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Negotiating access to land in Alshigelab: Narratives on social contestations and networks of solidarity on the riverbanks of the White Nile

Négocier l'accès à la terre à Alshigelab : Récits sur les contestations sociales et les réseaux de solidarité sur les rives du Nil Blanc
Khalda El Jack

Résumés

Située sur les rives orientales du Nil blanc au sud de Khartoum (Soudan), l'agglomération périurbaine d'Alshigelab résulte de l’agrégation d’une mosaïque de villages agropastoraux en expansion, de zones de réinstallation, d'implantations saisonnières et de changements dans les niveaux fluctuants du fleuve. Cet article montre comment les processus de développement urbain et les inondations dévastatrices ont, depuis le début du XXe siècle, contribué à l'émergence de récits territoriaux, de contestations sociales et de réseaux de solidarité autour de la terre. Grâce à un travail de terrain et à une cartographie critique collective avec des résidents entre 2021 et 2023, des récits clés qui contestent les vues dominantes sur les territoires périurbains en tant que sites « en attente de devenir urbains » ont été identifiés et analysés. Au contraire, à travers la persistance des dimensions et des pratiques rurales à Alshigelab, l'article les présente comme des sites qui reconstituent à la fois l'urbain et le rural.

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Notes de l’auteur

This paper was written as an analysis of fieldwork findings between 2021 and the early months of 2023, therefore, it has not yet significantly factored in the devastating changes following the breakout of the war in Sudan on April 15, 2023. Since then, the ongoing war has led to the destruction of Khartoum and the militarization of both urban and rural areas nationwide, introducing a new reality currently under investigation in this ongoing research. However, it is already worthy of noting that at the time this paper was written, settlements on the eastern riverbanks of the White Nile located in the peri-urban territory of Janoob Al Hizam south of Khartoum, such as Alshigelab, are under siege by the RSF5 and are barricaded by RSF checkpoints along the Jebel Awlia Road and along the riverbank. In addition to the problems this has created for all inhabitants in this territory under siege, it has particularly had a detrimental impact on farmers and fishermen who are violently prohibited from accessing their productive land- and waterscapes.

Texte intégral

The work presented in this paper is based on the author’s in-progress research at the Urbanism and Architecture (OSA) research group, Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering Science, KU Leuven. The research is guided by Prof. Viviana d’Auria. The Mapping to Action Training Program was co-organized between the author and Studio Urban, with the participation of 46 participants and 8 project assistants. The findings of this paper would not have been possible without the collaboration and dialogues with the inhabitants of Alshigeilab and all those involved in the training program.

Introduction

1Akin to the wave of government-led social and spatial development projects that unfolded in countries across the African continent post-independence during the 20th century, Sudan has witnessed its fair share of land policy changes. Many a times at the detriment of the inhabitants and landscapes upon which they have been implemented. Research shows how the commercialization of land and its violent expropriation have been highlighted as a key issue for peace in Sudan (Pantulliano, 2007). This occurs at various scales; from land-grabbing and the violent demolition of villages for state-led mechanized-farming projects in rural areas (Ille, 2018; Elamin, 2018, 2022), to the dismantling of rural and customary land practices and the imposition of governance structures for the institutionalized registration of land in urban(izing) areas. However, disputes around land arise at the interstices of these processes and go beyond questions of how to find institutionalized solutions to regain access. Ille (2018) discusses that these disputes involve questions around notions of land as an “identity marker or commodity” and “fertile land as communal, private or state property” (p. 23). In the case of Khartoum’s urbanized and urbanizing areas alike, Franck et al. (2021) further argue how legal security through land access and ownership is also tied to fundamental questions of “belonging and otherness” (p. 9).

2As a contribution to the issue’s theme, this paper focuses on the persistence of rural dimensions and practices in Alshigelab, a mantiga (area) in the south of Khartoum that has been impacted by these urbanization processes in this periurban territory. Growing on the eastern riverbanks of the seasonally fluctuating White Nile, the mantiga is made up of seven dispersed agropastoral villages originally inhabited by the Hassaniya kin (Gasim, 1996), who share the predominant identity of being farming, fishing and pastoralist communities. Through customary practices, their way of life entailed coexistence with the river and its annual cycles, devising mechanisms to cultivate the riverbanks of the White Nile which provided food for trade across Alshigelab and its nearby environs (Ashoroog TV, 2019). The introduction of Village Planning and Organization schemes by the Ministry of Planning in the early 1990s as a means to integrate villages into Khartoum’s urbanisation, has entangled state-led logics of land with these existing customary ones.

