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Alfonso X’s General Estoria at the dawn of Portuguese Renaissance. Study and transcription of a late fifteenth century fragment

La General estoria d’Alphonse X à l’aube de la Renaissance portugaise. Étude et transcription d’un fragment de la fin du XVe siècle
La General estoria de Alfonso X en los albores del Renacimiento portugués. Estudio y transcripción de un fragmento de fines del siglo XV
Mariana Leite

Résumés

L’existence d'une version portugaise de la General Estoria, probablement rédigée vers la fin du xive et le début du xve siècles, était connue par quelques fragments, très courts et assez endommagés, trouvés au cours du xxe siècle. Le fragment découvert en 2013 est un témoin de cinq folios de la fin du xve-début du xvie siècle conservé à l’Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, à Lisbonne. Dans cet article, je présente une première transcription de ce fragment. Les éléments linguistiques de cette traduction portugaise sont pris en compte, ainsi que la proximité ou l’écart entre la traduction et sa source. L’objectif principal de cet article est de rendre disponible le texte du fragment au public et ainsi permettre le l'étude de la circulation de cette œuvre majeure d'Alphonse X au Portugal.

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Notes de l’auteur

The present paper was developed within the Post Doctoral FCT project «A Historia Scholastica em Portugal: presenças, transmissão e tradução» (ref. SFRH/BPD/114668/2016), hosted at Instituto de Filosofia–Universidade do Porto, Via Panorâmica, s/n, 4150-564, Porto, Portugal.

Texte intégral

Preliminary observations: translations of the General Estoria in Portugal

  • 1 Although the compilation could have been written in Latin, as done, for example, with Bernardo de (...)
  • 2 Francisco Rico, «Alfonso X y Júpiter», Alfonso el Sabio y la “General estoria”. Tres lecciones, Ba (...)

1Alfonso X of Castile’s General Estoria (GE) is a remarkable project that is yet to be fully understood. Produced soon after the beginning of the Estoria de España, this universal chronicle started to be written around 1274 and was never concluded, as the King died in 1284. The linguistic choice behind the GE, written completely in Castilian,1 is deeply connected to Alfonso’s literary project, one that is closely related to the King’s own views concerning politics and culture. As Francisco Rico has noted, there are strong similarities between the portraits of mythological and historical imperial figures – such as Jupiter or kings David and Salomon – and the image Alfonso builds of himself as a role-model for those in power.2 The recent complete edition of the GE has also permitted critics to know the entire project as Alfonso designed it: telling all the history of the world, all its empires and main historical figures, up to the time of his own reign. The full scope of the project is made clear at the beginning of the sixth and last part of the work:

  • 3 Pedro Sánchez-Prieto Borja (coord.), General Estoria, Madrid: Fundación Antonio de Castro, 2009 pa (...)

[…] otrossí seguiremos en este libro, que cuenta de la sesta edat e una partida de la quinta […] e siguiremos la ordenación de los capítulos del libro de las vidas e de los miraglos e de las muertes de todos los santos poniendo entre un capítulo e otro […] todos los grandes fechos que acaecieron por el mundo […] desd’el tiempo que Joaquín casó con Anna e Octaviano César començó a regnar fasta el tiempo que yo comencé a regnar, yo, don Alfonso […] que fiz fazer este libro después que ove ayuntados todos los antigos libros e todas las crónicas e todas las estorias […] que eran ya perdidas y caídas ya en olvido.3

  • 4 «Onde porque el saber del tiempo que fue es cierto e non de los otros dos tiempos, trabajáronse lo (...)
  • 5 For a comparison of these Imperial chronicles, see M. Leite, art. cit.
  • 6 Otto of Freising dedicates to Frederick I his Chronica Duabus Ciuitatibus, a work that goes beyond (...)
  • 7 Godfrey of Viterbo’s Speculum regum is composed in honour of the Emperor Henry VI. According to Th (...)
  • 8 The Weltchronik, by Rudolf von Ems.

2This intention, which goes further than the pedagogical purposes announced in the prologue to the first part,4 puts Alfonso at the end of History, much as happens in universal chronicles produced to eulogize Holy Roman emperors,5 such as Frederick I,6 Henry VI,7 or Frederick II.8

  • 9 Much has been said about the sources of the General Estoria but, first in offering a comprehensive (...)
  • 10 In a similar manner to the other universal chronicles, this work, included in Vincent of Beauvais’ (...)

3Using the Bible as its main reference and for its structure, and incorporating a large number of individual sources and references,9 the GE could very well be seen as an encyclopedic resource. In fact, it assembled matter common to other universal medieval chronicles, such as Godfrey of Viterbo’s Pantheon, Peter Comestor’s Historia Scholastica, or Vincent of Beauvais’ Speculum Historiale.10 Moreover, the Castilian work included full translations of some of the most important medieval texts such such as the romances of antiquity about Thebes, Troy and Alexander, Lucan’s Farsalia, and Ovid’s Heroides, a well as data derived from scientific and geographical works such Pliny’s Naturalis Historia and unidentified Arabic treatises. These elements helped to assure the longevity of the text in contexts outside Alfonso X’s court, and especially in the Portuguese context.

  • 11 On the manuscripts and their relationship, see the chapter by Inés Fernández-Ordóñez, «General Est (...)
  • 12 Pedro de Barcelos used the GE for his version of story of Hercules in the Crónica de 1344 (see Jos (...)

4The dimensions of the project did not favour the transmission of the text; nonetheless, the long posterity of the GE in its Iberian context is remarkable. From the end of the xiiith century until at least the early xvith, the GE mainly circulated under three forms all over the Peninsula, and particularly in Portugal: through copies of the Castilian text11; as a source for various works, especially – but not exclusively12 – those produced in the court of the Avis dynasty; and in translations.

  • 13 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, O-I-1 (BITAGAP, manid 1 (...)
  • 14 As demonstrated Diego Catalán, «Los modos de producción y “reproducción” del texto literario y la (...)

5The major problem for studying the reception of the GE in its Galician Portuguese context is its transmission through fragmented witnesses, often difficult to read and with very limited amounts of text. Unlike the well-known Galician witness F13 – the famous translation of a GE draft14 from the first books of Part 1, copied during the xivth century –, later Portuguese fragments remained overlooked and unedited for a long time since their discovery and identification.

  • 15 Castelo Branco, Arquivo Distrital de Castelo Branco, CNCVL/01/Lv014 (BITAGAP, manid 3746: Arthur L (...)
  • 16 Maria Clara Fevereiro, Inventário dos Fragmentos de Manuscritos dos Livros Notariais e Paroquiais (...)
  • 17 Arthur L-F. Askins, Aida Fernanda Dias & Harvey L. Sharrer, «Um novo fragmento da General Estoria (...)
  • 18 Manuel Tavares Fatela, years 1653 and 1655.
  • 19 Mariana Leite, A General Estória de Afonso X em Portugal: As múltiplas formas de receção do texto (...)

6This absence of research is understandable. There are three sets of fragments, two comprising matter from the first part of the GE, and one with a section of Part 2t. The latter15, found at Castelo Branco16, was studied and edited in 2004;17 it is an early xvth century parchment bifolio, written in a cursive yet elegant hand, used as a book cover for a notary18 of the xvith century. It was possible, despite the small amount of text, to suggest a stemmatic relationship of the Portuguese version with its Castilian matching parts.19

  • 20 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Fragmentos, Cx. 21, No. 29, 30, 31, 32 (BITAGAP, manid (...)
  • 21 António Nogueira, years 1576, 1578, and 1586.
  • 22 Avelino de Jesus da Costa, Fragmentos preciosos de códices medievais. Braga: Separata de Braga, Bo (...)
  • 23 Mário Martins, «Fragmentos medievais portugueses», Brotéria, 50, 1950, p. 403-414. One year later, (...)
  • 24 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 816 (BETA, manid 1055: Charles B. Faulhaber (dir.) BETA (Bi (...)

