Bibliographie
Ahrens K.
1930 « Christliches im Qoran: eine Nachlese » ZDMG, vol. 84.
Al-Suyūṭī
1852-4 Al-Itqân fî ‘Ulum al-Qur’ân, Calcutta.
Al-Suyūṭī
1924 Al-Mutawakkilī, translated by Willam Y. Bell, Cairo, Nile Mission Press.
Bar-Asher M.
1980 « The Tradition of Mishnaic Hebrew in the Communities of Italy [according to Ms. Paris 328-329] » [in Hebrew], Edah veLashon, 6, Jerusalem, Magnes Press.
BDB = Brown F., Driver S. R. and Briggs C. A.
1951 Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, Oxford, Clarendon Press.
Belot J-B.
1899 Vocabulaire arabe-français à l’usage des étudiants, Beyrouth, Imprimerie catholique.
Blachère R. and Gaudefroy-Demombynes M.
1975 Grammaire de l’arabe classique : morphologie et syntaxe, 3ème édition, Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose.
Blachère R.
2001 Le Coran, Maisonneuve et Larose, 1ère édition 1947, reed.
Blau J.
1972 « Arabic Lexicographical Miscellanies » Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 17, n° 2, p. 173-190.
Briquel-Chatonnet F. (ed.)
1996 Le bilinguisme dans le Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la Table-ronde du 18 novembre 1995 organisée par l’URA 1062, « Études Sémitiques », Paris, Jean Maisonneuve.
Carter M.
2006 « Foreign Vocabulary », in Andrew Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’ān, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, p. 120-139.
Cohen D.
« Qu’est-ce qu’une langue sémitique ? » Comptes-rendus du G.L.E.C.S., t. xviii-xxiii (1973-1979), Paris, Geuthner.
1970 « Le vocabulaire de base sémitique et le classement des dialectes du sud,” Études de linguistique sémitique et arabe, Paris, Mouton.
DRS = Cohen D.
2010 Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques, Paris, Mouton, 8 vol. (ᵓ to Z) 1970-1999 ; vol. 9 (H), in collaboration with François Bron and Antoine Lonnet.
DUL = Olmo Lete, G. (del), Sanmartin J.
2002 A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition, translated by W. G. E. Watson, Leiden, Brill, Handbuch der Orientalistik, vol. 1 : ['(a/i/u)-k], vol. 2 : [l-z].
Ellenbogen M.
1962 Foreign Words in the Old Testament, their Origin and Etymology, London, Luzac.
Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 1st edition, 1913-1942.
Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 2nd edition, since 1954.
Eph’al I.
1982 The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent, 9th-5th Centuries, Jerusalem, The Magnes Press.
2009 The City Besieged: Siege and its Manifestations in the Ancient Near East, Leiden, Brill.
Fahd T.
1987 La divination arabe, Études religieuses, sociologiques et folkloriques sur le milieu natif de l’Islam, Paris, Sindbad.
Fraenkel S.
1886 Die Aramäischen Fremdwörter im Arabischen, Leiden, Brill.
Gaudefroy-Demombynes M.
1933 « [Compte-rendu de :] Charles Cutler Torrey: The Jewish Foundation of Islam » Revue de l’histoire des religions, Paris, Leroux, p. 90-96.
Geiger A.
1898 Judaism and Islam, translated by F. M. Young, Madras, M.D.C.S.P.C.K. Press.
Guidi I.
1879 Della sede primitiva dei popoli semitici, Rome, Tipi del Salviucci.
Haelewyck J-C.
2006 Grammaire comparée des langues sémitiques : Éléments de phonétique, de morphologie et de syntaxe, Bruxelles, Safran.
HALOT = Köhler L. and Baumgartner W.
2000 The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, Leiden, Brill.
Hamzaoui R.
1978 « Idéologie et langue ou l’emprunt linguistique d’après les exégètes du Coran et les théologiens : interprétation socio-linguistique » Quaderni di semitica, vol. 5, Florence, Pelio Fronzaroli, Instituto di linguistica e di lingue orientali, University of Florence, p. 157-171.
Hirschfeld H.
1886 Beiträge zur Erklärung des Ḳorân, Leipzig, O. Schulze.
Horovitz J.
1925 « Jewish Proper Names and Derivatives in the Koran » The Hebrew Union College Annual, vol. 2, Cincinnati, p. 145-228.
Jastrow M.
1926 A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature, London, Luzac.
Jeffrey A.
