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Mapping the dynamics of crime against women in India: a spatio-temporal analysis

Suman Kumari, Naveen Kumar et Anuradha Sharma

Résumés

Partout dans le monde, les femmes sont confrontées à de multiples vulnérabilités, liées à des perceptions populaires qui considèrent les femmes comme un sexe vulnérable ou inférieur. Depuis des temps immémoriaux, les femmes sont victimes du patriarcat sous diverses formes. Bien que l’on considère que les femmes sont aujourd’hui plus autonomes, elles restent des victimes et sont confrontées à l’exploitation tant dans l’espace public que privé. Cette étude se penche sur une analyse complète des crimes ciblant les femmes dans les divers États et territoires de l’Union en Inde, sur une période de dix ans, de 2012 à 2021. La recherche s’appuie sur des données secondaires provenant du National Crime Record Bureau. Ces délits ont été répartis en trois catégories principales : les crimes sexuels, les délits domestiques et liés à la dot et les autres actes criminels. Pour saisir les tendances, des moyennes sur des périodes de cinq ans ont été calculées. En outre, l’intensité de la criminalité a été évaluée et cartographiée pour obtenir une vue d’ensemble de la situation.

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Introduction

1Gender equality and women’s safety are foundational to the social, economic and cultural well-being of any society. However, despite global commitments like the Sustainable Development Goals, which emphasize gender equality as a cornerstone of progress, violence against women persists as a pervasive challenge. This issue not only violates fundamental human rights but also hinders societal advancement, undermining efforts to achieve sustainable development and inclusive growth worldwide.

2The issue of violence against women and girls is a global one transcending national and cultural boundaries. Equal rights for women and men are fundamental. Due to their gender, millions of women around the world experience prejudice and violence (Balasubramaniam, 2020). Inequality, unequal power dynamics and patriarchal ideology all contribute to the heightened vulnerability of women in situations of gender-based violence (Mariano et al., 2020). According to NCRB’s recent reports crime against women in India rose by 15.3 percent in 2021. This is the registered data count but there are many cases which are neither registered nor noticed and it is primarily due to socio-cultural factors. The dowry system, femicide, domestic abuse, the male ‘eye’, sexual harassment are some of the forms of violence emerging from social and cultural stigmas. Moreover, acid attack, pornography, online abuse etc. are becoming common forms of violence against women. According to estimates, 27 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 reported being physically and sexually harassed by their intimate partners (WHO, 2021). Violence against women is normalized by society and culture. In many cases, violence has been fostered because of social and cultural norms.

3Violence against women and girls imposes significant social and economic costs on individuals, communities, and nations. It disrupts women’s participation in education, employment, and civic life, hindering their potential and obstructing poverty alleviation efforts. This results in lost productivity, limited career opportunities, and economic setbacks. The consequences extend across sectors, straining social services, justice systems, healthcare providers, and employers with the financial and operational burdens of addressing violence, including medical care, legal proceedings, and rehabilitation. These demands divert resources from broader developmental priorities (UN Women, 2016).

4Violence against women is a structural barrier to sustainable development, perpetuating gender inequality and social exclusion while undermining inclusive growth. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development recognizes its elimination as vital to achieving global development goals, highlighting the need for urgent action to build equitable and resilient communities.

5India ranks 128th out of 177 countries in the Women, Peace, and Security Index (2023) with an index value of 0.595, placing it in the fourth quantile alongside countries such as Namibia, Bangladesh, Ukraine, and Iran. The report highlights India’s challenges in addressing violence against women, particularly political violence. In 2022, India was among the top 10 worst-performing countries for political violence targeting women, ranking 7th globally with 125 recorded events per 100,000 individuals. This is significantly higher than the global average of 16 such events. Comparatively, Mexico leads this list with 537 events, followed by Brazil with 327. At the opposite end of the spectrum, Denmark and Switzerland occupy the top spots, recognized as the safest countries for women, while Afghanistan is ranked the worst (Singh, 2024).

6Additionally, Denmark and Switzerland are also top performers in the Gender Inequality Index, reflecting their commitment to gender equality. In contrast, the SIGI 2023 Global Report (Social Institutions and Gender Index) places India in the category of high discrimination,” along with countries like Bangladesh, Tanzania, and Senegal. This is in stark contrast to countries such as Denmark, Estonia, and Finland, which fall under the “very low discrimination” category. The SIGI evaluates discrimination against women across four dimensions that is discrimination within household dynamics, restrictions and threats to women’s safety and bodily autonomy, barriers to financial independence and participation and limitations on women’s agency and representation in public and political spheres (OECD, 2023).

7These rankings emphasize the stark disparities between India and high-performing countries, underscoring the need for India to address systemic discrimination, improve safety, and enhance women’s participation and empowerment in public and private domains.