7Other issues are implied by the two sets of fragments translating Part 1 of the GE, both kept at the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo. The oldest set, TT,20 quite likely from the mid-xvth century, is a group of four parchment folios, probably from the same destroyed codex, with decorations, and written in gothic script. Although it is more elegant than the Part 2 fragment, TT suffered the same fate and was also reused as a book cover for a notary by mid-xvith century.21 The Part 1 fragments were found in Lisbon in 194922 and partially edited in the following year,23 but the full text of the fragments remained unedited until the current century. The comparison of the fragments with their Castilian counterparts showed they are quite close to the manuscript produced in Alfonso’s scriptorium dated from 1280, witness A,24 as they copy an intermediary version between A and its descendants.

A late xvth-century copy: ANTT, fragmentos, Cx. 13, mç. 10, No. 30 (T2)

  • 25 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Fragmentos, Cx. 13, mç. 10, No. 30 (BITAGAP, manid 589 (...)

8The most recently discovered set of fragments25, hereafter identified as T2, was found and identified by Pedro Pinto in December 2013. It is a five-folio paper fragment in poor condition. Because the fragment paper is fragile, it was not used as a book cover, like the other parchment fragments. They seem to have been quite probably used to reinforce the bindings for other codices, thus glued to a more resistant material. The holes in the paper suggest they were pierced by metal bolts. It is not possible to know what led to the fragmentation of the codex to which it belonged, nor to know from what books they were used as reinforcement, since the five folios were found already detached from any book. Part of the text, broadly corresponding to one folio, is missing, so the set would have consisted of six folios, used in three codices.

9As with the previous cases mentioned, it is quite evident that this fragment comes from the same volume. The script is regular, albeit very cursive, and produced by the same hand. The relatively sparse use of abbreviation, together with the large lettering and word spacing, is noteworthy, especially when compared with the other fragmentary witnesses of the Portuguese translation. The text is written in one single column, with broad margins and wide line spacing. Considering all of these features, it is reasonable to propose that, unlike in the cases where parchment was used, the amount of paper available was probably not an issue. The quality of the material and the cursiveness of the hand suggest that the priority was to produce quickly a copy of the GE, prioritizing textual transmission over the final manuscript’s quality.

  • 26 Recently, further information about the dimensions of these fragments was added to BITAGAP. Thus, (...)
  • 27 However, the recording of what would appear to have been the original numeration could be of use i (...)
  • 28 I thank kindly Pedro Pinto (U. N. Lisboa), the one who discovered the fragment, for sharing detail (...)
  • 29 As analysed in Mariana Leite, «Tradução e tradição da General Estoria em Portugal: sobre as implic (...)

10The destruction of the fragment was not only caused by natural phenomena – very likely mildew damage and bookworms. Negligence also led to some of the destruction of the fragment: the sides were carelessly cut, removing parts of the text, thus preventing us from confirming the number of lines per page;26 the first four folios of the set were numbered as 84, 86, 87, and 88 with a ballpoint pen during the xxth century;27 and there are ANTT stamp marks, some of which cover the handwritten text. Finally, the condition of the fragment makes it hard to read and study. It was recently possible to detect and identify watermarks in the paper, which are an important element for dating the copy: they match watermark ("coroa em círculo") No. 4690 of the Briquet catalog, found in paper produced at Genoa in 1497,28 thus confirming interest in the General Estoria in Portugal lasted until the xvith century.29

11It is also interesting to notice that, in spite of the copy's poor quality, some care was put into it. The chapter titles are written in red and, more importantly, there are incomplete spaces reserved for initials. This particular element shows not only that there was an intention of producing a slightly decorated copy, even though it was never concluded.

A linguistic evaluation of T2

  • 30 Examples in Corpus: xvth century – <pouuo>: 2; xvith century – <pouuo>: 1; <pouvo>: 2; <povuação>: 1. Maria Francisca (...)
  • 31 TMILG records most variations of /oul/ during these centuries, normally as variants of «ouliveira» (...)
  • 32 TMILG registers around 30 variants of <luita>, <luyta>, or <loyta>, of which 6 appear in Alfonso X’s (...)
  • 33 I would like to thank Marta Afonso (U. Porto/U. Santiago de Compostela) for her remarks on the lin (...)

12After reflecting on the codicological and palaeographical aspects of T2, its linguistic aspects should be taken into consideration. Besides the already-mentioned propensity not to abbreviate as often as in the other GE Portuguese fragments, it is interesting to observe some of the orthographic tendencies this copyist follows. The most obvious and identifying feature is, of course, the use of the digraphs <lh> and <nh> for the palatal lateral /ʎ/ and the palatal nasal /ɲ/, the prevailing spelling for these phonemes in Portugal from the late xiiith century onwards. A more notorious characteristic of this copyist’s spelling habits is the apparent lack of orthographic distinction between the voiceless and the voiced alveolar sibilant consonants – respectively, /s/ and /z/ – in intervocalic position, normally represented by a double <ss> or a single <s>. Although this is an important phonetic distinction in Galician-Portuguese, the copyist leans to always write a single <s>, either for the phonemes /s/ and /z/. Thus, we find cases such as «asy», «nosa» or «asemtada», with few instances of double <ss> for the intervocalic consonant /s/: «esse». The predominance of a single <s> contrasts with several incidences of double consonants, some of which are phonetically irrelevant, as in «juppiter». Even though the fluctuation between the spellings <s> and <ss> is a somewhat common phenomenon in late xvth–early xvith-century manuscripts, without representing major phonetic distinctions, the use of a single <s> for either intervocalic /s/ or /z/ seems to be a specific trait of this copyist. The same goes for the fluctuation between the graphemes <b>, <u> and <v> for the voiced labiodental fricative /v/ and the voiced bilabial /b/. The latter two – <v> or <u> – are regularised according to contemporary norms in my transcription. However, being a very unstable variation, even in modern Portuguese, in the fragment it leads to uncertainty, as in «pouva[d]ores», «pouvaçam», and «pouvasem», which can be read as «povuadores», «povuaçam», and «povuassem» or as «pouvadores», «pouvaçam», and «pouvassem»30. The first option is more likely the correct one. There is an occurrence of «oulhou» that could be a lapsus scribendi due the proximity to an identical diphthong at the end of the word; although the diphthong /ou/ before palatal or voiced alveolar lateral consonants – /ʎ/ or /l/ – is prevalent in Galician-Portuguese in the xivth and xvth centuries.31 Another remarkable spelling is «luytara»32, more common in Galician-Portuguese during the xiiith and xivth centuries. All these elements can be due either to conservative copying methods, a very common tendency in the early xvith century; less likely, lapsus scribendi; or, in what is an interesting possibility, a set of characteristics suggestive of a northern origin for the copyist.33

Contents of T2

  • 34 For this reason it was not possible to compare this fragment with the Galician witness in Mariana (...)

13After all these considerations, we must take into account the amount of the GE matter transmitted by the fragment. The T2 fragment translates into Portuguese matter from the end of chapter 26 to the beginning of chapter 34 of the book 7 of Part 1 of the GE. This is particularly unsettling, as it does not match any other translated witnesses of the Castilian work. Witness F, the previously mentioned Galician witness, ends several chapters before the beginning of T2 (chapter 22 of book 7), and fragment TT has scattered chapters from GE Part 1, none of which match T2.34 Ironically, one of the TT folios, 29, begins one chapter after the ending of T2. This does not allow comparing T2 with any other Galician-Portuguese witness. Besides, as previously mentioned, part of the text is lacking, from the end of chapter 29 to the beginning of chapter 30, hence indicating that there should be another folio between folios 3 and 4 of T2.

  • 35 Madrid, BNE, 816 (BETA, manid 1055).
  • 36 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, Y-I-6 (BETA, manid 1060 (...)
  • 37 Madrid, BNE, 8682 (BETA, manid  1056).
  • 38 Antonio Solalinde (ed.), General Estoria. Primera Parte, Madrid: Junta para Ampliación de Estudios (...)
  • 39 I. Fernández-Ordóñez, art. cit.
  • 40 M. Leite, A General Estoria em Portugal..., p. 205-208.

