Introduction

1The Bosniak diaspora in France represents an under-researched Muslim minority within the European context. This research seeks to bridge the gap in the scholarly understanding of Bosniaks as a religious minority in France and Europe, focusing on their sense of belonging, transnational connections, and community activities. It first provides a brief historical overview of the development of Bosniak identity and the migration waves of Bosniaks to France. Then, through qualitative research, including semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this study delves into the experiences, challenges, and practices of Bosniak religious communities in France. By examining the activities and perceptions of Bosniak jamaats (mosque communities), the study aims to shed light on how this community navigates its dual identity as both French citizens and members of the Bosniak diaspora. The article concludes with a discussion of the challenges faced by the community, the role of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the broader implications of the study for understanding Muslim minorities in Europe.

3The field research was conducted during the period from September 2022 until February 2023. A total of 25 semi-structured interviews were carried out with key members of the Bosniak community, including imams, mosque presidents, and activists, both male and female. The interviews were guided by a set of approximately forty questions designed to explore various dimensions of the community’s life. These questions served as a flexible framework, allowing for in-depth discussions and the emergence of new themes during the interviews.

4The study focused on nine Bosniak mosques located in Paris, Strasbourg, Lyon, Mulhouse, Besançon, Sochaux, Annecy, Thonon, and Cluses. I visited eight of these nine mosques. All of them are affiliated with the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which facilitated my contacts with the imams or presidents of these communities. The participants included 21 men and 4 women, aged between 20 and 70 years. The age distribution of the interlocutors was as follows: ten participants aged 20-40 years; ten participants aged 41-60 years; and five participants aged 61-70 years. Each interview was pre-arranged in collaboration with the mosque’s imam and president. By pre-arranging interviews and collaborating with mosque leaders, the study ensured a systematic and thorough approach to data collection. Community members were selected based on the imam’s and the president’s recommendations and my personal choice, ensuring a diverse representation. The diverse age range and gender representation among the participants enabled a comprehensive understanding of the multi-generational perspectives and gender-specific experiences. Interviews typically lasted around two hours and were conducted within the mosque premises, providing contextual sensitivity to the participants’ environment. Conducting interviews within the mosque premises allowed participants to express themselves in a familiar and comfortable environment.

5In addition to interviews, the study applied ethnographic participant observation. This method entailed the researcher actively participating in various community activities, which included common prayers, the celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday (mevlud), annual meetings of mosque steering boards, gatherings of Bosniak imams and steering boards across France, and social events like common dinners, lunches, and family barbecues. I also analysed social media posts related to these communities. Participant observation outside of mosque grounds facilitated access to informants and allowed me to look beyond the institutional context of the mosque.

6The research also included interviews with directors and researchers from prominent institutions dealing with Islam and Muslims in France. These institutions include the Institute for the Study of Islam and Societies of the Muslim World (IISMM), the European Institute of Social Sciences (IESH), the Foundation of Islam in France (FIF), and the Institute of Islamic Cultures (ICI). Additional insights were gathered from PhD candidates at CETOBaC (Center for Turkish, Ottoman, Balkan, and Central Asian Studies) and leading stakeholders in other Muslim organizations such as the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DITIB), the French Council of Muslim Faith (CFCM), and the Union of Islamic Organisations in France (UOIF). Moreover, valuable information was obtained through two interviews with government officials, such as the Consultant for Religious Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France and the Chief-of-Office for Islam at the Central Office for Religious Affairs (Bureau central des cultes) at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of France. Interviews with directors of research institutions and governmental officials provided a broader institutional perspective, situating the Bosniak community’s experiences within the larger sociopolitical context of Islam and Muslims in France.