3As part of ongoing research that studies the intersections of land and resistance in the peri-urban territory of Khartoum, known administratively as Jebel Awlia and colloquially as Janoob Al Hizam, this paper critically analyzes the impacts of the Village Planning and Organization scheme on Alshigeilab over 3 decades after its implementation. In order to do so, the first section provides an explanation of the scheme and how the unprecedented floods of 2020 brought to the foreground socio-spatial contestations centering access to land between old and new inhabitants of Alshigeilab. The second section presents the collective critical mapping methodology mobilized in this study. Through the analysis of narratives that expressed the reconfiguration of rural dimensions and practices around land as a form of resistance, the third section critically examines situated contestations and networks of solidarity on the riverbanks of the White Nile that have emerged in the “interstitial spaces left un(der)defined by planning” (d’Auria and De Meulder, 2011, p. 55). The narratives contribute to discourses on the spatialities of slow forms of violence and resistance put forth by Nixon (2011) and further expanded upon by Pain and Cahill (2022). Through feminist and anti-racist perspectives, Pain and Cahill discuss how these networks of solidarity are ways “that collective emotional practices of survival and resistance persist in the face of multi-faceted power” (p. 361) and manifest in the geographies they emerge from. In doing so, inhabitants undergoing various forms of slow violence (ibid.) are read as active agents in “contesting and reworking violence” (p. 361), thereby exposing structural inequalities through their transformation of the spaces they inhabit. Through the case of Alshigeilab, the paper thus intends to take seriously and articulate struggles for land as places from which rural futures are constantly in the making through the reconstitution of both the rural and the urban.

“We were a village, suddenly we became a city”: Planning the urban peripheries

Figure 1. Still shots from promotional video (left). Location of Alshigeilab in the urbanizing Janoob Al Hizam periurban territory (right).

Figure 1. Still shots from promotional video (left). Location of Alshigeilab in the urbanizing Janoob Al Hizam periurban territory (right).

4In a promotional video released by The Executive Body for Land Protection and Elimination of Violations in 2014 on their Facebook page1, a sequence of scenes didactically breaks down the objectives of the institution to a community of farmers living in villages on the outskirts of the capital (Fig. 1). The opening scene shows a tractor making its way to destroy the boundary wall of a house convicted as being illegally constructed according to the Village Planning and Organization scheme for this particular village. In a rush to protect the wall, the second scene shows several men and women with farming tools in hand link arms, creating a human shield between the tractor and the wall to be demolished. Two prominently locally known comedians show up as representatives of the institution in colorful local attire, unlike the white ones traditionally worn in Sudan. They begin to “educate” the farmers about the objectives of the project. Now shown all sat on the ground under the shade of a tree chitchatting in disapproval of the intruder’s actions, an older man sitting on a stool representing the village’s sheikh (traditional leader) orders them to listen. As the two informants speak about the development of villages into urban neighborhoods with electricity lines and multistory houses, the video pans to scenes of painted houses, highways and electricity poles. A promised future for their village if the planning rules were followed. With enthusiasm and nods of acceptance, the video closes with a return to the scene of the standoff. The farmers unlink their arms and throw their tools on the ground, making way for the tractor to pave the way for an urbanized village yet to come.

  • 2 Facebook group description (translated from Arabic). The full description reads “Educational and (...)

5The release of the video in 2014, just short of 3 minutes long, coincided with a series of other promotional videos shared on the Facebook page conveying messages of planning schemes deemed educational “towards a national capital that is safe and modern”2. Like many villages that exist in Khartoum State outside the three cities of Khartoum, Omdurman and Khartoum North, the villages of Alshigelab underwent a process of “village organization” in the early 1980s as part of the Village Organization and Planning scheme initiated by the Village Organization Administration (later merged, in 2001, into the Random Settlement Administration of the Ministry of Physical Planning and Public Utilities) (Abdalla, 2021). With the primary objective of creating “an urban environment that fits in with the urban fabric through the transformation of villages that have attained urban features into cities” (Ministry of Planning and Urban Development, 2014), the administration mobilized strategies in villages and their extensions that were qualified as features of the urban. These included schemes to widen streets, the implementation of electricity and water lines, and demarcating plots in order to issue title deeds for the registration of land ownership (Abdalla, 2021; Elamin, 2018; Ministry of Planning and Urban Development, 2014). However, if the schemes focused on the spaces of inhabitation within villages, what happens in the customarily owned lands between these villages which were mainly used for cultivation, grazing and the seasonal flooding of the Nile?