14Given our analysis of the content of T2, the only possible comparative approach is through Castilian witnesses of Part 1 of the GE, permitting us to understand the relationship between T2 and the Castilian manuscript tradition. As it happens for three out of the four folios that comprise the xvth-century fragment of the GE, TT, only three Castilian witnesses are relevant for this passage of the work: A,35 B,36 and D.37 Witness A, the royal manuscript, is the most accessible: all editions of part 1 of the GE38 mostly follow this manuscript, as it offers a textual version approved by the king himself and is almost complete. This led to a disregard, to some extent, of the other witnesses containing the same text, a reasonable editorial choice considering the dimensions of the GE. Also, critics agree that both witnesses B and D are descendants of A,39 thus they are less relevant in establishing the text as close to the archetype as possible. The comparison between the T2 fragments and their counterparts – A, B, and D – places the more recently found fragments in the same stemmatic position as the other TT fragments, meaning, as the descendants of a branch that comprises readings from both A and the archetype that precedes B and D. Thus, as with the TT fragments previously studied,40 T2 would also descend from an α branch, an intermediary between witness A and the archetype for witnesses B and D, a β branch.

Conclusions

  • 41 Ibid., 266-269.
  • 42 M. Leite., «Gil Vicente, leitor de Afonso X. Sobre o Auto da Sibila Cassandra e a General Estória» (...)
  • 43 Mariana Leite, «Crónicas universais a sul do Minho: a Historia Scholastica como alternativa à Gene (...)
  • 44 Harvey L. Sharrer & Pedro Pinto, «Os fragmentos da Historia Scholastica de Pedro Comestor da Bibli (...)
  • 45 General Estoria…, parte I, t. I, p. 377. Unfortunately, T2 ends a few sentences before this excerp (...)

15Ten years ago,41 I concluded that the last identified use of the GE in Portugal was by Gil Vicente on his Auto de la Sibila Casandra.42 Considering the palaeographic aspects of the fragment, written in script that seems close to that of document writing from the late xvth-century Iberia, it is possible that the copy was produced in the same time-frame preceding the beginning of Gil Vicente’s career. In fact, one can suppose that a copy was produced at Queen Leonor’s court, since the Auto mentioned above was written at her command. How it can be related to the earlier fragments is yet to be understood. Possibly enticed by colonial expansion, the xvth-century Portuguese were eager for information on foreign distant lands, on the history and data from the eastern countries and the African continent they were starting to explore. This may be one of the reasons for the renewed interest in Peter Comestor’s Historia Scholastica,43 recopied in the late xvth, early xvith centuries44. Thus, in the Portuguese xvith century, there might have been readers interested in medieval universal chronicles, as they were rich sources of information on various subjects, from Ancient history to geography, zoology and ethnological knowledge. Nonetheless, perhaps the Castilian text was abandoned as new observations on distant lands and information on classical matter was collected. Indeed, the other fragments of the GE were already being used as book covers by the middle of the 16th century. Even so, it might be important to reconsider early Renaissance literary production in Portugal in order to confirm if the GE was in fact completely forgotten or if, even without material evidence, the GE was still an important learning source, feeding xvith-century Portuguese intellectuals just as «las escuelas de los saberes de Grecia, dond vino a los latinos después el saber que ovieron, assí como viene ell arroyo de la fuente a los quel an mester».45

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Annexe

Transcription of the fragment ANTT, Fragmentos, Cx. 13, m. 10, no. 30 (T2)

Editorial criteria

For the present work, the priority was to publish the text transmitted by T2 in a more accessible manner to the readers. As it has happened with the other Portuguese fragments, the lack of editions is the major barrier leading to progress in research. I have prepared an initial transcription that offers easy access to the text, complementing research already done concerning manuscript relationships.a The transcription is not intended to be a strict diplomatic edition. However, I have decided to take a more conservative approach than that used for editing other fragments.b Although most abbreviations were expanded, and marked in italics, I have kept the nasal abbreviation marks over vowels, namely in <sẽõr> or <sõr> for «senhor». I have also decided not to regularise words, although majuscules and minuscules are used according to current norms. I have separated joined words, seeking to improve the text's legibility. The witness presents very few punctuation marks, normally a middle point bar (·|) signaling a pause or an enumeration. Other punctuation marks have been added to improve reading.

It is important to stress the existence of many gaps, produced by natural damage or through the cutting of the paper margins. Where reconstruction is impossible, missing text is represented by a hyphen in brackets: [-]. Whenever possible, I have reconstruct, in brackets, the letter or letters that are wanting: [e de L]ya. For this, I have followed either the manuscript's usus scribendi or have chosen the most common forms in xivthxvith-centuries Portuguese, as per data available in the Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval. I have opted to fill the larger gaps directly with the Castillian text, using the 2009 edition of the General Estoria, marked by angle brackets: <su fijo de Lía>. However, this was a very cautious process and used only when the missing text would imply significantly large, and thus risky, conjectural reconstruction. It should be stressed that these texts are not only in two different languages but, more importantly, the Castilian version could change the perception of the text of the fragment, especially in regard to its relationship with witness A. Additional information is presented in notes.

[1r]

<casó Jacob con Lía en Mesopotamia en> casa de Labam padre della [e] naçeo [-] esse [an]no [Rub]en

mayor filho. Andados oytenta añ[os]de Jac[o]b naçeo Levi filho <su fijo de Lía>

[-]. Andados oytenta e dous años de Jacob n[aç]eo Judas, seu filho

[e de L]ya. E do nome deste Judas foram chamados os ebreus judeus.

[Anda]dos LXXXIII anñõs de Jacob naçeo Zabulam seu filho e de Lya.

[Anda]dos LXXXIIII anñõs de Jacob naçeo Ysacar seu filho e de Lya.

[Anda]d[o]s LXXXVI anños de Jacob (fez Jacob em Zelpha)c e çento

[e quar]enta e VI de Ysaac casou Jacob com Rachell. Pasados

<ochaenta e nueve> [a]ññõs de Jacob fez Jacob em Zelpha mançeba de Ra

[quel] a Gaad. Andados LXXXIX anños de Jacob fez elle

[em Zel]pha a Asera e amdados noventa annos de Jacob fez

em Balla mançeba de Lya a Dam. Andados noventa

[e h]ũ annos de Jacob fez elle em essa Balla Neptalim.

[And]ados noventa e dous anños de Jacob e çento e çinquoenta

[e dous] de Ysaac fez Jacob em Rachell a Josef. Pasados

[-]ood noventa e quatro morreo Leuçipo rey de Sichionia e

[reynou] Mesappo empos elle quarenta e sete annos e [es]te

[Mesa]po foy o nono rey daly. Andados noventa e seis d[e]

[Jacob] foy povoa[d]a em Çiçilia a çidade Messania a que chamarã

[de] Mamerti[na]. [An]dados çemto annos d[e] Jacob e çẽto

[e ses]senta de Ysaac [foi] f[e]yt[o] em Egipto o deluvio que

[cobriu] o todo o Egip[to e] ma[t]ou homẽs e molheres e g[a]ad[o]

[e mu]itas outras cousas [em a]quella terra. E este deluvi[o n]õ

[ati]mgeo ssenam aly como Egipto. E por [q]ue <conteció en el>

[rei]nado del rey Ogiges posseram nome aaqu[ele]

[de]luvio de Ogiges asy como disemos o D[eluvio de Noe]

<E fue esto otrossí andados> esto dez annos de quando naçera Jos[ep]

<E assí sabed que d'aquí> adiam[te conta]remos <las estorias por los años de Josep.>e

[1v]

A n[da]dos [XIII] aññõs de Josep e çemto e quatro de Jaco[b, mo]

frreo Beloco rey de Syrya e reynou empos elle [Bale]

çinqueoenta e [d]ous aññõs. Este Baleg foy o nono rey da[ly]

[An]dados XVI añños de Josep e çento e sete de Jacob foy vendi[do]

[Jo]sep e venderam no seus irmaãõs a hũs recoveiros que [hiam]

com ssuas mercadoryas p[a]ra o Egipto como ouviredes adi[ante]

E andados XX añños de Josep e çento e onze de Jacob e [cento]

e setenta e hũũ de Ysaac morreo Phoroneo rey de Ar[g]o[s e]

morreoh empos elle Appis seu filho e foy este Appis o [terceiro]

rey de Argos. De Appis vos disemos jaa ante dest[o]

nam he este aquelle Appis. Deste rey Appis dizem Eus[ebio]

e Jheronimo e outros que elle fez adiantado e rey de Ca[ya]i

que era sua terra em Greçia a hũũ seu irmããõ que tynha e ch[amavam]j

lhek Agialeo. E elle partiose com grande gente e pasou [de]

Greçia ao Egipto e gaanhou laa grande terra e reynou [hi]

E asy como dizem as estoryas com este casou a deesa [Isis].