The Bosniaks: European Muslims of Bosnian Origin

8When it comes to their religious practice, Bosniaks are Sunni Muslims, belonging to the Hanafi school of law and Maturidi theology. There are as well Sufi tariqats, such as the Rufaiyya, Qadiri, Naqshbandi, Khalwatiyya, and Mevlevi orders. Sufi tariqats are spiritual paths or orders in Islam that focus on the mystical and inner dimensions of the faith, guiding followers through practices aimed at achieving spiritual enlightenment and closeness to God. Throughout the centuries, Bosniaks have developed an adaptability to different political and societal systems, as Bosnia and Herzegovina has been an integral part of different empires and states. Starting from the dominantly Muslim Ottoman Empire, Bosniaks have learned to adapt to the dominantly Catholic Austro-Hungarian Empire, then the dominantly Orthodox Yugoslav Kingdom, and then Communist Yugoslavia, where the state policy was to control, marginalize, and repress religious communities. In each of these systems, Bosniaks have preserved their indigenous religious identity (often called the Islamic tradition of Bosniaks), their Bosnian language (officially called Serbo-Croatian at that time), and their identification with the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ruling systems that followed the Ottoman Empire, they experienced being a minority, often surrounded by hostile and life-threatening state policies, such as during the Yugoslav Kingdom, the Second World War, and the recent war of 1992 to 1995.

What Is Diaspora and Does It Apply to the Bosniaks?

10Indeed, my interviews revealed that the Bosniaks in France maintain a strong Bosniak identity. Almost all interlocutors, when asked about their identity, identified themselves as Bosniaks. Some additionally mentioned that they are also French, Muslim, and have a Bosnian linguistic identity. Thus, they express multiple identities: a French identity related to citizenship, work, and education; a Muslim identity tied to religion; and both Bosnian and French language identities. All of them keep regular relationships with their homeland, built houses there after the war, visit their relatives regularly, and most of them expressed the wish to return at least when they retire. If they die in France, they want to be buried in their place of origin.

14To summarise, the Bosniak Muslim community constitutes a diaspora because it maintains a strong connection to its homeland, preserves its unique cultural and religious identity, and creates a supportive community structure in the host country. This diaspora not only fosters a sense of belonging among its members but also helps to sustain their cultural heritage and identity across generations.

Why France? An Overview of the Migration Waves of Bosniaks

15The migration of Bosniaks from Bosnia and Herzegovina can be categorized into several distinct periods. There have been several migration waves, particularly from the nineteenth century, throughout the twentieth century, and up to today.

17In the first years of socialist rule after 1945, many Bosniaks fled from the Partisans to Austria, Germany, and Switzerland as political dissidents, with figures like Adilbeg Zulfikarpašić establishing the Bosniak Institute in Zurich or Smail Balić working as expert on Oriental languages at the National Library in Vienna. A major shift occurred in 1963 when Socialist Yugoslavia allowed its citizens to work abroad through agreements with European countries, leading to the settlement of Balkan Muslims as guest workers in leading European industries. In the 1990s, the disintegration of Yugoslavia caused war and genocide, resulting in the massive emigration of Bosniaks to Western Europe, the USA, Canada, and Australia. Recent trends show brain drain migration towards Western European countries driven by the search for better economic prospects, continuing the trend of migration driven by the search for stability and improved living conditions.

Being a Bosniak Muslim in France: Identity, Integration, Assimilation

23The majority of Muslims come from the Maghreb countries (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) and other African countries, primarily Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as from Turkey, Southeast Europe (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, Bulgaria), and other parts of the Muslim world. Most Muslims in France are Sunni, adhering to the Maliki and Hanafi schools of thought. There are various Sufi orders (for example from Senegal) and an Alevi community. France is also home to a large number of Kurds (around 150,000) and Iranians (around 25,000). The highest concentration of Muslims is around the capital city, Paris. The President of the Bosniak jamaat in Paris estimates that 5,000 Bosniaks are living in Paris.

I personally have not experienced discrimination. I am a proud Muslim and my colleagues at work know that. My experience is that when someone is aware of his identity others will respect you. I bring cookies for bayram to my neighbours. My neighbour Jacques helps me even if he knows that I am a practicing Muslim. On the other side I have had the experience when they hear that I am performing my prayers and they change their attitude towards me. For many, a good Muslim is the one who does not practice Islam.