6The implementation of the village organization and planning schemes introduced a dimension of land commodification in Alshigelab which influenced a rise in the trade of customary lands, leading to the expansion of its villages. The village cores, reserved for the old inhabitants belonging to the Hassaniya kin, known locally as asyad al ard (people of the land) soon became surrounded by residents from outside the territory, in search for affordable land on the outskirts of a rapidly unaffordable Khartoum city. In its transitory state, largely customarily owned lands outside the village, including agricultural lands, were sold as plots to newcomers, locally referred to as ghuraba (strangers), through a process known as hiyaza. This meant that the new owner was responsible for registering the plot officially at the land department, however, interviews highlighted that this process could take decades to complete. Lands sold by the Hassaniya in flood-prone areas, through these forms of exchanges, left many newcomers to Alshigelab in a precarious situation. During evacuation plans in the following flood season of 2021, an aid worker mentioned how newcomers living in these situations fear being evacuated and not being able to return to their homes. As a result of this, fieldwork interviews shed light on the social and spatial divisions created between old inhabitants and new ones. How do these contestations manifest spatially across Alshigeilab and how are they responded to from within the spaces of inhabitation? To understand recent responses, we must go back a bit.

Collective critical mapping as a methodology

  • 3 On April 11, 2019, the uprising led to the successful ousting of ex-president Omar Al Bashir.

7In the last months of 2018 and the first half of 2019, the Sudanese uprising gained momentum across urban and rural settlements nationwide, a civilian-led movement with the aim of bringing down the 30-year military dictatorship3 and replacing it with civil democratic rule. The uprising was triggered by grievances from rising bread and gas prices and further fueled by decades-long racialized structural inequalities. Nisrin Elamin (2022) further stresses that central to these grievances and demands is land, “the right to live on and off it, the right to return to it, and the right to benefit from the resources that lie above and beneath it.” Born out of the neighborhoods from which they inhabit, grassroots collectives known as the Neighborhood Resistance Committees (NRCs) emerged initially as protest organizers spearheading the uprising. Over the following years, their roles organically expanded into revolutionary bodies that organized to manifest the uprising demands into concrete actions, responding to the specific grievances of the neighborhoods they inhabit. In urban areas such as Khartoum, and around the world, neighborhoods vary in the economic and social statuses of its inhabitants and inevitably the urban services they have access to. El-Gizouli (2020), therefore, explains that not all NRCs are revolutionary, whereby committees in more affluent neighborhoods don’t “do revolution; they do interest preservation” while those in less privileged neighborhoods “challenged power at the immediate level, where it impacts on people’s lives”.

Figure 2. Collective critical mapping through four lenses during the Mapping to Action training program.

Figure 2. Collective critical mapping through four lenses during the Mapping to Action training program.
  • 4 The collective consisted of a team of organizers (of which the corresponding author was one), tr (...)

8Since the floods of 2020, the Alshigeilab NRCs (alongside a number of other grassroots initiatives) have proactively engaged with local and international organizations to facilitate a variety of projects for their neighborhood. These focused primarily on securing aid and services for families impacted by the unprecedented floods of 2020, as well as medical and organizational training. Through their actions, they have managed to fill and surpass the void left by the government’s lack of involvement in this area. Interviews conducted in late 2020 and the summer of 2021 with members of the NRC, as well as volunteers from outside Alshigeilab, highlighted that foundational to the disputes in aid provision and rebuilding efforts during and after the floods, were contestations around land between the old inhabitants and newcomers in the mantiga. They highlighted the need to better understand the complexities of overlapping land uses that have been central to Alshigelab’s internal disputes and communal formations. For this reason, the Mapping to Action Training Workshop4 was organized between January and March 2023, primarily focusing on capacity building and community empowerment through the methods of critical mapping and placemaking. In order to better understand more specifically how and where these grievances around land were expressed, the choice of training in critical mapping aimed to mobilize it as a form of popular education that starts “with people, where they are in their own lives, and their struggles as they articulate them” (Heynen, 2013, p.748).