E tamto dizem que foy bõõ rey que despois de sua [morte]

o [aj]untaram os do Egipto amtre os seus deoses e o [tomaram]l

por deus, e o adoraram e lhe fizerã sacrifi[ç]ios como aos

seus deoses que tynham dantes [-] Andados de Jos[ep XXV]

annos segundo dizem alg[u]ãs [estoryas] povoaram

[Telqui]ses e os carchasyos a ylha de Rod[0 como] ja dissemos

[e cha]mar[a]m-lhe Seraphim como dise[m]os do outro antes d[este]

[pa]sa[d]os de [Jos]ep vinte e oyto anñõs e de Jacob çe[nto e dezanove]

[pov]oou aquelle rey Appis em Egipto a çidade M[ẽphis]

[a que] cha[ma]ram Mezrraym. E Mezraym e Mẽphis

[he nome] de toda aquella [terra].m Ca em lat[im] <Memfis dezimos por Egipto, segund los esponimientos que ende fallamos, e aun departimos assí; que Mezre es nombre de la tierra, e mezre de los moradores d'ella. Agora dexamos aquí las>

[2r]

[o]utras razõõẽs e tornaremos aa estor[ya] d[a] [b]ry[via]

Como foy Jacob reçebido de seu irmãã[o] Esau XXVIIIºn

[C]ontao a estorya da bryvia que despois que Jacob sayo

daly onde luytara com o amjo e começou hir contra

[Cana]nea alçou os olhos e vyo vyr Esau com os quatroçẽtos

[varo]ẽs a[sy] como lhe seus mesageiros diseram. Estonçes

<partió aquella ora> suas companhas asy como tynha pensado em seu coraçã

[e pos]p as mançebas e seus filhos em a primeira aaz, asy como disemos,

[as m]olheres e os seus em a segunda e Rachel e Josep de

[rradei]rosq de todos como a cousa que elle muito amava. E posto

[que e]lle orderara de hir em meo nam o fez assy, mas adiã

[tou-se]r elle de todos comtra o seu irmaão e des que se viram lã

[çou-se]s Jacob em terra ante Esau sete vezes e fez sua oraçã

[e] jouve ataa que chegou. E Esau vyo e com o desejo

[que av]ya delle e a gramde alegrya que ouve com elle

[e co]m as companhas que lhe vyo trazer chorou com elle. Des

[pois] oulhou as mulheres e os meninos e dise-lhe: "Estes som

[teus?"]t Responde[o] Jacob: "Filhos sam que deus deu a teu servo." E

[-] chegaram as mançebas e seus filhos e suas molheres

[e qu]edaram-se ant[e] [-]dosu. E elle des que soube que erãv

[-] de Jacob abraçou-[os] como padre. Despois de todo e[s]to

<pues que se> chegaram [e] se a[b]raçaram, preguntou Esau [a] J[a]co[b]

[que c]ompanhas eram a aqu[e]llas que alli achara dian[t]e. [Respond]

eo-lhe Jacob que elle os emviara a elle cobi[çando]

[po]r a sua graçaw. Esau lhe disse "O[s] prese[ntes]

[que envia]ste sejam teusx, que eu asaz hey." [-]

Res[p]on[deo Jacob]: "Seõr <non lo fagas, mas si yo la tu gracia é ruégote que tomes este don de mí, maguer que es poco, ca ell ora que yo la tu faz vi semejóme que veía la de Dios. E tómalo, ca Dios me lo dio, que da todos los>

[2v]y

bẽẽs." Tomou [E]sau estonç[e]s todollos presentes e dise "Irmaãõ [toma]

rey estes doõõs [p]ois [q]ue [t]e apraz e nam por eles mas por te[u amor]

E quero te agu[a]dar em esta carreira."z "Meu sõr, tu ves [que]

eu tenho estes mininos pequenos que aquy levo e os gaa[dos que]

trago as femeas parydas soum; se as jornadas fizermos [gran]

des quebramtar-se-am as [cri]anças e morreram. Mas sõr [vay]

tu diante e eu hyrey com estas companhas e com os g[aados]

de guissa que cheguam os filhos com as madres ataa que se[ja]

comtigo em Seyr." Diz Esau: "Pois toma destas min[has]

companhas que venham comtigo." Respondeu-lhe Jacob: "Se[õr]aa,

avya outra cousa mester; nem o quero senam a tua graça e [o teu]

amor." E diz meestre Godofre que o lugar onde Esau en[trou a re]ab

çeber Jacob que avya nome Eglom. E conta a bryvya que [pois]

que o reçebeo e ouveram suas razõõẽs e se partiram cõ[-]

amor, asy como disemos, foy-se esse dia Esau polo ca[minho]

vyeraac por onde vyera pora Axeiram omde morava seg[undo]

di[z] Josepho. E diz outrosy que pos elle a aquella vi[l]a

[n]ome da sua cabeladura hirta e crespa,ad ca jaa vos d[issemos]

como diz o ebraico Seiron por cabeladura [h]irta e crespa. [-]

Jacob veo a outro lugar adiant[e e s]emtou aly sua[s tendas]

E fez aly casa e pos lhe nome [Socot] que quer dizer [tendas]

ou cabanas. Desy veo a çidad[e de Sa]lem que he an[te]ae

[de] Ca[n]aam e comprou dos f[ilho]s de Emor, padre de S[ichem]

[pa]rte de h[ũũ] campo açerca da villa por çem cordei[ros]

[E ase]mtou suas temdas e morou. Aly fez outro<ssí un altar>

[-]rou [e]af louvou sobre elle o muy forte e pode<so Dios de Israel>

[e] foy este sããõ da dor da amca <dond coxeava. E aquella cibdad que aquí llamamos Salem dizen algunos que avié nombre Siquén, mas que Moisén la llamó después Salem, que quiere dezir tanto como acabada e cumplida, porque allí>

[3r]

sarou Jacob da doemça da perna assi[m como dito] he.

De como os filhos de Jacob m[at]rom a e[l r]ey Emorag

E a seu filho Sychem e aos seus de Syc[he]m a que

chamavam sychanytos XXIXah

[A]ai estorya da bryvia comta que despois que Jacob comprou

de Emor, rey de Salem e de Sychem seu filho aquelle campo

[em q]u[e morav]aaj açerca da çidade asy como desemos amte desto.

[Hũũ]ak dia os homẽẽs daquella terra faziam gramde festa.·E Di

[na] filha de Jacob e de Lya sayo esse dia e hya soo aa çidade

[por v]er as molheres daquella terra. E outrosy segũdo diz

[Jose]fo por comprar das joyas e coregimentos dellas cõ

[que s]e coregese pera andar a maneira daquella terra onde vya

[que av]ia de morar. E segumdo diz a bryvia e as outras

[estor]yas, Sychem, filho de Emor Eveo, rey daquella terra, vyo-a e

[pag]ou-se della e tomava-a por força e levou-a e namorou-se

[dela] de guisa que a amava tamto como a sy mesmo. Mas

[ela] f[o]y muy triste por aquella força e desomra que lhe era

[feita] e elle afagava-a quamto podia por lhe tirar aquella tristeza.