29My interlocutors worry about assimilation, whereas the notion of integration is rather something they are proud of, and they stress that they have successfully integrated into France. The debate on assimilation versus integration in France is particularly nuanced and often charged with political implications, especially when discussed in the context of Muslim communities. Assimilation implies a complete cultural absorption and loss of distinct identity, which many view as a threat to their Bosniak identity. Conversely, integration refers to the successful incorporation of individuals into the broader society while allowing them to maintain their unique cultural identities. This distinction is evident among the Bosniak community in France. While they express pride in their integration, highlighting their successful participation in French society, there is also an underlying concern about assimilation. This is seen through the increasing interethnic marriages and the diminishing use of the Bosnian language among younger generations, indicating a gradual shift from a distinct Bosniak identity towards a broader Muslim diaspora. This trend can be further illustrated by the data collected during my research, where several interlocutors shared personal experiences of linguistic assimilation and cross-cultural relationships, reflecting these broader changes. The French media and political discourse often blur these terms, adding to the complexity. For the Bosniak community, maintaining a balance between preserving their cultural heritage and integrating into French society remains a delicate issue.

30Nonetheless, assimilation takes place and interethnic marriages are becoming common, even if the parents would rather prefer that their children marry Bosniaks. However, my field research revealed that there are many young Bosniaks who got married to non-Muslim and Muslim French citizens of immigrant background (Algeria, Morocco, and Turkey).

31When asked what France means to them, typical pull factors in migration studies come to the surface: employment, high wages, welfare state benefits, education, medical care, social security, living standards, stability, and rule of law. Many responded that France is their second home country and that they are very satisfied.

France and the French people helped me to become what I am today. I work and live here in Paris. I achieved all of it not because I had good connections but because I gave my best and worked hard. I am happy with my life in France. I pursued my career. Additionally, I am happy to serve my jamaat. (architect and woman activist in the jamaat in Paris, 38 years)

Bosniaks are very successful in the diaspora. They work hard and are respected by the French people. Some French told me that it would be much easier if all Muslims were like the Bosniaks. (president of the jamaat in Besançon, 62 years)

33However, there are also concerning voices:

France is a country that gave me a better future in the material sense. I am happy with my private life. I am married and the father of four children. I play basketball and contribute to the jamaat. Thank God, I do not want to complain. However, if I stay here, my children and I will lose our religious and Bosniak identity. Already, the first generation is losing its identity. I have a feeling that I will never be fully accepted as a Muslim in France. (president of the jamaat in Annecy, 39 years)

34Continuing with the perspective of another interviewee, we hear from a woman activist, a graduate in the food industry with a specialization in industrial technician training. At 34 years old, she moved to Strasbourg for a family reunion, having fallen in love with a Bosniak who had already been living in France. Her journey highlights the complexities of balancing personal relationships and integrating into a new country: “The person who assimilates best is the one most accepted in France. I feel threatened as nationalism is on the rise here. The only solution is integration. Integration means living like all other French people – educating ourselves, working – but we must also preserve our rich culture and find a way to present it,” said the activist, who is now 38 and works as an engineer while also being involved in the jamaat in Paris. This reflection adds another dimension to the ongoing challenges of identity and belonging within the Bosniak diaspora, underscoring the tension between assimilation and the desire to maintain cultural roots. To bridge the discussion on identity, integration, and assimilation of Bosniak Muslims in France with the subsequent focus on the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its connection to diasporic Bosniak jamaats, it is essential to explore how transnational religious institutions contribute to shaping and sustaining these identities within diaspora communities.

The Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its Relation to Diasporic Bosniak Jamaats

35Understanding the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Islamska zajednica u Bosni i Hercegovini [ICBH]) and its relationship with the Bosniak diaspora in France is crucial for several reasons. The ICBH, established in Sarajevo in 1882 during the Austro-Hungarian period, serves as the representative organization for Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina, neighbouring countries, and the diaspora. It addresses the spiritual and organizational needs of Bosniaks wherever they live, providing religious guidance and supporting the organization of religious activities in mosques. This connection ensures that Bosniaks, regardless of their geographic location, remain linked to their religious practices as well as to the songs, customs, traditional celebrations, and material objects that reflect the Bosniak identity, ensuring continuity of both cultural and religious heritage across generations and locations.

36The ICBIH’s extensive network, which includes around 1,900 mosques in Bosnia and Herzegovina and approximately 300 in the diaspora (Europe, North America, Australia), plays a significant role in maintaining the religious and cultural identity of Bosniaks abroad. This network is essential for understanding how Bosniak communities in France, although a minority compared to other Muslim communities, sustain their unique practices and traditions. By exploring the ICBH and its impact on Bosniak jamaats in France, we gain insight into the mechanisms that help maintain religious cohesion, cultural continuity, and a sense of belonging among Bosniaks in the diaspora. This examination also highlights the broader context of Muslim integration and the role of religious institutions in supporting diasporic communities.

38The ICBH maintains its autonomy and independence financially and organizationally from the state and other countries or donors. The Community is not a state institution and has always operated independently. However, this autonomy should be contextualized by considering the various historical periods. After the fall of the Communist regime and the subsequent war, financial support and scholarships from dominantly Muslim countries were pivotal, with much of the aid focused on humanitarian assistance, scholarships, and rebuilding more than a thousand destroyed mosques. Despite these collaborations and donations, the Islamic Community has maintained a clear policy ensuring that its mosques, schools, faculties, and institutions remain under its sole control. ICBH enforces a strict policy that imams must be Bosniaks, and both their preaching and the interpretation of Islam must align with the Islamic tradition of Bosniaks. Furthermore, imams must receive approval from the Faculty of Islamic Studies in Sarajevo and the Grand Mufti, ensuring that foreign influences do not affect local religious practices.

39Bosnia and Herzegovina is a secular state and has developed a model of separation with cooperation. For example, Islamic high schools (medresa) are regular public schools which follow the curriculum like any other public school, but with additional religious classes. Thus, a graduate from that school can pursue studies at a university in any discipline. Similarly, the Faculty of Islamic studies, established by the Islamic Community, is a regular faculty of the state University of Sarajevo, and their staff receive a salary from the state. Public schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have religious classes and the teachers of religion in these schools are educated either at the Faculty of Islamic studies in Sarajevo or at the two other Faculties of Islamic Pedagogy in Zenica or Bihać. A medresa does not award a degree in religious sciences. It is a high school diploma. However, anyone who wants to work as an imam must have completed both a medresa and the Faculty of Islamic studies.

41Hence, Bosniak mosques in France are an integral part of a well-organized, interconnected global network of religious communities linked with the ICBH with its headquarters in Sarajevo. The connection to the ICBH with its religious leader the Grand Mufti (reis ul-ulema) seems to be of great importance, as the interviews revealed. This highly organized Islamic community’s more than 300 diasporic mosques are usually registered as Bosniak Islamic Centres in Europe, North America, and Australia. The largest diasporic community is in Germany with about 80 jamaats. In France there are nine jamaats with about 4,800 members.