8Underreporting of crimes against women in India is a multifaceted issue exacerbated by both systemic and societal factors. One significant reason is the delayed inclusion of crimes such as gang rape, stalking, and acid attacks in official statistics, which only began after amendments to the law in February 2013. Moreover, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) adopts the Principal Offence Rule, which records only the most severe crime in a reported incident, overlooking other associated offenses. This practice leads to an underestimation of the actual number of gender-based crimes, particularly in cases involving domestic violence, where only the gravest offense is documented (Rina, 2016).

9The justice system also plays a role in the underestimation of gender-based crimes. Low conviction rates, coupled with procedural inefficiencies, discourage victims from seeking justice. Political apathy in creating and enforcing gender-sensitive policies and the absence of clear protocols, such as standardized care for rape survivors, further undermine trust in the system. Victims often face judgmental attitudes, a lack of privacy in government healthcare facilities, and inadequate support, compounding their trauma and discouraging reporting (Bhatacharya and Kundu, 2018).

10Additionally, societal factors such as stigma, shame, and a lack of social support prevent many women from coming forward. Distrust in law enforcement, coupled with practices like delaying or denying the registration of First Information Reports (FIRs), hinders access to justice from the outset. In cases of domestic violence, victims may refrain from reporting due to fear of social backlash and lack of institutional support, further skewing the statistics. Addressing these challenges requires systemic reforms, greater social awareness, and robust support mechanisms to ensure justice for victims and accurate reporting of crimes.

11Therefore, the present study attempts to analyse the spatial and temporal scenario of crime against women in different States and Union Territories of India spanning over a time of 10 years, that is from 2012 to 2021. Additionally, it also attempts to analyse the shifts in patterns of various types of crime committed against women over a period of time in different States and Union Territories of India. Further, the study also aims to give arguments and counterarguments to understand the existing patterns.

Literature review

12When it comes to violence, women are among the most marginalised groups of individuals (Powell and Wahidin, 2007). Even though women can become victims of every type of crime including murder, robbery and deception, acts targeted specifically at women are considered to constitute crimes against women (Chakraborty et al., 2021). Gender-based violence (GBV) is a worldwide issue present across diverse societies, social strata and cultural backgrounds. It constitutes a global crisis, impacting approximately one out of every three women at some point in their lives prior to the COVID-19 era (The World Bank, 2019). This form of violence spans various stages of a woman’s life, spanning from infancy through girlhood, adolescence, adulthood and into old age (Dlamin, 2020). Researchers from a wide range of academic fields have attempted to shed light on the various ways in which women become victims of crime, including intimate partner violence, women trafficking, forced prostitution, physical and sexual abuse, abortion, female infanticide, rape, etc. (Rao, 1997; Kumar, 1998; Banerjee, 1999; Dreze and Khera, 2000; Mukherjee, 2022). Violence against women transcends all national and cultural barriers thus affecting women of all age, socio-economic background, ethnicity and educational level (Gilani, 2021). As a result of experiencing violence at home or being victims of sexual assault, women are less likely to take part in society at large, which has negative effects on their economic productivity as well as their physical and emotional well-being (Bilal and Gul, 2015). All forms of violence against women are dangerous and restrict women’s agency (Akhtar, 2013). The seeds of violence against women are ingrained in patriarchy, which is characterized by unequal allocation of power between men and women (Lerner, 1986) and gendered division of labour. The law makes a distinction between domestic violence in the private realm and assault in the public domain, although this public-private divide has been criticised in feminist studies on violence (Goldfarb, 2000). According to some arguments, the same factors that lead to internal conflict also leads to external conflict (Bhattacharyya, 2015) and power relations transcend such physical boundaries (Datta, 2016).

13Women in India face widespread domestic and public violence, including physical, emotional, and psychological abuse, which poses a significant human rights and public health challenge. Such violence impacts all socioeconomic groups, often escalating over time and leaving victims with feelings of anxiety, isolation, and self-blame. Murmu (2023) highlights the critical nature of crimes against women in India, emphasizing the troubling status of women in traditional Indian society even in the 21st century. A study analyzing data from the National Crime Records Bureau, the Indian Census, and other official sources explored the spatial and temporal trends of crimes against women in India. Using statistical and cartographic techniques, it identified regional disparities and rising crime rates. However, socio-economic factors were found to have limited influence, suggesting other underlying causes (Chauhan & Baraik, 2016). Another study employed spatial panel data regression to reveal consistent clustering of high and low crime zones, with crime rates in one area influenced by neighboring regions. It highlighted the role of female empowerment factors, such as literacy, sex ratio, and labor force participation, in reducing violence against women (Kabiraj, 2023).