[O] rey Emor pi[d]eo-a a seu padre que lha dese por molher

[a se]u filho. E Ja[c]ob [qu]amdo esto ouvjo calou se ataa que

[viess]em seus filhos que [anda]vam [-] com os gaadosal. E saymdo

[Sych]em por fallar co[m Ja]cob sobre esto vinham os filhos do

[cam]po. E desp[ois que ou]vir[a]m o que acomteçera a su[a] ir[m]ã[ã]

[fora]m muy sanh[udos por]am que Sychem fizera cous[a] t[ão]an

[-] e tam d[e]sa[guisada] com a companha d[e] Is[rael e lhes]

[forç]ara sua irm[ãã. E qua]mdo chegaram d[isse-lhes Emor]

[qu]ndo aquello [ouviu: "Syche]m meu filho <es enamorado de vuestra>

[ir]mãã; <dádgela por mugier e casémoslos en uno, e dadnos vuestras fijas e tomad vós otrossí las nuestras, e morad connusco. E si esto fazedes nuestra tierra en vuestro poder es, e usad d'ello, e vended e comprad e tenedla.>ao

[3v]

apE despois [dise Sychem] ao padre e outrosy aos irmããõs della ["Aja]aq

eu a vosa graç[a] e qu[a]lquer cousa que demandardes e pos[erdes]ar

eu a farey, a co[m]pryreyas e vos acreçemtay e[m] as arras e to[mai os]

dõõẽs ca eu muy de grado os darey somente que ma [dees]

por mulher". E responderom os filhos de Jacob a Sychem <e a su>

padre com muy grande sanhaat da força que fizeram a [sua]

irmãã e diseram: "Nam podemos fazer esto que nos dema[ndades]

nem dar nosa irmãã a homem que nam he çir[cũçid]ado, [ca]

nom he honesto nem cousa dadaau, ante he grande pecad[o][-]av

em nosa ley mas desta guisa o podemos fazer sem p[ecado]

e seremos amyguos: que vos çircũçidaredes todollos h[omẽẽs]aw

e que tenhaes nosa ley, e estonçes faremos o que nos [ro]

gades e seremos todos hũũs. E se esto nam fizerdes to[mare]

mos nosa irmãã e hir-nos-emos." E desta rzamax proug[ou]ay

a el rey Emor e a Sychem seu filho. E Sychem nom tardou [a]

comprir logo, ca amava muito a domzella. E tornou-<se pora la>

villa com seu padre e entraram logo ambos dentro [e]

juntarom o povoo e diseram-lhes asy: "Estes homẽẽs [-] q[ue]

aquy vieram pareçẽ-nos da paz e ham sabor de morar cõ[nosquo];

poes vendam e comprem em nosa terra o [q]ue quiserem [e la]

vrem-na e sirvam se della como nos [ca ha] grande e [-]az

e ha mester mais poboadore[s] e la[vrado]res que nos nam s[omos],

e casaremos com elles e elles con[o]squo. E pera a[ver]

[e]st[o] n[a]m nos tommam mais de hũ[a cousa] que he boa: [que]

[no]s [ç]i[r]cũçidemos todollos ba[rões e ten]hamos o cus[tume]

[d]a [sua gen]te, e se esto fize[rmosba s]eus averes [e]

[seus ga]ados e quanto elles [hão]bb sera noso; [-]

<e nós fagámosles> esto que elles que[rem e mor]emos em hũ[-]

<e seamos todos como> ũ povoo." [E ou]torg[a]rom o quebc [-]

<Siquén, fijo del rey, les rogó por que él era mucho amado e preciado entre ellos, e circumcidáronse todos los varones chicos e grandes.>bd

[4r]

<E ella ante que mories>e pos nom[e] aaquellebe filho Bẽjamjn <que es tanto como fijo de mio duelo>

[-] E o padre çircũçidou o menino e cha[mou-o Benjamim]

[que quer tan]to dizer comobf filho de destra e soterrou Rachelbg <en la carrera que>

[va]y para Bethelbh. E dizem Josepho e mestre Pedro que R[achel] <señera fincó que non fue>

[soterr]ada e nombi amtre seus parentes em Ebron. [E] Jaco[b] f[ez]

[a]ltar sobre [o] sepulcro d[el]la que dize[m] que [a]imda ag[ora] p[arece ahi]bj

[-] E desp[ois] [parti]osse d[a]ly Jacob [e p]assouse de tras a tor[re] a [que]

[c]hamam de Ader, [que] qu[er] dizer tamto como torre de manada [-]

[ca a]ly foy despois [o tem]plo [qu]e fez Salamam a deus omde des

[pois] vyeram mul[ti]dam de gemtes asy como de gados.

[Se]gundo c[o]mta Josepho, aly apareçerom os amjos aos

[pasto]res [que an]davam com os gados quamdo naçeo nosso

[sõr] Jhesus Cristo, asy como diremos adiamte. E emquãto

[Jaco]b morou aly, Rubem seu filho se lamçoubk com Balla ami

[ga] de seu padre que fora, sabendo-obl elle e outrosy o padre. Os

[filho]s de Jacob foram estes doze:· Rubem, Symeom,

[L]evi, Judas, Ysacar e Zabulom, filhos de Lya; Josep

[e Be]mjmimbm de Rachell; de Bala sua mançeba vam Dam

[e Ne]ptalim; Zelpha mançeba de Lya fez Gaad e a Aser

[Nas]çeram em Mesopataniabn senam Bẽjamjm que naçeo ẽ

[Bet]elbo como vistes aquy agora. Pasado todo esto veo

[Jaco]b a seu padre Ysaac aa çidade de Arbea, que he em Ebrom

[em] terra d[e] Mambre omde Abraham e Ysac moraram

[co]mo es[tr]anhos. Agora dire[m]os do acabamẽto de Ysac.

Da morte [d]e R[a]beca e da de Ysaac XXXIbp

[M]uybq alegre foy Ysaac como padre c[o]m filho quamdo

Jacob chegou a elle com suas companhas aa çidadebr

[4v]

<de Arbea en Ebrón. Mas assí como cuentan Josefa e maestre Pedro, falló Jacob finada a su madre Rebeca, en que se estorvó una grand parte dell alegría que ovieran todos en uno más de la que ovieran si ella biva fuesse.>

<E otrossí pues que Jacob allí llegó de Mesopotamia> [-] pouco tempo vyv[eo Ysaac] se[u] [pa]drebs[-]

[-]ssabt vyueo Ysaac asy como dizem <Eusébio e Jerónimo>

E o[ut]robu çemto e oytenta añños, porem [segundo Josepho]

[çe]mto e oytenta e cimquo añños, e tãtos ann[os]

[durou] t[o]da s[ua] vida. E morreo amdados de Adam tres [mill]

[E] [q]u[i]nhentos [e] nov[e]nta e seis [a]nnõs s[e]g[u]mdo o com[to dos]

s[e]tenta trãslalador[es], e de No[e] m[il e] trezemtos e ç[inqu]

emta e dous, e do deluvio [de N]o[e sete]çemtos e çin[quenta]

ebv dous anñõs, e do dep[art]ime[nto d]as lymgoag[ẽs seis]

çemtos e çinquoemta, e do reynado del rey Nino [trezentos]

e trimta e tres, e de Abraham duzemtos e uytemtabw [e de]

Jacob çemto e vymte, e de Josep vymte e nove. [E morreu]

em boa velhiçe como bõõ baram rico e avomdado [e com]

filhos e netos, e gramde servo de deus e soterrarom no seu[s filhos]

Jacob e Esau em a cova dobrada onde jaziam Adam [e Noe]

e Abraham e sũãs avoos e sua madre. E agora lex[amos]

aqui a estorya da bryvia, e comtaremos dos feyto[s dos]

gentios que foram naquella sazam.

De Juppiter, rey de Creta e de seu tempo XXXIIºbx

[C]omtaby meestre Godofre embz a oytava parte do P[antheon]

que em aquelle tempo em que morreo Ysaac re[ynava]ca

el rey Juppiter em a ilha de Creta, que foy filho del r[ey Satur]

no como dito, e dizem que nasçeo em a cidade de Athe[nas].