42In comparison to the dominant Algerian, Moroccan, and Turkish Muslims communities, Bosniak mosques in France were established much more recently, with the first jamaat in Paris opening in 1997, followed by mosques in Sochaux in 1999, Mulhouse in 2000, Strasbourg in 2004, Besançon in 2005, Lyon in 2007, Thonon in 2009, Cluses in 2011, and Annecy in 2012. Whereas Bosniak mosques in other countries have been established in the 1980s and 1990s with the rising number of Bosnian refugees in Europe, North America, and Australia, the majority of mosques in France were registered in the years around 2000. This can be explained by the low number of immigrants and refugees as well as the timing of the immigration waves to France. Furthermore, representatives of Bosniak mosque associations in France pointed out that, until the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Bosnian Muslims were not pious and practicing religion in the same way as today. It has to be taken into consideration that they lived in a state that defined itself and its communist ideology as atheist and was led by its headquarters in the capital city Belgrade. Then as well a Yugoslav identity existed. The rising Serb and Croat nationalism, the establishment of democracy, human rights, and particularly freedom of faith, led eventually to a revitalization of religion and to a greater awareness of the Bosniak identity. All of this helps explain why Bosniaks started to gather around the idea of mosques in their diasporic settings in the 1990s. As one activist in the jamaat in Strasbourg stated: “Until the age of 30 I did not practice Islam, but because of the happenings in Bosnia and Herzegovina I started to think about my religion. When I came to France in the 1990s, I did not know any Bosniak who prayed.” This statement adds nuance, suggesting that religious practice and identity are more likely shaped by specific historical circumstances, rather than being inherent or self-sustaining elements. Nonetheless, even if, as the interviewee mentions, they may not have performed daily prayers, this does not mean they lacked a religious identity altogether.

Bosniak Mosques in France as Transnational and Multifunctional Places

45In terms of numbers, as mentioned above, the Embassy of Bosnia and Herzegovina estimates that there are 35,000 Bosniaks living in France. Based on field research conducted in nine communities, 1,200 families were registered as jamaat members. If this number is roughly multiplied by four, which is the average size of a family, the total comes to 4,800. This means that about 14% of Bosniaks in France are members of a jamaat of the Islamic Community.

46Having a closer look at the activities, symbols, and premises of Bosniak mosques, an observer can easily tell that the mosques do not only serve to meet the religious needs of the members but have multiple purposes. The prayer room is fully covered with a carpet and has the typical interior furnishing with a mihrab (place of the imam) and minber (stairs for the obligatory juma prayer). The walls of the mosques reveal an interesting symbolism. There are calligraphies, maps of Bosnia, paintings of Sarajevo, the crescent, the French and Bosnian flags, as well as the flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina with lilies, which was used during the 1992-1995 war. Lilies are an interesting symbol present in all Bosniak mosques. They represent the historic continuity of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as the medieval Bosnian kingdom used to have lilies as its state symbol. When Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence in 1992, the state reintroduced the lilies on the flag. Additionally, the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina has used lilies as a symbol of defence of the state. The crescent is also present in many ways as a symbol of Islamic identity. On the other hand, the French flag is a symbol of respect to the state where Bosniaks are residing.

47The symbols and premises are in line with the activities. The primary activities are regular prayers, juma, religious education of children and adults, additional prayers (teravija) and recitation of the whole Quran (mukabela) during the month of Ramadan, prayers on Islamic holidays (bayram), lectures (vaz), celebrations of the birthday of the Prophet (mevlud), Islamic marriages, celebration and supplication for members who leave for hajj, i.e. the pilgrimage to Mecca and Madina (ikrar dova), etc.

48Bosniak mosques play a role in cultivating the Islamic tradition specific to Bosniaks, a tradition shaped by the unique historical and cultural context of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This tradition, which differs from how other Muslim communities around the world interpret, teach, and practice Islam, is reflected in several aspects of religious and community life. For instance, religious education in these mosques is designed to reflect the Bosnian experience of Islam, while cultural practices such as performing traditional Bosnian songs (ilahije) at community events, celebrating religious holidays in ways specific to Bosniaks (mevlud), and promoting the use of the Bosnian language are all part of this distinct identity. The study of Islamic literature written by Bosnian scholars further reinforces the preservation of Bosnian intellectual heritage. These elements help maintain and nurture the distinctive Islamic identity of Bosniaks, ensuring that their unique way of practicing and understanding Islam continues to thrive within their communities.