Study area

14India comprises 2.4% of the total land area in the globe and is home to 17.7% of the global population (Kumar, 2021). According to the World Bank, 48% of the entire Indian population consists of females (Trading Economics, 2022). According to the 2011 Census, the total literacy rate in India was 74.04%, with 82.14% for males and 65.46% for females. The sex ratio in India witnessed an increase from 933 females per thousand males in 2001 to 940 females per thousand males. The overall fertility rate has exhibited a downward trajectory, decreasing from 2.7 in 2005-06 to 2.1 in 2019-20 (Arora, 2021). According to the Tendulkar Committee estimates, 21.92% of India’s population lives below the national poverty line. Goa and Andaman & Nicobar have the lowest poverty rates at 5.09% and 1%, respectively. Additionally, India’s maternal mortality rate stands at 113 deaths per 100,000 live births, with Assam reporting the highest at 215 deaths per 100,000 live births.

15India has a robust legal framework to address crimes against women, aimed at safeguarding their dignity and ensuring justice. The Constitution of India, through Article 14, guarantees equality before the law, and Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sex, empowering the State to make special provisions for women and children. Article 21 ensures the right to life and personal liberty, encompassing the right to live with dignity. Specific legal provisions include the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which criminalizes offenses like rape (Section 376), acid attacks (Section 326A), domestic violence (Section 498A), and sexual harassment (Section 354A). The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005) provides civil remedies for victims of domestic abuse. The Dowry Prohibition Act (1961) criminalizes the demand, giving, or taking of dowry. Additionally, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redressal) Act (2013) protects women in professional spaces. These provisions, combined with constitutional safeguards, underscore India’s commitment to upholding women’s dignity and addressing gender-based violence. However, effective implementation and societal awareness remain critical to ensuring these rights translate into real empowerment.

Database and methodology

16This research relies predominantly on secondary data sources. Specifically, crime-related data covering a span of 10 years that is from 2012 to 2021 has been gathered from the National Crime Record Bureau, while population data for States and Union Territories has been sourced from the Census of 2011. While the data utilized in this study is sourced from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), which is widely regarded as the most trustworthy dataset for crime statistics in India, it is important to acknowledge the potential variability in under-recording and under-reporting of crimes across States. Factors such as public awareness, societal attitudes, police efficiency, and institutional practices significantly influence the extent of crime reporting (Jayasinghe and Perara, 2021). For instance, States with higher literacy rates and greater public engagement may report more crimes due to increased awareness and access to legal systems, whereas States with weaker institutional structures may exhibit lower reporting rates despite higher crime prevalence (Ghosh, 2021; Ritu, 2023; Pooja, Guddatu and Rao, 2024).

17This variability may result in discrepancies that could impact inter-State comparisons. Additionally, cultural factors, including stigma associated with reporting certain crimes, particularly those against women, may further contribute to under-reporting in some regions. Further, the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) and the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) provide complementary insights into violence against women in India but differ in scope and methodology. While NCRB data is derived from officially reported crimes registered by law enforcement agencies, NFHS collects self-reported data on women’s experiences of violence, including intimate partner violence, through confidential household surveys. NCRB focuses on legal categories and trends in reported crimes, whereas NFHS captures both reported and unreported incidents, offering a broader understanding of violence, including emotional and psychological abuse. NCRB data is collected annually and reflects institutional reporting practices, which may vary across States, while NFHS provides periodic snapshots with rich contextual details on socio-economic and demographic factors. Together, these sources offer a comprehensive view, with NCRB highlighting enforcement and reporting trends and NFHS shedding light on the hidden prevalence of violence.

18To facilitate this research, crimes against women have been divided into three specific categories as shown in Table 1.

Table 1. India: types of crimes.

Table 1. India: types of crimes.

Source: Chakraborty et al. (2021).

19Further, the study calculates the averages for two distinct five-year spans (2012-2016 and 2017-2021) across various types of crimes and the total offenses against women. The crime intensity of different types of crimes against women has been calculated using the following formula:

20Crime intensity has been calculated using per 100,000 population of the State. There might be some States where the sex-ratio will be skewed, which will impact the overall result. However, calculating crime intensity against women per 100,000 total population allows considering the overall societal risk and the environment in which these crimes occur. Crimes against women are influenced not only by the proportion of women in the population but also by the overall population density, cultural norms, and socio-economic dynamics of the region. This approach reflects the responsibility of the entire population (not just women) in influencing and addressing these crimes. Moreover, measuring against the total population emphasizes that the issue is not just a “women’s problem” but a societal challenge requiring collective accountability and action.