1938 The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'ân, Baroda, Oriental Institute.
Joosten J.
1996 La Peshitta de l’Ancien Testament dans la recherche récente, Revue d’Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses, vol. 76, n° 4, Strasbourg, Association des publications de la Faculté de théologie protestante de Strasbourg, p. 385-395.
Kaufman S.
1974 The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic, Chicago, The University of Chicago.
Kazimirski A. de B.
1840 Le Coran, traduction et notes, Paris, Charpentier.
Kopf L.
1976 « Religious Influences on Medieval Arabic Philology » Studies in Arabic and Hebrew Lexicography, Moshe H. Goshen-Gottstein with the help of S. Assif. (ed.), Jerusalem, The Magnes Press.
Lammens H.
1914 Le berceau de l’islam, l’Arabie occidentale à la veille de l’Hégire, Rome, Pontificii Instituti Biblici.
Lipinski E.
2001 Semitic Languages: Outline of a Comparative Grammar, Leuven, Peeters, 2nd ed.
Luxenberg C.
2000 Die Syro-Aramäische Lesart des Koran : Ein Beitrag zur Entschlüsselung der Koransprache, Berlin, Verlag Hans Schiler.
Mankowski P.
2000 « Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew » Harvard Semitic Studies, vol. 47, Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns.
Margoliouth D. S.
1939 « Some Additions to Professor Jeffrey Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’an », Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, n° 1, p. 53-61.
Mingana A.
1927 « Syriac Influence on the Style of the Kur’ân » Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester University Press, London, Longmans, Green, vol. 11, n° 1, p. 77-98.
Neuwirth A., Sinai N., Marx M.
2011 The Qur’an in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qur’anic Milieu, Leiden, Brill.
Nöldeke T.
1892 Sketches from Eastern History, translated by J. S. Black, London, Adam and Charles Black.
1910 « Lehnwörter in und aus dem Äthiopischen » Neue Beiträge zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg, Trübner.
Pennacchio C.
2011 Doctoral dissertation: Étude du vocabulaire commun entre le Coran et les Écrits juifs avant l’islam, INALCO, février 2011.
Robin C.
2000 « À propos de la prière : emprunts lexicaux à l’hébreu et à l’araméen relevés dans les inscriptions préislamiques de l’Arabie méridionale et dans le Coran » in Gilles Dorival et Didier Pralon (eds.) Prières méditerranéennes hier et aujourd’hui, Textes et documents de la Méditerranée antique et médiévale, n° 1, Aix-en-Provence, PUP, p. 45-69
SED = Militarev A. and Kogan L.
2005 Semitic Etymological Dictionary, Munster, Ugarit-Verlag.
Sprenger A.
1852 « Foreign Words Occuring in the Qoran » Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, n° 21, p. 109-114.
Torrey C. C.
1933 The Jewish Foundation of Islam, Hilda Stich Stroock Lectures.
Weitzman M. P.
1992 « From Judaism to Christianity: The Syriac Version of the Hebrew Bible » in Judith Lieu., John North et Tessa Rajak (eds.), The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire, London /New York, Routledge, p. 147-173.
Yâqût, M.
1866-1870 Mu’jam al-Buldan [Geographic Dictionary], Leipzig, Wüstenfeld.
Zammit M.
2002 A Comparative Lexical Study of Qurʾānic Arabic (Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section one: The Near and Middle East, 61), Leiden, Brill.
Zimmern H.
1915 Akkadische Fremdwörter als Beweis für Babylonischen Kultureinfluss, Leipzig, Hinrichs.
Haut de page
Notes
Neuwirth A., Sinai N., Marx M., The Qur'an in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qur’anic Milieu, Leiden, Brill, 2011.
Torrey C. C., The Jewish Foundation of Islam, New York, Hilda Stich Stroock lectures, 1933.
Gaudefroy-Demombynes M., “[Compte-rendu de :] Charles Cutler Torrey: The Jewish Foundation of Islam,” Revue de l’histoire des religions, Paris, Leroux, 1933, p. 90-96.
Literally “barrier”: it corresponds to the western region of the Arabian Peninsula and includes the cities of Mecca and Medina.
Hamzaoui R., “Idéologie et langue ou l’emprunt linguistique d’après les exégètes du Coran et les théologiens : interprétation socio-linguistique,” Quaderni di semitica, vol. 5, Florence, Pelio Fronzaroli, Instituto di linguistica e di lingue orientali, Universiy of Florence, 1978, p. 157-171.
