam pukul 12 siang, pada masa itulah tamatnya, 1290 sanat [24 Muḥarram 1290 / 23 March 1873]. Yang empunya pekerjaan ini Tuan al-Haji Muhammad Nuh b. al-marhum al-Haji Ismail ahl-Badawi tempatnya Juwana, tempatnya dusa [desa?] Kajen. Yang menyurat ini Husin b. al-marhum Enci’ Musa

— Final page: (printed) Tamat Syair puyu dengan terubuk adanya
[handwritten] Enci’ Muhammad b. al-Haji Abdul Fattah / 1876 kepada 17 Ogos sahaya sudah hadiahkan kepada Tuan Herveynya ini syair

106Literature: Proudfoot 1993: 519.

Part C: Copied by Muhammad b. Abdul Fattah for others

20. Ancient India and Iran Trust, Malay 6

107a) Hikayat Raja Handak

— Note before p. 1: Hekaiat Raja Hundik / Ed. Evans 1830[or 6?]

— P. 58: Colophon: Tamat Hikayat Raja Unduk ini sanat 1252 tahun pada 17 hari bulan Ramaḍān tahun Inggelis 1836 pada Disember [17 Ramaḍān 1252 / 26 December 1836]

Bahwa pada menyatakan yang empunya hikayat ini Tuan Eban yang [du]duk pada masa ketika ini di dalam Kolej adanya. Wa-kutiba al-faqīr ilā ‘llāh taʿālā Muhammad b. ayahanda Haji Abdul Fattah

108b) Tales of the prophets

— Note on p. 59: “The History of David and Solomon / Edwin Evans, A. C College, Malacca, December 31st, 1836”

109Literature: Jones 1979: 29–30; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 292; Kua 2018: 85.

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Notes

1 For the history of libraries in the Malay Peninsula, see Lim 1970. For a study of an eighteenth-century personal library from Selangor, see Gallop 2025. For books owned by magicians, see Farouk 2016. For an overview of the scholarship on private libraries (with a focus on Europe), see Jagersma, Blom and Hansen 2023.

2 Black 2023: 372.

3 On Maxwell’s life, see Kynnersley 1899; Makepeace 1921: 434–438; Kovilpillai 1958; Gullick 1991.

4 Low 1954: 33, note 7.

5 For a summary of the events in Perak prior to Maxwell’s arrival, see Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934; Low 1954: 9–31. For the system of Residents in the Malay states, see Sadka 1968: 38–118.

6 Tordoff 1965: 56–109.

7 Bird 1883: 286.

8 For a list of Maxwell’s publications, see Gullick 1991: 43–46.

9 For a list of Maxwell’s manuscripts and printed books, see Blagden 1899; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 143–150, 165–166; Gullick 1991: 39–42; also various entries in Proudfoot 1993. Note that RAS Malay 106 (and its transcription 106 A), RAS Malay 107 and RAS Malay 115 also belong to the Maxwell collection although they are not listed in the catalogues as such. For the Leiden manuscript (Cod. Or. 7645), see Witkam 2019: [307].

10 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 166.

11 Ibid.: 148.

12 Ibid.: 144, 149.

13 Ibid.: 147.

14 Proudfoot 1993: 104.

15 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145; Farouk 2013: 384–411.

16 Gallop 2015: 206.

17 Royal Asiatic Society 2013: [9].

18 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 150.

19 Farouk 2013: 391.

20 Maxwell 1881: 81.

21 Ibid.

22 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145.

23 Ibid.: 165–166. Maxwell discusses this manuscript briefly in his notes in SOAS Library MS 46942, fol. 48. The texts of the ciri are published in Maxwell 1881; Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 176.

24 The note by Raja Idris and Maxwell’s translation appear to have been crossed out.

25 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 147, 149–150.

26 Ibid.: 147; Farouk 2016: 290–291, fig. 146; Farouk 2017: 209, 216–217, 222, fig. 8.

27 The conflation between royal and state libraries can be found, for instance, in eighth-century Japan; see Smits 2023: 124–125.