21The validity of the data used in this study stems from its source—the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), the official agency responsible for compiling crime statistics in India. The NCRB data is systematically collected from police records across the country and provides detailed information on various categories of crimes, including those against women. As an official government publication, it is widely regarded as a reliable secondary source for crime data, ensuring standardization in definitions, categorization, and reporting mechanisms across States and Union Territories (UTs). This standardization makes the dataset suitable for inter-State comparisons and temporal analysis, as it minimizes discrepancies arising from inconsistent data collection methods.

22Moreover, analyzing five-year averages for two time periods enhances the reliability and comparability of the data. Averaging over a longer duration helps to smooth out anomalies caused by short-term fluctuations, such as changes in crime rates due to one-off incidents, administrative changes, or specific campaigns targeting crime reduction. This approach provides a more stable and representative picture of crime trends over time. Furthermore, by comparing these averages across States and UTs, the analysis accounts for structural differences, such as variations in population size, law enforcement capacity, and socio-economic conditions. This methodology allows for a robust comparative analysis of crime against women across different regions of India, revealing patterns, disparities, and progress over time. It also mitigates the impact of year-to-year variations in crime reporting, enabling a more nuanced understanding of the spatial and temporal dynamics of crimes against women.

23On this basis of crime intensity in different time periods, States and Union Territories have been classified into five categories. Further thematic maps have been prepared using ARC GIS on the basis of this categorization. Percentage change in crime intensity between the two time periods has also been calculated.

Results

Figure 1. Total crimes.

Figure 1. Total crimes.

Source: values calculated by author.

Table 2. India: percentage change in crime rate against women (2012-16 to 2017-21).

Table 2. India: percentage change in crime rate against women (2012-16 to 2017-21).

Source: NCRB data (values compiled by author).

24Assam emerges as one of the States facing significant challenges regarding crimes against women. Over time, the intensity of crimes has escalated, with an increase from 59.72 persons per 100,000 in 2012-2016 to 75.60 persons per 100,000 in 2017-21 showing an increase of 26.91 percent as shown in Table 2. Between 2012 and 2016, Delhi, India’s capital, experienced a high rate of crimes targeting women, with 77.83 incidents per 100,000 as shown in Figure 1a. However, this rate decreased to 62.73 per 100,000 in the period from 2017 to 2021 (Figure 1b). The situation in Delhi involves a complex combination of elements fostering crimes against women. In Odisha, there has been a notable increase in overall crime intensity, rising from 35.68 per 100,000 persons in 2012-16 to 49.30 per 100,000 persons in 2017-21 as shown in Figure 1. During the period from 2012 to 2016, Rajasthan experienced a crime intensity of 39.08 incidents per 100,000, which rose to 46.22 incidents per 100,000 between 2017 and 2021 as shown in Figure 1a and 1b. Haryana experienced a notable surge of approximately 35 percent in crime intensity between the two specified time frames as depicted in Table 2. All categories of crimes against women—sexual crimes, domestic crimes and others—showed an upward trend during this period, with sexual crimes exhibiting the most substantial increase of 54 percent in the State. Both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana belong to the bracket of States with a total crime intensity ranging between 32 per 100,000 and 48 per 100,000 in both time spans as shown in Figure 1a and Figure 1b. Notably, Andhra Pradesh experienced a decrease in all three categories of crimes against women from 2012-2016 to the period of 2017-2021 as shown in Table 2. Between the specified periods, the Union Territory of Andaman and Nicobar experienced a notable decline of 47 percent in crimes targeting women. In the earlier span from 2012 to 2016, the crime intensity stood at 26.40 persons per 100,000 dropping significantly to 13.97 persons per 100,000 in the latter period of 2017 to 2021 as shown in Figure 1. Notably, sexual offenses emerged as the primary form of crime against women in this region. Further, the States of Karnataka, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Goa all fall within the crime intensity range of 16 persons per 100,000 to 32 persons per 100,000 in both time frames (Figure 1). During the specified time frame, Goa experienced a significant reduction of 27 percent in overall crimes committed against women as depicted in Table2. States like Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Sikkim, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura are among the States with the lowest crime intensity, measuring below 16 per 100,000 in both time frames which is clear from Figure 1a and Figure 1b. Specifically, Gujarat noted a decrease in all three categories of crimes against women from 2012-16 to 2017-21 as shown in Table 2. When it comes to crimes against women, the North-Eastern States except Assam have performed better. The least violent States for women are Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur, and Meghalaya.

Figure 2. Sexual crimes.

Figure 2. Sexual crimes.

Source: values calculated by author.