9Although the program responded to a call for exploring the spatial and land dynamics in Alshigelab, it was made clear to us early on that asking about land ownership was off limits, a complex topic too sensitive to be explicitly addressed. Therefore, the collective worked with community members to draw out past and present lived experiences, policies, landscape, and spatial logics, layering them to better understand their influences on one another. After a series of fieldwork visits where the map “[…] acted as a mediator, […] and was a way of broaching difficult subjects” (Awan, 2017, p. 39) four lenses through which land was implicitly investigated were deduced: (a) Coexisting with floods in Alshigelab, (b) Natural resources of Alshigelab between the past and present, (c) Health reality in Alshigelab, and (d) Multiplicity of public spaces in Alshigelab. This training in critical mapping required a continuous process of deconstructing the idea of the map due to the preconceived notions of it within the community as attributed to engineers or planning bodies. Questions arose regarding what a map can look like, who can make it, and what information it has the potential to hold. Its role continuously shifted between a tool for dialogue and a medium of representation, from which the narratives in the following section were derived.

Negotiating land on the riverbank

10Although the Ministry of Planning’s objective of “bringing the village into the urban” could be seen in widened roads and formalized tenureship documents for some, what has risen in the aftermath of these schemes is a more complex hybrid of dynamics that speak to the relations fostered between inhabitants and the lands they inhabit. The process of “formalizing” land ownership through state-led understandings of land in a context where land had been customarily owned for a century before, lay the groundwork for a complex morphological transformation of the urban/rural in this area, creating social tensions between old and new inhabitants of Alshigeilab. For some, the ownership of this land is a customary right, for others, a way to legitimize their presence in Khartoum, and for both, a sense of security against forceful evictions in the face of a city that continues to expand.

Figure 3. Narratives selected from land negotiations on the riverbanks of the White Nile.

Figure 3. Narratives selected from land negotiations on the riverbanks of the White Nile.

11Returning to the question put forward in the first section, what happens in the lands (under)defined by planning but are spaces in which customary logics of land persist? With a particular focus on the findings from the first two lenses brought forth in the program, (a) Coexisting with floods in Alshigelab, (b) Natural resources of Alshigelab between the past and present, the following section analyzes two narratives that arguably offer glimpses into the forms in which rural futures are in the making. The first narrative looks into the logics behind construction efforts of the taras (sand barricades constructed annually as protection from the floods) and how local knowledge of land beyond the spaces of inhabitation are articulated and negotiated. The second narrative pays particular attention to fisherman communities who inhabit the riverbanks of the Nile seasonally depending on forms of social exchange to legitimize their presence in this area. In both instances, situated contestations and networks of solidarity are created through the direct engagement and transformations of land, thereby attributing new meanings to it beyond the state-led land logics imposed through the Village Organization and Planning schemes.

Local knowledge & land beyond the inhabited

12The flood season of 2020 caught the people of Alshigelab by surprise, an unprecedented rise in the levels of the Nile that they had not witnessed since the floods of 1988. At the forefront of its rage were the villages that sat directly on its riverbanks. As for the millions displaced along the valleys of the Blue and White Nile, the response from the state was minimal. Nevertheless, through communal aid organization, locally known as nafeer, the various communities of Alshigelab mobilized to rescue on boat those trapped in their homes, set up temporary shelters in schools, unflooded homes, and open spaces, and rally aid organizations to provide healthcare and food services. Many had found their homes partially or fully destroyed, particularly “newcomers” who had been sold land in flood prone areas.

13During one of the fieldwork visits, a young resident of Al Hassaniya and a participant of the training program, spoke about how the seasonal construction and maintenance of the turoos (plural of taras) was an old tradition. He stated, “since our eyes opened into this earth, we found the turoos here.” A myriad of intricately designed turoos were found constructed around the edges of houses facing the Nile with a minimum of 1m widths for pathways, as well as larger turoos constructed along the wider canal openings in order to allow for the Nile’s ebb and flow. Over time, those that had not been damaged by the water begin to harden in the sunnier months of the year, and for those destroyed, a new layer was added ahead of the new flood season. The devastating impacts of the 2020 floods made it difficult for this form of protection to fulfill its role. Rising forcefully beyond the existing turoos and into people’s homes, made evacuation a necessity. The disaster that unfolded brought into light the underlying tensions created at the intersection of land, water, and ownership. Who receives aid? Who was hardest hit? Who will be able to return to their homes? Who constructs the taras? Where does the taras get constructed?