(12-2), (20-113), (39-28), (41-3), (42-7), (43-3), “[in the] Arabic language” lisānan ˁarabiyyan (46-12), (16-103), “in plain Arabic speech” bi-lisānan ˁarabiyyan mubīn (26-195).
Al-Suyūṭī, Al-Mutawakkili, translated by Willam Y. Bell, Cairo, Nile Mission Press, 1924. This book was entirely devoted to the “foreign words” of the Qur’ān. It is named after Egyptian Caliph Al-Mutawakkil III (d. 1536), who ordered it.
Kopf L., “Religious Influences on Medieval Arabic Philology,” Studies in Arabic and Hebrew Lexicography, ed. Moshe H. Goshen-Gottstein with the assistance of S. Assif., Jerusalem, The Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1976, p. 30.
Jeffery A., The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’ân, Baroda, Oriental Institute, 1938, p. viii.
Horovitz J., “Jewish Proper Names and Derivatives in the Koran,” The Hebrew Union College Annual, vol. 2, Cincinnati, 1925, p. 145-228.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. vii.
Ibid, p. ix
Pennacchio C., “Étude du vocabulaire commun entre le Coran et les Écrits juifs avant l’islam,” Diss. INALCO, 2011. Print. See “Définitions des emprunts” p. 73-76: “Borrowing is a process by which a word or a linguistic unit is taken from a donor language to be used in a recipient language. The borrowing of a single word is called “lexical” borrowing. A loanword never transfers without undergoing some change. The loanword phonologically adapts to the recipient language. At the semantic level, the borrowed signified is often applied to fewer contexts in the recipient language than in the donor language, for the borrower may not be aware of some uses of the word and may select only the ones he knows. Borrowing is both a linguistic and a historical phenomenon. It is a linguistic process in which language is borrowed. It is a historical process because it results from the contact between two communities. The borrowing process is quite often a product of bilingualism – the individuals’ ability to speak two different languages. “Borrowing,” though, is a misnomer: when a language appropriates a word, it hasn’t the slightest intention of returning it. On the contrary, a language takes a word to imitate it, use it, and integrate it. However well integrated a foreign word is, it retains exotic traits that make it recognizable.”
Ibid. “Typologie des emprunts” p. 77-78: “The various types of borrowings can be categorized according to the criteria selected for the categorization. Borrowings can be categorized according to 1) the different levels of borrowing: the foreign words (Fremdwörter in German), which remain foreign in the recipient language; the loanwords per se (Lehnwörter), which are integrated into the recipient language, adapting to its grammatical rules; loan translations or calques (Lehnübersetzung), produced by the translation of the original word; loan meanings (Lehnbedeutung), in which the meaning of foreign words are borrowed; culture words (Kulturwörter). In informal language, they are called “travelling words”; 2) the loanword transmission pattern: we talk of “direct borrowing” when the donor language is immediately identifiable; we call “indirect borrowings” words that are passed on through an intermediary language; “orthographic borrowings” are words that leave a trace of the donor language by retaining their spelling in the recipient language; “loan translations” or calques are words of a donor language that were translated into a recipient language; “reborrowing”: a word travels back to the donor language; 3) whether they are Semitic languages or not: “external borrowings”: the donor language is not a Semitic language; “internal borrowing”: the donor language is a Semitic language.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 39.
Ibid., p. 99. Neither Jeffery nor Régis Blachère translates “Jibt.” The word appears in the expression al-ğibt wa al-ṭāġūt (4-51), which seems to be borrowed from Ethiopian.
Ibid., p. 58, meaning “brocade, silk clothing,” seems to come from Persian.
Ibid., p. 128. In the Qur’ān, darasa – with the root DRS – means “to study the Scriptures.” It seems to be borrowed from Judaism (indeed, dāraš means “to reach the deep meaning of the Scripture by exact and careful research”), according to A. Geiger, Judaism and Islam, translated by F. M. Young, Madras, M.D.C.S.P.C.K. Press, 1898, p. 36.