25In Delhi, shockingly, sexual offenses remained alarmingly high, accounting for over 35 percent of total crimes in both time spans as shown in Figure 2. The Union Territory of Delhi exhibited a notable prevalence of reported sexual crimes against women, with 36.78 persons per 100,000 during the period of 2012-16. However, it experienced a decline, decreasing to 24.12 persons per 100,000 during the subsequent year of 2017-21. Notwithstanding the observed decline, it remains indicative of a noteworthy magnitude of documented occurrences. Within the spectrum of crimes against women, a concerning trend emerges in the State of Odisha where the proportion of sexual crimes shows an increase of 68.89 percent as shown in Table 2 between the two time-periods, increasing from 19.15 per 100,000 in 2012-2016 to 32.34 per 100,000 in 2017-2021. The data in Figure 2 illustrates Odisha’s placement in the category of States facing more severe challenges specifically related to sexual crimes. There was a noticeable increase in the proportion of sexual crimes in the State of Rajasthan, which shows a huge jump of 58 percent between the given timeframes shown in Table 2. The NCRB reports that in both 2019 and 2020, the State of Rajasthan had the highest number of rape and attempted rape cases. Notably, despite an overall decline in total crime intensity in the State of Kerala, the proportion of sexual crimes constituting the total crimes against women surged from 53 percent to 63 percent within the specified time frames. While instances of domestic crimes remain notably low in Goa, the State exhibits concerning inadequacies in addressing sexual offenses, which constitute the predominant category of crimes against women in both comparative periods. The Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir also records an increase of 4.33% as shown in Table 2 in terms of sexual crimes. The sexual crime intensity increased from 14.65 persons per 100,000 in 2012-16 to 15.29 persons per 100, 000 in 2017-21 (Figure 2). This region is highly conflict prone due to militancy and continuous ceasefire violations making it relatively unsafe for women.

26According to Figure 2a and 2b, the North-Eastern States like Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland record low sexual crimes against women. The State of Nagaland recorded low crime-intensity in both time-periods, declining from 2.35 per 100,000 to 0.94 per 100,000 in 2017-2021. Gujarat is another State that recorded low crime intensity in both time periods. The crime rate decreased from 3.19 per 100,000 in 2012-2016 to 2.48 per 100,000 in 2017-2021.

Figure 3. Domestic crimes.

Figure 3. Domestic crimes.

Source: values calculated by author.

27Notably, within both periods, domestic crimes against women accounted for over 50 percent of the total reported incidents in Assam (Figure 3). The crime rate of the State increased from 29.86 per 100,000 in 2012-2016 to 39.63 per 100,000 in 2017-2021. Further, Rajasthan maintained a consistent trend of domestic crime rate of around 21 per 100, 000 in both the time-periods. Haryana witnessed an upward trend in domestic crimes from 14.58 persons per 100,000 in 2012-16 to 18.60 persons per 100,000 in 2017-21 as shown in Figure 3. Delhi also reported an increase, from 19.54 per 100,000 to 21.40 per 100,000 in the given time-period. Uttar Pradesh, which had a lower rate of 6.83 per 100,000 in 2012-2016, saw an increase to 10.88 per 100, 000 in the 2017-2021, indicating a troubling trend. Over 60 percent of the total crimes against women in West Bengal during both these periods were domestic in nature. However, the State of Goa has a better track record in terms of domestic crimes against women recording a crime intensity of 2 per 100,000 in 2012-2016 which further declined to 0.68 per 100,000 in 2017-2021. Gujarat also reported a significant decline of 46 percent in terms of domestic crime between the given time-periods. Moreover, the North-Eastern States of Manipur, Meghalaya and Nagaland recorded a decline of 56 percent and 31 percent respectively.

Figure 4. Other crimes.

Figure 4. Other crimes.

28The category of other crimes against women includes kidnapping and abduction and immoral trafficking. Odisha experienced a rise in instances of other types of crimes committed against women from 5.19 persons per 100,000 to 6.29 persons per 100,000 between the years 2012-2016 and 2017-2021 (Figure 4), resulting in a percentage increase of 21.06% (Table 2). There was a rise in reported cases in the State of Assam, going from 14.13 persons per 100,000 to 16.09 persons per 100,000, resulting in a percentage change of 13.86%. The State of Assam has performed poorly in almost all categories of crimes committed against women. During the given time period, the State of West Bengal experienced a 6.79% increase in cases of other crimes perpetrated against women, rising from 4.80 persons per 100,000 to 5.12 persons per 100,000.

Discussions

29The regional trends in crimes against women in India reflect significant spatial disparities across different States and Union Territories. Assam reported a 26.91% increase in overall crime intensity, driven by significant rises in domestic crimes, which constitute over 50% of cases. While Delhi experienced a decline in total crime intensity, sexual offenses remain a major concern. Odisha and Rajasthan saw sharp increases in sexual crimes, rising by 68.89% and 58%, respectively, while Gujarat and Goa achieved notable reductions, with Goa recording a 27% decline in overall crimes. Domestic crimes dominate in Assam and West Bengal, whereas other crimes, including kidnapping and trafficking, increased in Odisha and Assam. The North-Eastern States, notably Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur, and Meghalaya, consistently recorded the lowest crime intensities, reflecting their relatively safer environments for women. These findings highlight the urgency of addressing sexual and domestic crimes, reducing regional disparities, and ensuring comprehensive safety measures for women across India.