50Trophies displayed in offices, classrooms, or restaurants show that sport is another activity of the mosque community. For example, the jamaats in Annecy and Thonon have on their social media accounts posted many sport activities, mainly football.

51The jamaat restaurant is another integral place for gatherings. Meals are prepared or brought from home, mostly traditional Bosnian cuisine, and shared with the community members. There are regular lunches or dinners on weekends. Especially during Ramadan, these common meals for breaking the fast (iftar) are very important for members, as it reminds them of home where such a meal is shared with family, neighbours, and friends.

53While in Turkish, Algerian, and Moroccan mosques in France the imams are usually employees of the respective state and the mosques are largely financed by those states, all Bosniak mosques are financially and organizationally independent from the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina or any other local or foreign entity. Bosniak imams are employees of the mosque and the mosque finances itself from membership fees and donations of their members. All premises of the Bosniak mosques are purchased by the community members and are the property of the vakuf of the mosque, meaning the mosque’s charitable foundation. Every mosque has its own charitable foundation; its purpose is to serve the community. Except for the imam, all activists including the steering board are committed on a voluntary basis for the common good. Another characteristic of Bosniak diaspora jamaats is that the members are not only Bosniaks but Muslims from the Balkans in general, such as from Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and North Macedonia, all of whom speak Bosnian.

54Unlike in other diasporic settings, France does not offer mother-tongue education in public schools. Thus, Bosniak mosques also serve as a place to practice the language. The jamaat in Strasbourg offers additional Bosnian language courses. The libraries in each mosque have dominantly literature in Bosnian language, but there are also books in Arabic and French language. There are many copies of the Quran and textbooks for religious education (ilmihal). Further books are either translations from Arabic, such as collections of hadith, translations from English, German, or French language, such as those by Seyyid Hossein Nasr, Le guide pour le jeune musulman (The guide for the young Muslim), or Murad Hofmann, L’islam comme alternative (Islam as an alternative). Books written by Bosniak imams and theologians are about the life of the Prophet Mohammad, a guide for performing the prayer, Muslim names, interpretations of some surat, etc.

55When asked what the mosque means for them, my interlocutors responded that it is first of all a spiritual place, a place of peace, consolation, and to feed one’s soul, but also a place to preserve the Islamic and Bosniak identity: “Jamaat is home, homeland, religion, culture and, peace. When I come to the jamaat it is as if I come to Bosnia and Herzegovina” (president of the jamaat in Strasbourg). In this sense, one interlocutor even claimed that the jamaat is the guarantee for survival. Some responded as well that they grew up going to a mosque, and that it is a habit in their family as well as an obligation to God to be a member of a jamaat.

The Principal Role of an Imam

58The imam in a mosque, like the priest in a church or the rabbi in a synagogue, plays an important role. Their main role is to guide and perform the regular obligatory daily prayers, the obligatory juma prayer, religious education for children and adults, recitations of the Quran, lectures, additional Quran recitations and teravija prayers during the month of Ramadan, prayers for Eid (bajram), dženaza prayers for a deceased person, and generally being available for any further activities related to Islamic practice. In addition to these formal duties, the imam also plays a consultative role within the community, offering guidance and support to families and individuals on various personal and religious matters. It is common for them to answer questions from the congregation at the end of Friday prayers. Furthermore, the imam often socializes with the community, sharing coffee and conversation with the congregation after prayers, fostering a deeper sense of connection and support within the jamaat. Since diasporic mosques are not, as elaborated above, only places of religious worship, the imam has additional obligations. This is the difference from imams in Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose obligations are exclusively related to Islamic practice. Thus, the president of the jamaat in Lyon who used to be an imam says: “It is more difficult to be an imam in the diaspora than in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The expectations are much higher.”