The first meaning of the root BRK – baraka in Arabic and bāraḵ in Hebrew – is for the camel “to kneel, to squat.” This meaning is common to all Semitic languages. In the Qur’ān, the word only means “to bless.” According to Jeffery, op. cit., p. 75, this root acquired the meaning “to bless” in the North Semitic languages; it was then transmitted to the South Semitic languages, appearing in South Arabian epigraphy as brk “to bless.” The fact that brk is found with the meaning “to bless, to kneel” in Ugaritic (Olmo Lete, G. (del), Sanmartin J., A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language, 2002, vol. 1, p. 237 – abbreviated DUL), however, suggests that the connection of this meaning with this word is quite ancient in the Semitic world.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 39, Nöldeke T., Sketches from Eastern History, translated by J. S. Black, London, Adam and Charles Black, 1892, p. 38.
Translations R. Blachère.
Translation R. Blachère, meaning pagan Arabs.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 32.
Al-Muhaḏḏab, “belly, inside” in Nabataean, “inside” in Aramaic, p. 111; Al-Itqân, p. 110.
Al-Mutawakkilī, “come!” in Syriac, p. 54, “come!” in Aramaic, p. 61; Al-Muhaḏḏab, “come!” in Coptic, “it is your duty” in Syriac, p. 114; Al-Itqān, p. 118.
Al-Muhaḏḏab, p. 112; Al-Itqān, p. 113.
Al-Mutawakkilī, “vinegar” in Ethiopian, p. 40; Al-Muhaḏḏab, p. 112; Al-Itqān, p. 113.
Communicated by David Kiltz: “Arthur Jeffery worked on many more words that were not published. His notes are now in New York.”
Brown F., Driver S. R., and Briggs C. A., Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1951 (abbreviated BDB), p. 31, aḥarit “after, end,” “end of days,” Isa. (41,22).
fūm raises a semantic problem: we don’t know whether it means “garlic” or “wheat.” It is translated as “garlic” because the Qur’ānic verse in which it is used (2-61) may come from the biblical text in Num. (11,5). For Al-Suyūṭī, however, fūm means “wheat” (al-ḥinṭa). It is connected to the root FWM fawama “to make bread.” Al-Suyūṭī considers it a Hebrew word but we cannot find any trace of it either in Hebrew or in Aramaic dictionaries.
minsāᵓa “scepter” (34-13), coming from mišˁeneth in Hebrew; yatasanna “to change” (2-261), coming from šānā in Hebrew “to change”; nataqanā “to throw overhead” (7-170), coming from ntq in Hebrew; ḥusbān “machine” (18-40), coming from ḥšbwn in Hebrew or ḥwšbn in Aramaic. The following words come from Ethiopian: asbâb “guardhouse” (40-38), rahwun “to open” (about the Sea of Reeds) (44-23), taˁālaw “to rebel” (44-18), salaqa “to mistreat” (33-19).
According to Margoliouth, the Arab word ˁilliyyūn should be read with /ġ/ instead of /ˁ/, connecting this Arab word with the Syriac gelāyūnā (with /g/) in the sense of “tablet” as in Isa. (8:1); for Margoliouth, then, ˁilliyyūn does not come from Hebrew. He also connects the word siğğīn “clay tablet” to Syriac, and the word mārūt (as in Hārūt and Mārūt) to Ethiopian rather than Persian.
Carter M., “Foreign Vocabulary,” in Andrew Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’ān, Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2006, p. 120-139.
Zammit M., A Comparative Lexical Study of Qurʾānic Arabic (Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section one : The Near and Middle East, 61), Leiden, Brill, 2002, « Loanwords in the Qurʾān », p. 51-61.
Pennacchio C., op. cit., p. 122.
In Ibn Khaldūn and in IbnʿAṭiyya’s Tafsīr, communicated by Michael Lecker.
Blachère R. and Gaudefroy-Demombynes M., Grammaire de l’arabe classique : morphologie et syntaxe, 3ème édition, Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose, 1975, p. 27: “In the Qur’ān, a few substantives borrowed from Aramaic present a peculiar spelling. […] Here is an attempt at transcribing the spelling of ḥayôt, ṣalôt, zakôt. Outside of the Qur’ān, these words’ spelling was standardized but the vestige is interesting.”
Dozy also mentioned ğāliya – in al-ğāliya bi-bābil “captivity in Babylon” (Sacy S. (de), Chretsomathie Arabe, vol. 1, 2nd edition, 1826, p. 90 (in Arabic), line 10) in a Jewish context.
Kazimirski listed ğalwa, ğilwa, and ğulwa but not in the sense of “exile.”
Cohen D., “Qu’est-ce qu’une langue sémitique ?,” Comptes rendus du G.L.E.C.S., t. xviii-xxiii (1973-1979), Paris, Geuthner, p. 431.