30The regional trends in crimes against women in India reflect significant spatial disparities across different States and Union Territories. Assam presents significant challenges, marked by a notable increase in crime intensity across various categories, particularly in domestic crimes. One of the reasons for such a high crime rate against women may be attributed to the fact that Assam contains several areas with high crime intensity, including the districts of Nagaon, Barpeta and Dhubri. These localities are under heavy pressure from illegal immigration from Bangladesh, which makes up a sizeable portion of the population. Immigration has generally worsened social life by increasing the prevalence of antisocial activities, causing congestion and unemployment (Borah, 2018). It has been found in various studies that if all other factors were equal, the crime rate would be greater in regions with higher immigration (Piehl and Butcher, 1998). The increasing tendency of violence against women has also been recorded in the NFHS statistics. The percentage of wives in Assam who reported experiencing violence rose from 24.5 percent to 32.5 percent between NFHS 4 (2015-16) and NFHS 5 (2019-20) (Chattopadhyay, 2021). The prevalence of cruelty by husbands and family members, which is regarded as a crime committed behind closed doors for a variety of reasons, including deteriorating family ties, misunderstandings, etc. Gender-related crime thrives on antisocial behaviours such as gambling, drinking and a lack of awareness and knowledge of the law. Nearly one-third of Assamese women (31.8 percent) were married before 18 years of age as per NFHS 5 statistics. For underage brides, the police must formally report a kidnapping, and in many circumstances, the parents of the victim report a rape to authorities. Further, according to Census 2011, Assam’s literacy rate is lower than the national average of 72.98 percent. The literacy gap between men and women is nearly 11 percent. This shows discrimination, as illiterate women are more vulnerable to crimes because they readily embrace patriarchal gender stereotypes (Martin et al., 2002). When it comes to crimes against women, the North-Eastern States except Assam have performed better. The least violent States for women are Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and Meghalaya. More than 80 percent of women in all of these States are literate, which guarantees greater awareness and status. Due to the lack of many societal ills like dowry, female infanticide, honour killings, etc., women from the North-Eastern region, particularly tribal women, tend to enjoy greater status and more autonomy in terms of decision-making at the family level (Khonglah, 2008). Moreover, the States are performing better than other States in terms of overall literacy and female literacy which leads to reduction in crimes against women. However, despite enjoying a greater level of freedom the tribal society in North-East face issues like poverty, armed conflict, superstitions and opposition to use of modern family planning and healthcare techniques which often reduces women’s agency (Kumari and Siotra, 2023).

31Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi represent the Northern region of India where crimes against women are notably high, influenced by various socio-economic and cultural factors. Haryana has the lowest sex ratio in India, exacerbating the vulnerability of women and contributing to increased violence. Studies indicate a significant link between the State’s cultural preference for male children and the rising incidents of violence against women. The presence of Khap Panchayats, which perpetuate patriarchal norms, has been directly correlated with higher crime rates against women (Parihar et al., 2015). The low female labor force participation (7.34%) and high unemployment rates among both genders (21.75% for men and 71.37% for women) further indicate the economic vulnerabilities that amplify gender-based violence. But female unemployment and male unemployment cannot be dealt in the same way. Though females engage in lot of unpaid work, however, when they lack financial independence, their agency is reduced further leading to discrimination and crime. Additionally, the State’s youth have become increasingly involved in drug-related activities, heightening risks of violence and crime within communities. The rise in crime against women in Haryana can be attributed to a number of factors. When it comes to the sex and child sex ratio, Haryana comes at last. In their 2008 study, Sangwan and Sangwan concentrated on the declining child sex ratio and its effects on the socio-cultural context of society. Due to the low status of women and the strong preference for sons in rural Haryana, there is a high rate of violence against women and the buying of brides from neighbouring States. Haryana also records a very high unemployment rate both among men (21.75 percent) and women (71.37 percent). The female labour force participation rate is 7.34 percent which is quite low. It has been found in studies that women’s engagement in the labour force is linked to decreased discrimination against girls leading to their empowerment (Gaur, 2005). It has been found that the presence of Khap Panchayats in Haryana has a direct relation to increase in crime committed against women. The khap panchayat is a conservative, male dominated organisation (Parihar et al., 2015). Another fact which is a cause of concern is the State’s youth being drawn into the drug trade, as seen by the 2,587 NDPS cases and 86 drug-related deaths that were reported in 2018. Haryana leads all of North India in terms of the number of cases, even surpassing the border State of Punjab. As a result of the rising severity of the agrarian crisis and the scary joblessness rate, a generation of disgruntled youth is being formed, who are especially vulnerable to drug addiction and turning to various sorts of criminality. Haryana’s uneven number of men and women make things worse. Children who grow up in a patriarchal and chauvinistic culture are more likely to be drawn to violent and perverse forms of instant gratification (Sangwan, 2018). Also, some forms of sexual assault are acceptable in the name of culture. In some parts of rural India, men marry and have sexual encounters with girls who are underage. In some parts of North India, Khap Panchayats give permission for these kinds of weddings and set personal rules. Further, the situation in Delhi involves a complex combination of elements fostering crimes against women. This includes substantial factors like the city’s high population density, a significant migrant population, the proliferation of slums, a low sex ratio, and its proximity to neighbouring States like Punjab and Haryana which also record high crime rate. Specifically, Delhi’s population density stands among the highest in India, with around 11,320 people per square kilometers. Additionally, the sex ratio in Delhi is imbalanced, with 868 females per 1000 males, further exacerbating vulnerabilities. The rapid growth of slums within the city creates environments prone to crime, contributing to the challenges faced by women in Delhi’s socio-economic landscape. The Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir recorded a marginal rise in sexual crimes, with conflict-related instability exacerbating risks for women.