28 Maxwell 1881: 81. On the Perak regalia, see Swettenham 1887: 224–225; Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 163–165 (the ciri however is not included here); Mulaika 2024.

29 Josselin de Jong 1980: 27.

30 McNair 1878: 118, 247.

31 Newbold 1839: vol. 2, p. 193; also vol. 1, p. 222.

32 Maxwell 1878: 184–187; Maxwell 1882, where it was partially translated on pp. 95–108; Roolvink 1967: 306–307; Ceridwen 2001 (with transliteration and English summary); Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

33 Maxwell 1878: 187.

34 Ceridwen 2001: 25–31.

35 Ibid.: 51.

36 Maxwell 1878: 184.

37 Skeat 1900: 33–34.

38 Klinkert 1866: 177.

39 Gallop 1994: 92–103.

40 Blagden 1899: 129.

41 Witkam 2019: [307]; see also Roolvink 1967: 306, note 12.

42 On Raja Haji Yahya, see Farouk 2013: 397–399.

43 Maxwell 1884; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

44 Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 152.

45 Ceridwen 2001: 25.

46 Maxwell 1881: 81.

47 Proudfoot 1993: 208.

48 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145–146.

49 Ibid.: 146.

50 Ibid.: 148–149.

51 Ibid.: 148.

52 Ibid.: 149.

53 Ibid.: 144.

54 Ibid.: 148.

55 Jones 1979: 29–30; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 292; Kua 2018: 85.

56 Kua 2018: 84.

57 Jones 1979; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 290–292.

58 Blagden 1911: 910; Ellen, Hooker and Milner 1981: 82–83.

59 Jones 1979: 26. Further Malay manuscripts that he had collected are currently held at SOAS Library and the Wellcome Collection; see Ellen, Hooker and Milner 1981; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 161–169, 253–256.

60 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 104.

61 Proudfoot 1993: 118, 519.

62 Blue Book 1889: N2-N3.

63 Straits Times 1874.

64 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 145–146.

65 Ibid.: 149.

66 Proudfoot 1993: 208.

67 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148; Gallop 2019: 713, cat. no. 2135.

68 <https://www.hmmlcloud.org/dreamsea/detail.php?msid=8167> (last accessed 3 October 2025). See also Abdullah Maulani’s article in the current volume. I am grateful to Annabel Gallop for bringing this manuscript to my attention.

69 Teeuw et al. 2004: vol. 1, p. 25; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148.

70 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 147.

71 On Husin b. Ismail and his work, see Tol 2001; Tol 2020: 14–17. Many thanks to Henri Chambert-Loir and Roger Tol for their help.

72 Such as the use of a “rectangular” lam-alif and the use of the letter kaf for ga, which are some of the characteristics of Husin’s handwriting, as discussed in Tol 2001: 125.

73 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 148–149.

74 Proudfoot 1993: 208.

75 Gallop 1990: 109.

76 Ibid.: 208; Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 149.

77 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 144. Inside is inscribed “W.E. Maxwell Esquire / Magistrate of Police / Singapore”.

78 Josselin de Jong 1980: 27–28.

79 Mandelbrote 2006: 178; see also Black 2023: 388.

80 An example of a study on private libraries of the non-elite (focused on England) is Spufford 2006.

81 Low 1836: 87.

82 Skeat 1953: 121.

83 Farouk 2013: 394–399.

84 Proudfoot 1993: 51; Proudfoot 2002: 118–120.

85 Gallop 1990: 96–98, 105–107; Proudfoot 1993.

86 Proudfoot 2002.

87 For the prices of printed books in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, see Proudfoot 1987: 7–11.

88 Proudfoot 2002: 122.

89 Cf. Isaac Newton’s personal library; see Mandelbrote 2006: 181.

90 Lim 1970: 15.

91 Many thanks to Annabel Gallop for discussing this point with me.

92 Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 3388b; Witkam 2007: 152. The text of the letter is available on the Malay Concordance Project, http://mcp.anu.edu.au.