59In the diaspora, the imam is the one who participates in sports activities, organizes gatherings with the youth, and prepares of all kinds of activities inside and outside the mosque. The members of the mosque expect them to bring together the community also for non-religious purposes outside the mosque. Furthermore, the imam is, as the interviews revealed, a model of a good Muslim, a representative of Islam, psychologist, consultant, and mediator. The imam is considered to be the link to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to other jamaats in France. But the most important task is religious education for the younger generations, as an interlocutor stated: “If the imam is good, the jamaat is good.”

61In Europe generally, imams mostly come from their countries of origin and often do not know the language and culture of the country where they are supposed to serve. In the case of France, imams from Algeria, Morocco, and Turkey are employees of their respective countries. Hence, the education of imams in France, in order to avoid the influence of foreign countries in French internal affairs, is one of the priorities that has been addressed at the French Ministry of Interior Affairs in cooperation with Muslim activists of different professional profiles. Therefore, the French state, starting from 2024, no longer allows seconded imams who are employees of their state of origin to serve in France. However, this does not include Bosnian imams, as they are not employees of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina but rather employees of the mosques.

62For years there have been several attempts to organize the diverse Muslim communities under umbrella organizations, but all of them so far have been unsuccessful. Bosniak jamaats have not yet participated in any of these initiatives, mostly due to their size and to the competing interests of the three dominant Muslim communities (Algerians, Moroccans, Turks), all of which are financed and backed by their respective states.

Bosniak Jamaats and the Outside World

63Another question during the interviews was about radicalization and violent extremism. All interlocutors were clearly opposed to any sort of violence except in the case of self-defence: “Islam is a religion of peace and liberty. It is absolutely contradictory to relate Islam with violence” (activist in the jamaat in Mulhouse, 33 years). Similarly, the president of the jamaat in Annecy responded:

I do not support at all violence except if my life is in danger. In Bosnia we were the greatest pacifists in the world. I condemn the terrorist attacks. Killing innocent people and killing myself is not in line with Islam and what the Prophet teaches us. I am totally against it. The French are putting us all in the same box and I find it so hard that the whole Muslim community pays the price because of one individual.

64When asked whether there is cooperation or exchange between the Bosniak mosque and other Muslim communities, the responses were rather negative. Most of the interviewees said that there is very little exchange and cooperation between Bosniak and other jamaats: “There is very little cooperation, rather out of politeness and when there are special festivities” (main imam in Strasbourg). The jamaat in Mulhouse started religious education (mekteb) in a Turkish mosque when Bosniaks did not have their own premises. When the jamaats in Annecy and Lyon were about to establish their mosques, they received donations from the Turkish jamaats (carpets, chairs for the classroom).

66Regarding relations to public authorities, there are annual visits of the territorial intelligence service (renseignement territorial) to talk to the president of the jamaat. The communication has been kind and cooperative. So far, no Bosniak jamaat has been closed down by state authorities, nor has a Bosniak imam ever been sent back to the country of origin. In general, as the main imam in Strasburg puts it: “There is no concrete cooperation, no support. We are organizing ourselves on our own. There are no obstacles from public authorities. We don’t have any problems. In general, public authorities are very reserved and closed.”

Conclusion

67This article has highlighted the unique yet often overlooked presence of the Bosniak community in France. As a significantly smaller community compared to those originating from France’s former colonies, such as Algeria and Morocco, as well as Turkey, it is not surprising that Bosniaks are underrepresented in public discourse and religious institutions within the French state. Their “invisibility” is partly a result of this smaller population and partly due to their smooth integration into French society, where they are often perceived as a minority that does not present significant social or political challenges. Although they have successfully integrated into French society and acquired French citizenship, Bosniaks have maintained strong connections to their country of origin, Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to the Islamic Community headquarters in Sarajevo. This enduring connection stems, in part, from a desire to preserve their religious and cultural identity; many have expressed a concern about losing their Bosniak identity in the diaspora. However, this creates a sense of dual belonging, as Bosniaks often feel split between France and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many own homes in both countries and navigate these dual identities, balancing their roles as integrated French citizens with their efforts to preserve their cultural and religious heritage.