Figure 4. Example of a taras construction with a walkway constructed around a plot where animals are kept.

Figure 4. Example of a taras construction with a walkway constructed around a plot where animals are kept.

14In the flood season of 2021, tensions between old and new inhabitants rose in the construction of the taras. With fears of another devastating flood season, the construction of the taras became grounds for contestations. Furthermore, the role of the local municipality in mitigating these conflicts was reduced to quick fixes such as providing sacks to be filled with sand for safeguarding houses and constructing a taras irrespective of input from any of the residents. With tractors akin to that shown in the promotional video, a 2m high taras was created at the mouth of the largest creek despite contestations from both old and new inhabitants. Over the following days after its construction, both communities mobilized to reinforce the taras with sandbags manually, which eventually broke down the following week. Members of the Alshigelab neighborhood resistance committees would take shifts keeping watch of the rising Nile, using selected trees to compare its levels to previous years.

15The implications of this dismissed local knowledge of the territory are still seen today, where the sand barricade has not completely broken down, and water has been trapped. This has impacted the livelihoods of farmers who typically farm in this landscape during dry season, as well as the use of the space for social activities as it once was. By introducing itself as a third party to a land issue mitigated by inhabitants of Alshigeilab, networks of solidarity and rebuilding were created in order to mitigate the impacts of this imposed construction which is still felt to this day.

Figure 5. Dismissed local knowledge of the construction of the taras in Al Khor left water trapped out of season where farmers cultivate after the flood season.

Figure 5. Dismissed local knowledge of the construction of the taras in Al Khor left water trapped out of season where farmers cultivate after the flood season.

Social exchange as a form of legitimization

16Over the last decade, this intimate knowledge of the Nile and its seasonal cycles, and inevitably the impacts since the 2020 floods, is shared with a newer community of fishermen who occupy the riverbanks close to the village of Al Jarif. Unlike the farmers who have a longstanding historical relation with this territory, the fishermen’s community interviewed during fieldwork spoke to us about their seasonal migration to Alshigelab from Al Duwaim, located on the western riverbanks of the White Nile over 150km south. Using their knowledge of the varying water levels and the types of fish moving through this area seasonally, the fisherman set up their spaces of inhabitation under a cluster of trees on the riverbank. Leaving their families in Al Duwaim for approximately 3 months during this season, they discuss how fishing from here gives them access to sell their daily catch at the central market, 10 km north of Alshigelab. Their days are driven by the fishing schedule, oftentimes setting out in boats during the night, and sleeping or heading to the market by day.

Figure 6. As a form of social exchange, fishermen provide free fish to nearby inhabitants before taking it to the market.

Figure 6. As a form of social exchange, fishermen provide free fish to nearby inhabitants before taking it to the market.

17The co-constructed map that was created showcases how the fisherman’s knowledge of Alshigeilab is strongly tied to the river, as they don’t draw the settlements that exist beyond it. In an exchange with the local inhabitants, they legitimize their seasonal occupation of this landscape by providing free fish between 8 and 9am, before taking the rest to the central market. A middle-aged woman spoke to us about how she takes responsibility for cooking for the fishermen and in exchange, she receives fish from them for free. For both fishermen and farming communities alike, the use of the land and the river is driven by an intricate knowledge of seasonal cycles and networks that extend beyond the settlement. It impacts how they settle and follow an alternative annual cycle to others who inhabit the urban. The changing cycles of the White Nile over the last 3 years has also impacted the fishermen’s livelihoods, greatly reducing the amount and diversity of fish they are able to catch. The critical mapping workshop foregrounded how the legitimization of one’s stewardship over land does not only exist within the formalized frameworks of tenureship statuses documented on paper, but also through verbal social exchanges that are both fluid and transient.

Figure 7. Co-create map between group B and the fishermen showcasing their knowledge of the riverbank and the river, where fishing takes place and how the waterfront is divided between different fishermen clusters.