Lipinski E., Semitic Languages: Outline of a Comparative Grammar, Second Edition, Leuven, Peeters, 2001, p. 565.
Cohen D., “Le vocabulaire de base sémitique et le classement des dialectes du sud,” Études de linguistique sémitique et arabe, Paris, Mouton, 1970, p. 12.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 247.
Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 1st edition, 1913-1942, vol. 2, p. 665, article “kāhin.” Fisher: “It corresponds to the Hebrew kōhēn, Aramaic kāhen, kāhnā (priest); it is not an arabicised form of this, however, but belongs to the original stock of the old Arabic language […] for the Jewish kōhēn, kāhen is entirely different in character from the Arab kāhin.”
Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 2nd edition, since 1954, vol. 4, p. 438.
Fahd T., La divination arabe, Paris, Sindbad, 1987, p. 92-97.
BDB, op. cit., p. 462.
Pennacchio C., op. cit., p. 124-136.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 107. For the Syriac is the source of Armenian, Jeffery explains.
Zimmern H., Akkadische Fremdwörter als Beweis für babylonischen Kultureinfluss, Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1915, p. 15, “wohl” (possible).
Mankowski P., “Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew,” Harvard Semitic Studies, vol. 47, Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns, 2000, p. 55-56.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 107.
DUL, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 352.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 91 ; Mingana A., “Syriac Influence on the Style of the Kur’ân,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester University Press, London, Longmans, Green, vol. 11, n°1, 1927, p. 86.
Translation R. Blachère
BDB, op. cit., p. 163.
Jeffery A, op. cit., p. 145.
Cohen D., Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques, Paris, Mouton, 1999 (abbreviated DRS), p. 10. ᵓRḌ ᵓarḍ “earth as opposed to sky, country,” Akkadian erṣet Ugaritic arṣ Canaanite Hebrew ereṣ Akkadian irṣit “earth, hell, tomb” Imperial Aramaic ᵓrṣᵓ “sarcophagus.”
DRS, op. cit., p. 632, fasc. 7. WRḌ warraḍa 1- “to scour lands in search of pasture,” 2- “to be determined to fast.”
Lammens H., Le berceau de l’islam, l’Arabie occidentale à la veille de l’Hégire, Rome, Pontificii Instituti Biblici, 1914, p. 88.
Yâqût, M., Mu’jam al-Buldan [Geographic Dictionary], Leipzig, Wüstenfeld, 1866-1870, vol. 4, p. 316, 319, 324, 325.
Fraenkel S., Die Aramäischen Fremdwörter im Arabischen, Leiden, Brill, 1886, p. 282, quoted in Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 130.
DRS, op. cit., p. 229.
DRS, p. 248.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 242 ; Zimmern H., op. cit., p. 60.
Haelewyck J-C., Grammaire comparée des langues sémitiques : Éléments de phonétique, de morphologie et de syntaxe, Bruxelles, Safran, 2006, p. 53.
Two verses in Akkadian quoted in Mankowski P., op. cit., p. 115-116.
Eph’al I., The City Besieged: Siege and its Manifestations in the Ancient Near East, Leiden, Brill, 2009, p. 69-74: The Akkadian word simmiltu could refer either to stairs or to an assault ladder, which was the easiest and quickest way to take over a city. This tool, used by Egyptians and Assyrians, can be seen in reliefs, inscriptions, and other classical sources. This method is also mentioned in the Bible: “like soldiers they scale the wall” (Joel, 2:7); “For you I can run against a troop, and by my God I can leap over a wall” (2-Sam 22:30). These verses clearly refer to assault techniques, according to Eph’al. The latter also compares the Assyrian myth of Nergal and Ereshkigal with Jacob’s ladder. Eph’al concludes that sullām, this biblical hapax, is either a metathesis of simmiltu; or that in reality, Jacob’s ladder was actual stairs from which one could walk up and down, as opposed to the ladders depicted in reliefs.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 177.
DUL, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 762.
DUL, op. cit.
Militarev A. et Kogan L., Semitic Etymological Dictionary, Münster, Ugarit-Verlag, 2005 (abbreviated SED), vol. 2: Animal Names, p. 52: “no similar term is attested in other Arm. [Aramaic] language.”
Blau J., “Arabic Lexicographical Miscellanies,” Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 17, n°2, 1972, p. 182.