E comta meestre Godofre e outros m[ui]tos que foy Jupp[iter]

mais sabedor e mais allto, e [m]ais poderoso rey que o[uve]

em os gemti[o]scb. E delle dizem que vieram os reis de Rom[a]

[5v]cc

<e de Troya e de Grecia e los otros altos príncipes. D'este rey Júpiter cuentan todos los gentiles e cristianos tan grandes poderes e tantas cosas que diz que apenas los credién los omnes. E porque digamos nós ende algunas cosas d'aquellas que tenemos que son de creer>

[-]co<mo las fallamos contadas de los otros sabios, queremos>

[a]quy falar da çidade de Athenas omde <nació este rey>

[como] dito he, e apre[m]deo aly e estudou [a]s sçie[ncias]

[e as a]rtes liberaaes e outrascd, e fez despois aly <las leyes en las>

[-] doze [t]avoa[s]ce.

[D]o lugar da çid[a]de de Athenas e das escollas

della [XXXIII]cf

[E]mcg G[re]ç[ia, na] p[r]ovimçia de Acaya homde disemos

que rey[nara e]l rey [O]giges, era a çidade de quem

[conta]mos que ou[ve]ra nome Acta primeiramente, e era aimda

[ento]mçe[s] pequ[en]a, o hũũ pello lugar omde a asemtaram

[os prime]iros pouva[d]ores que pareçia muy comvinhavel e era

[a]bastadach de quamtas cousas hũã boa cidade avia mester,

[o o]utro por que aquelle rey Ogiges acreçemtara muyto

[-] em [a] pouvaçam, e a aforou muy bem e a fez cabeça

[do re]yno de Acaya, e lhe tyrou aquelle nome Acta e lhe pos

[-] Euleusis como dito he, por o quall a acreçemtarã

[des]pois em ella os reis todos que vyeram, e ajumtarã

[-] todollos meestres das sçiemçias e deram lhes os prinçi

[pes] della gramdes salayros, e fizeram-lhes aly leer e

[ens]ynar qualquer sçiençia que aly vyesem apremder.

[De]spois lhe foy mudadoci aquelle nome Eleusis e chama

[ram] na Athenas. Agora comtaremos como aquellescj

[que]ck pouvaram aquella [çi]dade e como hy foy ordenado

[o estu]do de t[o]dallas sçiemçias, [e] as sçiemçias quaaes foram

[e por] que razom lhe c[h]am[am] este nome Athenas e quem

[lho] pos. E despos est[o] diremos del rey Juppitercl.

Da çidade de Athenas e das escollas d[e]la XXXIIIIºcm

cn

[5r]

<Fallamos que muchos sabios e grandes omnes se ayuntaron a fazer la mayor puebla d'aquella cibdad de Atenas, e pues que fueron llegados e vieron ell assentamiento del logar muy bueno e muy complido de aguas e de montes e de todas las otras cosas que son pora>

[-]f[azer] <ý muy buena puebla>

[-] pe[n]saram como poderyam aly fazer h[i]

[cidade mai]s n[o]bre que todallas [d]a Greçia, e aimda d[outras terras].

[-] amte que a com[e]çasen a pou[v]oar, oulharam a[s]

[estrelas e] o ord[ena]mento dellas em [qu]e [-] pouvasem. Ca [-]

[era tal est]omçes o custume dos ge[n]tios em tod[o]ll[o]s feyto[s que]

fa[z]iam. E por que [pri]meiro ou[v]era [nome A]cta, na[m] lhe [quiseram]

logo tam asynha [mu]dar o n[om]e, [e p]or[q]ue viam que e[la ia]co

bamcp com aquelle nome e [ma]mda[ram q]ue asy lhe cha[massem]

Actea e chamaram na asy e fizeram h[i] viir as esco[llas de]

todollos saberes. E aquelles sabedores q[u]e a esta pou[voa]

vyeram tiveram por bem que se povoase aimda mais [-]

nobre çidade como elles aly queryam fazer e fizera[m]

logo de começo muy afortelezada e em todo muy no[bre],

ca a çercarom toda de muy forte muro e de to[rre]s de [marmor].

E era asemtadacq toda em quadra. E leixaram em[tre ella]

por medida sete portas gramdes cabedaaes, e de cada [huũa]

destas portas saya huũa rua muy amcha [e m]uy gra[nde]

quamto era neçesaryo que hya ata meo da çidade. E [aly]

em meo da villa omde se ajumtavam todas estas ru[as de]

cada porta a sua fizeram hũũ paaço muy grande [de obra]

muy maravilhosa e muy rica. E avia em elle tam[tas]

portas quamtas avia no muro [d]a cidade. E depos esta[s ou]

tras portas mais pequ[e]nas XXIIIIº, quamtas [s]am as o[ras]

do dia e da noy[te] por ser o pa[aç]o be[m] luminoso com[o con]

vynha pera [o]s meestres e pera [os] escollares. E amtr[e por]

ta e porta av[ia] hũa camara e cada hũa daquellas p[ortas]

<de la cibdad recudié a la suya d'estas del palacio>.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Although the compilation could have been written in Latin, as done, for example, with Bernardo de Brihuega’s works, the goal was to present a universal chronicle in Castilian (see Francisco Bautista, «Alfonso X, Bernardo de Brihuega y la General estoria», Atalaya, 17, 2017, on line: [URL][http://journals.openedition.org/atalaya/2954][consulted 29/09/2022]. On the usage of Castilian for his universal chronicle, and how it relates with other Imperial universal chronicles, see Mariana Leite, «Translatio Imperii, translatio linguarum? On Medieval Universal Chronicles produced around the Holy Roman Empire», Medieval Chronicle, 13, 2020, p. 131-148.

2 Francisco Rico, «Alfonso X y Júpiter», Alfonso el Sabio y la “General estoria”. Tres lecciones, Barcelona, Ariel, 1984; Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 2008, on line: [URL][https://www.cervantesvirtual.com/nd/ark:/59851/bmc25213][consulted 29/09/2022].

3 Pedro Sánchez-Prieto Borja (coord.), General Estoria, Madrid: Fundación Antonio de Castro, 2009 parte VI, t. I, p. 765-766.

4 «Onde porque el saber del tiempo que fue es cierto e non de los otros dos tiempos, trabajáronse los sabios omnes de meter en escrito los fechos que son passados pora aver remembrança d'ellos […]. E dixieron la verdat de todas las cosas, e non quisieron nada encobrir tan bien de los que fueron buenos como de los que fueron malos. E esto fizieron porque de los fechos de los buenos tomassen los omnes exemplo pora fazer bien e de los fechos de los malos que recibiessen castigo por se saber guardar de lo non fazer. Onde por todas estas cosas, yo don Alfonso [...] después que ove fecho ayuntar muchos escritos e muchas estorias de los fechas antiguos escogí d'ellos los más verdaderos e los mejores que sope e fiz ende fazer este libro», P. Sánchez-Prieto Borja (coord.), General Estoria…, parte I, t. I, p. 5-6.

5 For a comparison of these Imperial chronicles, see M. Leite, art. cit.

6 Otto of Freising dedicates to Frederick I his Chronica Duabus Ciuitatibus, a work that goes beyond the narration of history to give an account of the post-apocaliptic world.

7 Godfrey of Viterbo’s Speculum regum is composed in honour of the Emperor Henry VI. According to Thomas Foerster («Twilight of the Emperors: Godfrey’s Pantheon and the Hohenstaufen Inheritance in 13th century Castile and England», in: Thomas Foerster (ed.), Godfrey of Viterbo and his Readers: Imperial tradition and Universal History in the Late Medieval Europe, Farnham: Ashgate, 2015, p. 67-87), Godfrey’s ideology influenced deeply Alfonso X’s imperial aspirations, mainly because «Godfrey’s genealogical definition of empire offered perfect ideological material […] He made the office [emperorship] a truly universal one that was bound to a dynasty, but not any particular realm» (ibid., p. 77). Moreover, this author supports precisely the same ideas that Alfonso has about government, the relation between God and the Emperor, and that the emperor «must be wiser than other men in order to avoid the judgment of God» and «an emperor ignorant of philosophy and history runs the risk of being ruled by others»: Jean Dunbabin, «The distinctive elements among Godfrey of Viterbo’s Pantheon» in: Thomas Foerster (ed.), Godfrey of Viterbo and his Readers: Imperial tradition and Universal History in the Late Medieval Europe, Farnham: Ashgate, 2015 p. 37-46.