32Women’s status in Rajasthan lying in North-Western part of India is entwined in a web of patriarchal norms and gender disparities that reinforce one another. In Rajasthan, women are typically seen as a financial liability in the house of birth and a burden in the marital house (Mathur, 2004). The unemployment rate in the State is relatively high for both men (22.56 percent) and women (77.95 percent). Also, the fact that only 64.7 percent of women can read and write makes them vulnerable to various forms of crimes. There is a statistically significant link between violence and things like age, caste, family structure, husband’s job, women’s level of education, and husband’s drinking (Prakash, 2011). Further, majority of the crimes against women in the State of Rajasthan are domestic in nature. Many writers have also said that a person’s tendency to act violently can change depending on whether or not their spouse has a job (Krishna et al., 2010). Women whose husbands have steady jobs are less likely to be abused at home than women whose husbands don’t have jobs. Many studies have shown that when men can’t pay for their families, they become dependent on alcohol. This leads to anger, marital problems, and domestic violence (Krishnan, 2005). In Rajasthan, women’s status is very regressive, as evidenced by statistics and cultural conventions including early marriage, strong preference for male offspring and rigid gender roles.

33The Western States of India, Maharashtra and Gujarat present mixed trends in terms of crimes against women. While these States have urban centers with higher literacy rates, they also experience significant domestic violence and sexual crimes. While instances of domestic crimes remain notably low in Goa, the State exhibits concerning inadequacies in addressing sexual offenses, which constitute the predominant category of crimes against women in both comparative periods. More than 60 percent of the crimes against women in Goa, when analysed as a whole, are sexual in nature in both the time periods. With 387 occurrences registered in the State since 2016, rape incidents have been the most common crime against women during the last six years in Goa. Since 2016, Goa has reported at least 60 rape cases annually. Another widespread crime in this State is coercing women into commercial sexual acts (Times of India, 2021). Goa appears to have a stronger track record than other States in terms of female literacy (92 percent) and the percentage of urban residents (62 percent). The State’s high pace of urbanisation had a favourable effect on loosening gender norms and raising standards of living, which in turn reduced crime against women, especially domestic crime which shows a decline of 65 percent between the given time- periods. The State’s high proportion of female literacy and its distinctive marriage structure, which provides women with a high level of security, may be held responsible for this situation.

34The State of West Bengal lying in the eastern part of India records a low sex ratio of 934 females per thousand males. It has been found that sex ratio of women is inversely associated with female victimisation (South and Messner, 1987). Moreover, the State records a low level of female literacy of 72.9 percent thus reducing the agency of women. The female labour force participation is only 11.86 percent and the females married before the age of 18 years are about 41.6 per cent. Some of the important factors leading to domestic violence against women are child marriage, lack of financial independence among women and the strict gender norms (Bhattacharyya, 2015). West Bengal has a porous border with Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal where numerous reports of females being trafficked from there to others stat have been reported (Nandi et al., 2014). These trafficking incidents take place for a variety of purposes, including forced prostitution, creation of pornographic material, sex tourism, forced marriages, etc. (Das, 2021). Further, the scenario of Bihar is quite interesting as it does not perform very well in the socio-economic indicators affecting crime against women, still shows satisfactory performance. The State performs poorly in terms of overall literacy (76 percent) and female literacy (55 percent). Moreover, the State has about 40 percent of females aged between 20-24 who were married before 18 years of age as mentioned in NFHS 5 data. This might lead to lesser reporting as illiterate females are unaware of their rights and unaccustomed to the legal procedures. Further, females under 18 years are highly vulnerable and are unable to report any sort of abuse. The recent NFHS 5 data revealed that about 40 percent females in Bihar faced physical violence from their husbands. Moreover, the State is also known for the rigid practice of dowry. All this leads to crime against women; however, the reporting might not take place.