For François Bron, who refers to the SED (volume 2), ˁankabūt is a term common to Semitic languages.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 126; Fraenkel S., op. cit., p. 110, a loanword from Aramaic.
Mankowski P., op. cit., p. 56: “Ug. ḫnzr proves the form was ancient and makes the loan hypothesis [that of Fraenkel] unnecessary.”
SED, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 150: “In spite of a widespread opinion (cf. eg. Sasson 1972-81 415) this root is not reflected in alphabetic texts: ḫnzr and ḫzr do not denote an animal or an administrative function (Huehn. 84-5 and DUL 399-417).”
Jastrow M., A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature, London, Luzac, 1926, p. 444.
Bar-Asher M., “The Tradition of Mishnaic Hebrew in the Communities of Italy” [according to Ms. Paris 328-329], Edah veLashon, 6, Jerusalem, Magnes Press, 1980 [in Hebrew].
Communicated by François Bron: ḫinzīr seems to be a common Semitic word rather than a loanword.
Robin C., “À propos de la prière: emprunts lexicaux à l’hébreu et à l’araméen relevés dans les inscriptions préislamiques de l’Arabie méridionale et dans le Coran,” Gilles Dorival et Didier Pralon (ed.) Prières méditerranéennes hier et aujourd’hui, Textes et documents de la Méditerranée antique et médiévale, n°1, Aix-en-Provence, PUP, 2000, p. 45-69.
Eph’al I., 1982.
Kaufman S., The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic, Chicago, The University of Chicago, 1974, p. 2.
Mankowski P., op. cit., p. 1-2.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 249.
Zimmern H., op. cit., p. 8.
Mankowski P., op. cit., p. 70-71.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 152.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 162.
Luxenberg C., Die Syro-Aramäische Lesart des Koran : Ein Beitrag zur Entschlüsselung der Koransprache [The Syro-Aramaic Reading of the Koran - A Contribution to the Decoding of the Koran], Berlin, Verlag Hans Schiler, 2000.
Joosten J., “La Peshitta de l’Ancien Testament dans la recherche récente,” Revue d’Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses, vol. 76, n°4, Strasbourg, Association des publications de la Faculté de théologie protestante de Strasbourg, 1996, p. 392 ; see Weitzman M. P., “From Judaism to Christianity: The Syriac Version of the Hebrew Bible,” in Judith Lieu, John North and Tessa Rajak (eds.), The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire, London / New York, Routledge, 1992, p. 147-173.
Briquel-Chatonnet F. (éd.), Le bilinguisme dans le Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la Table-ronde du 18 novembre 1995 organisée par l’URA 1062, « Études Sémitiques », Paris, Jean Maisonneuve, 1996.
Gaudefroy-Demombynes M., op. cit., p. 91.
Horovitz J., op. cit., p. 186.
Nöldeke T., “Lehnwörter in und aus dem Äthiopischen,” Neue Beiträge zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg, Trübner, 1910, p. 36.
“Divine prespcription, charitable act” in Hebrew.
“This word alone could testify to a Jewish religious influence in Ancient Abyssinia” (I translate.)
Fraenkel S., op. cit., p. 252.
Hirschfeld H., Beiträge zur Erklärung des Korân, Leipzig, O. Schulze, 1886, p. 71, quoted in Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 120.
Ellenbogen M., Foreign Words in the Old Testament, their Origin and Etymology, Londres, Luzac, 1962, p. 74.
Communicated by François Bron: The Arabic h̬ātam most probably comes from Egyptian.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 58.
BDB, op. cit., p. 986.
Köhler L. and Baumgartner W., The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, Leiden, Brill, 2000 (abbreviated HALOT), p. 1388.
Jastrow M., op. cit., p. 1512.
Belot J-B., Vocabulaire arabe-français à l’usage des étudiants, Beyrouth, Imprimerie catholique, 1899, p. 308 ; Kazimirski A. de B., Le Coran, traduction et notes, Paris, Charpentier, 1840, vol. 1, p. 1043.
Al-Mutawakkilī, p. 58 ; Al-Muhaḏḏab, heb. “tribes” p. 110 ; Al-Itqân, p. 109.
Blachère R., op. cit., note p. 595.
Al-Mutawakkilī, p. 54 ; Al-Muhaḏḏab, p. 110.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 170-171.
BDB, op. cit., p. 706.
Jastrow M., op. cit., p. 1017-1018.
Jeffery A., op. cit., p. 136-137.
Haut de page