93 Winstedt and Sturrock 1914: 83.

94 Matheson 1985: 17.

95 Burrows and Johnston 2019.

96 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 146.

97 Low 1954: 22.

98 Cundall, ed., 1886: 41–42; Swettenham 1887: 224–225; see also Mulaika 2024: 15.

99 Such as the betel box, V&A inv. no. REPRO.1887-72.

100 Kelham 1928: 279.

101 There is a long history of Europeans wearing—and being depicted in—non-Western dress, the reasons for which vary; see for instance Mayer 2012. I am grateful to Anna Contadini for discussing this point with me.

102 For a discussion on the notion of “going native,” see Brantlinger 2011: chapter 3.

103 Winstedt and Wilkinson 1934: 99–100.

104 On Toh Puan Halimah, see Gullick 1989: 218–220.

105 For objects from the Gold Coast Government, see https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/term/BIOG123744; for Maxwell, see https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/term/BIOG126091. See also see British Museum. n.d.;

106 Maxwell 1896: 27.

107 Levtzion 1965; Wilks 1989: 344–353.

108 Ricklefs, Voorhoeve and Gallop 2014: 166.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 Seloka (riddles), Penang, 1867. SOAS Library, MS 46944, fol. 18r
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of SOAS Library Special Collections
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 363k
Titre Fig. 2 – Perak ciri, Perak, c. 1879. SOAS Library, MS 46943(B), fol. 17v
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of SOAS Library Special Collections
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 298k
Titre Fig. 3Silsilah raja-raja Perak, Perak, c. 1815-1840. RAS Maxwell 105, fol. 1r
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 611k
Titre Fig. 4Sūrat al-anbiyāʾ, probably Singapore, dated 1295/1878. RAS Maxwell 23, p. 583
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 365k
Titre Fig. 5Hikayat Nabi Mikraj, probably Singapore, by 1852. RAS Maxwell 97, fol. [34]v
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 245k
Titre Fig. 6 – Daud al-Fatani, Īḍāḥ al-albāb, Johor or Singapore, dated 1240/1825. RAS Maxwell 87, fol. 127v
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 434k
Titre Fig. 7Taḥṣīl nayl al-marām, probably Malay Peninsula, dated 1263/1847. RAS Maxwell 80, fols. [31]v-[32]r
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 233k
Titre Fig. 8 – Song titles. Collection of syair, Singapore, c. 1847. RAS Maxwell 58, fol. 1v
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 399k
Titre Fig. 9Hikayat Tubbaʿ Dhū al-Yazān, Singapore, by 1283/1866. RAS Maxwell 56, p. 340
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 179k
Titre Fig. 10Hikayat Serangga Bayu, Singapore, by 1870. RAS Maxwell 59, fol. [57]v
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 380k
Titre Fig. 11 – Front cover of Hikayat Darma Ta’sia / Hikayat Abu Nawas, Singapore, ca. 1870. RAS Maxwell 92
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 701k
Titre Fig. 12Sejarah Melayu, probably Singapore, dated 1266/1850. RAS Maxwell 26, pp. 1-2
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, with kind permission of the RAS)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 403k
Titre Fig. 13 – Wooden cupboard, probably Indonesia, nineteenth century. Masjid Raya Sultan Riau, Penyengat
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, 2007
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 298k
Titre Fig. 14 – Wooden bookcases, probably Malay Peninsula, twentieth century. Masjid Seberang Bukit Tumbuh, Terengganu
Crédits Photo by Farouk Yahya, 2019
URL http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/docannexe/image/9474/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 140k
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Farouk Yahya, « The Maxwell collection and local private libraries in the Malay Peninsula during the nineteenth century »Archipel [En ligne], 110 | 2025, mis en ligne le 16 décembre 2025, consulté le 17 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/9474 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/15d9n

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