8 The Weltchronik, by Rudolf von Ems.

9 Much has been said about the sources of the General Estoria but, first in offering a comprehensive approach, Daniel Eisenberg’s article remains very pertinent: Daniel Eisenberg, «The General Estoria: sources and treatment», Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, 89 (1-3), 1973, p. 206-227.

10 In a similar manner to the other universal chronicles, this work, included in Vincent of Beauvais’ Speculum Maius, was also produced for a king, in this case, Louis IX of France.

11 On the manuscripts and their relationship, see the chapter by Inés Fernández-Ordóñez, «General Estoria» in: Carlos Alvar & José Manuel Lucia Megías (ed.), Diccionario Filológico de Literatura Medieval Española, Madrid: Castalia, 2002, p. 42-56.

12 Pedro de Barcelos used the GE for his version of story of Hercules in the Crónica de 1344 (see José Carlos Ribeiro Miranda, «A Crónica de 1344 e a General Estoria: Hércules e a Fundação da Monarquia Ibérica» in: Marta Haro (ed.) Literatura y Ficción: «estorias», aventuras y poesía en la Edad Media. València: Universitat de València, 2015 p. 209-224), and possibly for one of his cantares (see Maria do Rosário Ferreira, «Pedro de Barcelos: sangue, natura e a ordem do Mundo», in: Maria do Rosário Ferreira & José Carlos Ribeiro Miranda (org.), Natura e Natureza no Tempo de Afonso X, Porto: Edições Húmus, 2015, p. 51-70). Likewise, the reception of Bernardo de Brihuega’s GE materials, the Autos dos Apóstolos in Portugal also shows there was an early reception of this universal chronicle (F. Bautista, art. cit.) Finally, the marginalia of a witness preserved at Évora also reveals xivth-century Portuguese readings of the GE: Mariana Leite, «Entre galego-português e castelhano: sobre a marginalia da tradução dos Salmos no manuscrito R da General Estoria de Afonso X», in: Marta Negro Romero, Rosario Álvarez & Eduardo Moscoso Mato (ed.), Gallæcia. Estudos de lingüística portuguesa e galega, Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 2017, p. 893-903.

13 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, O-I-1 (BITAGAP, manid 1243); Ramón Martínez-López (ed.), General Estoria. Versión Gallega del Siglo XIV, Oviedo: Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 1962.

14 As demonstrated Diego Catalán, «Los modos de producción y “reproducción” del texto literario y la noción de apertura», in: Antonio Carreira, Jesús Antonio Cid, Manuel Gutiérrez Esteve & Rogelio Rubio (org.), Homenaje a Julio Caro Baroja. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 1978, p. 245-270.

15 Castelo Branco, Arquivo Distrital de Castelo Branco, CNCVL/01/Lv014 (BITAGAP, manid 3746: Arthur L-F. Askins (dir.), BITAGAP (Bibliografia de Textos Antigos Galegos e Portugueses), Berkeley : The Bancroft Library. University of California, 1997, on line: [URL][https://pb.lib.berkeley.edu/xtf/servlet/org.cdlib.xtf.dynaXML.DynaXML?source=/BITAGAP/Display/3746BITAGAP.MsEd.xml&style=MsEd.xsl&gobk=http%3A%2F%2Fpb.lib.berkeley.edu%2Fxtf%2Fservlet%2Forg.cdlib.xtf.crossQuery.CrossQuery%3Frmode=philobitagap%26everyone=geral estoria leite%26creator=%26title=%26incipit=%26explicit=%26assocname=%26daterange=%26placeofcomposition=%26subject=%26text-join=and%26browseout=work%26sort=moniker][consulted 10/01/2023].

16 Maria Clara Fevereiro, Inventário dos Fragmentos de Manuscritos dos Livros Notariais e Paroquiais do Arquivo Distrital de Castelo Branco, academic essay, Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras, 1991.

17 Arthur L-F. Askins, Aida Fernanda Dias & Harvey L. Sharrer, «Um novo fragmento da General Estoria de Afonso X em português medieval», Biblos, 4, 2006, p. 93-124 (reprint of Santa Barbara Portuguese Studies, 6, 2002, p. 134-156).

18 Manuel Tavares Fatela, years 1653 and 1655.

19 Mariana Leite, A General Estória de Afonso X em Portugal: As múltiplas formas de receção do texto alfonsino entre os séculos xivxvi, PhD thesis, Porto: Universidade do Porto, 2012, p. 238.

20 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Fragmentos, Cx. 21, No. 29, 30, 31, 32 (BITAGAP, manid 1495, 1502, 1501, 1500).

21 António Nogueira, years 1576, 1578, and 1586.

22 Avelino de Jesus da Costa, Fragmentos preciosos de códices medievais. Braga: Separata de Braga, Boletim do Arquivo Municipal, 1949.

23 Mário Martins, «Fragmentos medievais portugueses», Brotéria, 50, 1950, p. 403-414. One year later, another important study was published: Luís Filipe Lindley Cintra, «Sobre uma tradução galego-portuguesa da General Estoria de Afonso X», Boletim de Filologia, 12, 1951, p. 184-191.

24 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, 816 (BETA, manid 1055: Charles B. Faulhaber (dir.) BETA (Bibliografía Española de Textos Antiguos), Berkeley: The Bancroft Library–University of California, 1997, on line: [URL][https://pb.lib.berkeley.edu/xtf/servlet/org.cdlib.xtf.dynaXML.DynaXML?source=/BETA/Display/1055BETA.MsEd.xml&style=MsEd.xsl&gobk=http%3A%2F%2Fpb.lib.berkeley.edu%2Fxtf%2Fservlet%2Forg.cdlib.xtf.crossQuery.CrossQuery%3Frmode=philobeta%26everyone="manid 1055"%26creator=%26title=%26incipit=%26explicit=%26assocname=%26daterange=%26placeofcomposition=%26subject=%26text-join=and%26browseout=work%26sort=moniker][consulted 10/01/2023]. The stemma codicum considers fragments 29, 30, and 32, which transmit matter from the first half of Part 1: M. Leite, A General Estória..., p. 206. It is not possible to establish a stemma for the second half of Part 1, as remarked Inés Fernández-Ordóñez, art. cit., and, more recently, Pedro Sánchez Prieto Borja, «Introducción» in: General Estoria, parte I, t. I, 2009, p. XIII-CLIII.

25 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Fragmentos, Cx. 13, mç. 10, No. 30 (BITAGAP, manid 5893); available in: [URL][https://digitarq.arquivos.pt/details?id=4691259] [consulted 15/09/2022].

26 Recently, further information about the dimensions of these fragments was added to BITAGAP. Thus, fragment No. 1 (marked as f. "84"), measures 315 × 220 mm; No. 2 ("86"), 314 × 225 mm; No. 3 ("87"), 320 × 225 mm; No. 4 ("88"), 320 × 220 mm; and the last one, No. 5 (no number), 320 × 225 mm.

27 However, the recording of what would appear to have been the original numeration could be of use in locating other lost parts of the fragment.

28 I thank kindly Pedro Pinto (U. N. Lisboa), the one who discovered the fragment, for sharing details about it, particularly for new information that has been added to BITAGAP manid 5893.

29 As analysed in Mariana Leite, «Tradução e tradição da General Estoria em Portugal: sobre as implicações do fragmento ANTT cx. 13, maço 10 n.o 30» in: José Carlos Ribeiro Miranda (org.), En Doiro antr’o Porto e Gaia. Estudos de Literatura Medieval Ibérica, Porto: Estratégias Criativas, 2017, p. 611-618.

30 Examples in Corpus: xvth century – <pouuo>: 2; xvith century – <pouuo>: 1; <pouvo>: 2; <povuação>: 1. Maria Francisca Xavier (dir.), CIPM: Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval. Lisboa: Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1993-, on line: [URL][http://cipm.fcsh.unl.pt/][consulted 01/09/2022].