Figure 7. Co-create map between group B and the fishermen showcasing their knowledge of the riverbank and the river, where fishing takes place and how the waterfront is divided between different fishermen clusters.

An opening - rethinking rural futures

18Complementary to scholarship on periurbanism worldwide, Sudanese scholars have made attempts at arriving to a definition of what constitutes the “rural” and the “urban” (El-Bushra, 1973) since the 1970s. However, Abdalla (2021) argues that static definitions of the two ignores the “fluidity of emerging in-between spaces where urban areas are expanding to rural peripheries and rural populations are transforming their villages into urban areas (p. 56)”. As shown through the narratives, the situated reading of these territories in constant transformation, the contestations and networks of solidarity that arise, and the reconstitution of land and its meanings in each case, contribute to understanding this fluidity in rural areas.

19The implementation of village organization and planning schemes have influenced contestations over land, its distribution, and its governance, transforming them from spaces of collective customary ownership to individual plots. Studies in nearby villages by other urban scholars (Elamin, 2018; Franck and Casciarri, 2021; Assal, 2015) have showcased how the conflicts around land that have risen at the scale of a settlement, are embedded within larger “conflicts over resources nationwide, population growth, land-grabbing” (Assal, 2015). All of them have given rise to forms of urban governance that emerge from the confrontation with policies that dismiss local knowledge and ways of living with the landscape. Therefore, as the research continues, it aims to continue articulating contestations and networks of solidarity around land, as a means to analyze the ways in which land is defined and negotiated in this periurban territory. In doing so, the research aligns with El Amin’s (2016) call to document these processes in order to “explore ways to further strengthen communities’ power position” to counter state encroachment and think through them as rural futures continuously in the making.

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Bibliographie

Abdalla S.M.A. (2021), “Governing In-Betweenness: Understanding Village Organization’s Institutional Set-up in Rural Khartoum”, in Franck A., Casciarri B. & El Hassan I.S. (eds.), In-Betweenness in Greater Khartoum: Spaces, Temporalities and Identities from Separation to Revolution, pp. 53–69, Oxford, Berghahn Books.

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Notes

1 https://www.facebook.com/mukh2014?locale=ar_AR

2 Facebook group description (translated from Arabic). The full description reads “Educational and guiding media to elevate consciousness and national identity towards a national capital that is safe and modern”.

3 On April 11, 2019, the uprising led to the successful ousting of ex-president Omar Al Bashir.

4 The collective consisted of a team of organizers (of which the corresponding author was one), trainers, researchers, and community facilitators, working with 45 participants (28 young active inhabitants of Alshigelab and 17 young researchers and local organization members from the broader Khartoum region). Find out more on the Mapping to Action training programme on the project website here - http://mappingtoaction.com/

5 The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are a paramilitary group and one of the warring parties against the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in the ongoing war.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Still shots from promotional video (left). Location of Alshigeilab in the urbanizing Janoob Al Hizam periurban territory (right).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 381k
Titre Figure 2. Collective critical mapping through four lenses during the Mapping to Action training program.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 437k
Titre Figure 3. Narratives selected from land negotiations on the riverbanks of the White Nile.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 320k
Titre Figure 4. Example of a taras construction with a walkway constructed around a plot where animals are kept.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 386k
Titre Figure 5. Dismissed local knowledge of the construction of the taras in Al Khor left water trapped out of season where farmers cultivate after the flood season.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 491k
Titre Figure 6. As a form of social exchange, fishermen provide free fish to nearby inhabitants before taking it to the market.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 368k
Titre Figure 7. Co-create map between group B and the fishermen showcasing their knowledge of the riverbank and the river, where fishing takes place and how the waterfront is divided between different fishermen clusters.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/68577/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 321k
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Khalda El Jack, « Negotiating access to land in Alshigelab: Narratives on social contestations and networks of solidarity on the riverbanks of the White Nile »Belgeo [En ligne], 3 | 2023, mis en ligne le 29 avril 2024, consulté le 29 mai 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/68577 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/11o1i

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Khalda El Jack

OSA Research Group, Department of Architecture, KU Leuven
ORCID 0000-0002-1080-1923
khaldaimdamubarak.eljack@kuleuven.be

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