31 TMILG records most variations of /oul/ during these centuries, normally as variants of «ouliveira» or «oulives». CIPM also presents similar forms for the same period (ouliua, oulivar, oulius), from the xiiith to the xvith centuries; /oul-/ prevails in the xivth and xvth centuries, with a progressive tendency to be mostly recorded in northern Portugal (Xavier Varela Barreiro (dir.), TMILG: Tesouro Medieval Informatizado da Lingua Galega, Santiago de Compostela: Instituto da Lingua Galega, 2004-, on line: [URL][http://ilg.usc.es/tmilg][consulted 01/09/2022].

32 TMILG registers around 30 variants of <luita>, <luyta>, or <loyta>, of which 6 appear in Alfonso X’s Cantigas de Santa Maria, and 4 in the Galician translation of the General Estoria.

33 I would like to thank Marta Afonso (U. Porto/U. Santiago de Compostela) for her remarks on the linguistic state of the text.

34 For this reason it was not possible to compare this fragment with the Galician witness in Mariana Leite, «La General Estoria entre dos lenguas: sobre las traducciones de la obra alfonsí al gallego-portugués», Atalaya, 17, 2017, on line: [DOI][https://doi.org/10.4000/atalaya.2810][consulted 01/09/2022],.

35 Madrid, BNE, 816 (BETA, manid 1055).

36 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de El Escorial, Y-I-6 (BETA, manid 1060).

37 Madrid, BNE, 8682 (BETA, manid  1056).

38 Antonio Solalinde (ed.), General Estoria. Primera Parte, Madrid: Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas, Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1930; Pedro Sánchez-Prieto Borja (ed.), General Estoria. Primera Parte, vol. I, Génesis; vol. II, Éxodo, Levítico, Números, Deuteronomio, Madrid: Fundación Antonio de Castro, 2001; Pedro Sánchez-Prieto Borja (coord.), ed. cit, 2009.

39 I. Fernández-Ordóñez, art. cit.

40 M. Leite, A General Estoria em Portugal..., p. 205-208.

41 Ibid., 266-269.

42 M. Leite., «Gil Vicente, leitor de Afonso X. Sobre o Auto da Sibila Cassandra e a General Estória», in: Maria do Rosário Ferreira, Ana Sofia Laranjinha & José Carlos Miranda (org.), Seminário Medieval 2007-2008, Porto: Seminário Medieval de Literatura, Pensamento e Sociedade, 2009, p. 41-57.

43 Mariana Leite, «Crónicas universais a sul do Minho: a Historia Scholastica como alternativa à General Estoria?» in: Ricardo Pichel Góterrez (ed.), «Tenh’eu que mi fez el i mui gram bem». Estudos sobre cultura escrita medieval dedicados a Harvey L. Sharrer, Madrid: Sílex, 2022, p. 241-255.

44 Harvey L. Sharrer & Pedro Pinto, «Os fragmentos da Historia Scholastica de Pedro Comestor da Biblioteca da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Lisboa», in: Optimo magistro sodalium et amicorum munus. Homenagem a Aires A. Nascimento pelo seu 80.º aniversário, Lisboa: Centro de Estudos Clássicos–U. Lisboa, 2022, p. 477-496.

45 General Estoria…, parte I, t. I, p. 377. Unfortunately, T2 ends a few sentences before this excerpt and the TT fragment 29 begins shortly after. Perhaps the Portuguese version of this opportune analogy is now forever lost.

a Mariana Leite, «Quando as Bíblias são histórias gerais: o fragmento ANTT cx. 13, m.10, n.o 30 e a longevidade da General Estoria em Portugal», Anuario de Estudios Medievales (in press).

b M. Leite, A General Estoria..., p. 277-284.

c Struck through.

d No matching words in A.

e Title in A: XXVII: De las cosas que contecieron en el tiempo de Josep.

f Red stain from a title.

g A: Baleo.

h A: e regnó empós él treínta e cinco años.

i A: Acaya.

j A: diziénle.

k Stampmark (ANTT).

l A: toviéronle.

m A: e es Mezraím e Memfis nombre de la cibdad e de toda aquella tierra.

n Title in red.

o Blank space for initial.

p A: e puso.

q A: postrimeros.

r A: adelantóse.

s A: e desque se ovieron a ojo echós.

t A: ¿Qué quieren éstos? ¿Son tuyos?.

u The space available is not sufficient to match that of text A: omilláronse todos a Esaú.

v A: sopo que tanto avién con Jacob.

w A: cobdiciando la su gracia e pora cobrarla.

x Text missing. A: Diz Esaú sobre razón de los presentes quel enviava: -Hermano, assaz é yo pora mí; lo tuyo sea pora ti, e assí lo quiero yo. Respusol Jacob: -Señor...

y Top of the page, contemporary script in ballpoint pen: 84.

z Text missing. A: esta carrera. Diz Jacob: -Mio señor.

aa A: Respondiól Jacob, llamandol señor toda vía, e dixol: -Non avía ál mester.

ab A: salió a recibir.

ac Erased: vyera.

ad A: cabelladura espeluzrada.

ae A: en la entrada.

af Text missing: A: otrossí un altar, e alabó sobre él.

ag Contemporary script in pencil: Fragmentos cx. 13, mç. 10 nº 30.

ah Title in red and ANTT stampmark.

ai Blank space for initial.

aj The space available is not sufficient to match that of text A: em que morava.

ak A: un día, segund cuenta Josefo, los omnes.

al A: con sus ganados.

am Large gap; A: sanhudos por que Siquén.

an A: cosa tan desapuesta.

ao Severa damage; only legible: ãã [-] d [-]cos d[-], which does not seem to match the Castilian text.

ap Contemporary script in ballpoint pen: 87.

aq A: Aya.

ar A: e quequier que pusiéredes.

as The text doesn't match A: yo lo cumpliré.

at A: padre en art con saña.

au A: non es cosa guisada.

av A: a nós.

aw A: varones.

ax sic.

ay A: Plogó d’esta razón.

az A: ancha.

ba A: fazemos.

bb A: han.

bc A: Otorgaron todo el pueblo lo que Siquén.

bd One missing folio, corresponding to a half of chapter 30.

be A: puso por ende nombre a aquel.

bf A: que muestra tanto como.

bg A: E a Raquel soterró.

bh Sic. A: Betleem.

bi A: señera fincó que non fue soterrada entre sus parientes en Ebró; the text in Portuguese likely had another formulation, such as “só ficou que foi soterrada...”.

bj A: parece ý aún agora.

bk A: yogó.

bl A: amiga de su padre, sabiéndolo.

bm Sic.

bn Sic.

bo A: Betleem.

bp Title in red.

bq Blank space for initial.

br Contemporary script in pencil: Fragmentos cx. 13, mç. 10 No. 30.

bs A: su padre Isaac.

bt No matching words in A: e finóse. E pues visco Isaac...

bu A: otros.

bv Contemporary hand, ballpoint pen: 88.

bw Sic.

bx Title in red.

by Blank space for initial.

bz Stampmark: ANTT.

ca A: que regnava.

cb A: que en los gentiles ovo.

cc Cataloguing error: R and V are inverted.

cd A: en los saberes liberales e otros.

ce In the ms: avoa.

cf Title in red.

cg Blank space for initial.

ch A: muy cumplida.

ci A: fel después mudado.

cj A: Onde contaremos agora.

ck The space available does not fit the matching text: la manera a que los reyes.

cl Stampmark: ANTT.

cm Title in red.

cn Contemporary script in pencil: Fragmentos cx. 13, mç. 10 No. 30.

co A: quel iva.

cp sic; A: bien.

cq A: e assentáronla.

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Mariana Leite, « Alfonso X’s General Estoria at the dawn of Portuguese Renaissance. Study and transcription of a late fifteenth century fragment »Atalaya [En ligne], 22 | 2022, mis en ligne le 31 décembre 2022, consulté le 23 février 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/atalaya/5795 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/atalaya.5795

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Mariana Leite

SMELPS/ IF – Universidade do Porto

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