35Most of the Southern States like Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh recorded comparatively lower crime rate against women. However, the State of Kerala, despite having a remarkable trend in indicators of female empowerment such as female literacy of 97 percent and sex ratio of 1058 females per 1000 males, records a relatively higher crime intensity in terms of sexual crimes. The Kerala model of development has drawn media and academic interest and helped shape the view of Kerala women as less oppressed by patriarchy; nonetheless, a gender paradox” exists (Mitra and Singh, 2006). Increased literacy, improved access to healthcare, and a cultural shift toward smaller families and fewer constraints on women’s education and work have not considerably expanded Keralan women’s life possibilities (Devika, 2006). Women in Kerala may have higher levels of literacy and marry later in life, but violence against women and suicide rates are rising, and research suggests that a sizable portion of family violence may be linked to dowry-related payments, academic performance, unintended pregnancies, and wife beatings (Misra and Misra, 2007; 2017). Even in literate communities, women are expected to be silent and submissive. Women’s major domestic function keeps them at home, and this obligation frequently conceals their distinct identities (Geogre, 2011).

Conclusion

  • 1 The term 'elopment' implies to running away secretly, usually without parental consent with the int (...)

36Despite constitutional and legal protections, gender-based violence remains pervasive in India, spanning a spectrum from female foeticide to cybercrimes, indicating a worrisome trend. Our research underscores that Assam’s high rates of violence against women stem partly from its significant immigrant population characterized by low wages and prevalent antisocial behaviours like drinking and gambling. Incidents reported under false pretences of elopement1 also contribute to this prevalence. States like Haryana, Odisha, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh showcase cultural challenges such as early marriages, male child preference, dowry systems, honour killings, the influence of khap panchayats and entrenched gender norms that perpetuate women’s lower status and amplify crime against them.

37Tribal States like Nagaland, Meghalaya, Manipur and Mizoram stand out due to their isolation from mainstream societal issues. These regions exhibit greater gender equality and provide more freedom to women, a characteristic inherent in tribal societies. Our study indicates that while socioeconomic factors such as literacy rates, urbanization, sex ratios and unemployment play a role in shaping crime against women, they serve more as secondary determinants when compared to societal behaviours, attitudes and perceptions concerning gender relations, which are the primary driving forces.

38In traditional societies, despite imposed restrictions, women often find protection from various forms of crimes. Conversely, highly developed societies with more relaxed gender norms tend to demonstrate a better track record in terms of women’s safety. However, India is currently navigating a transitional phase where women’s education and employment are gaining acceptance, yet societal expectations of their primary roles as homemakers and child bearers persist. This transition reflects the complexities and evolving dynamics within Indian society.

Recommendations

  1. To address gender crimes in regions of Assam with illegal immigrants fostering community policing and building strong relationships between law enforcement and communities can help prevent crimes. Additionally, promoting employment opportunities and skill development programs for residents and immigrants to reduce unemployment and social tensions.

  2. States like Haryana and Rajasthan where patriarchal structures are very strong and state of women is quite regressive. These States need socio-cultural transformation which can be brought by generating awareness about women’s rights and promoting gender sensitisation by government agencies, NGOs and other community-based organisations. Moreover, these States can learn some best practices of tribal societies of North-East India where women have more autonomy and are free from social evils.

  3. Enhancing border control measures and increasing security along the porous borders of West Bengal with Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal to prevent trafficking. Moreover, promoting socio-economic empowerment of women of vulnerable communities and providing alternate livelihood options.

  4. States like Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha and Madhya Pradesh record relatively larger number of domestic/dowry related incidents. These States record low female literacy, incidences of child marriages and the ingrained evil practice of dowry. This problem needs a multipronged solution encompassing legal, educational, economic and social measures.

  5. Various initiatives like “Sakhi” One Stop centres for women in Rajasthan, “She Teams” special police teams in Telangana, “Gudiya” helpline number has been launched in various States to prevent gender violence. Such similar initiatives can also be taken in other States.

Theoretical implications

39The research underscores the need for comprehensive theoretical frameworks to grasp gender-based violence in India. It highlights the intricate interplay between socio-cultural norms, legal safeguards and violence against women, emphasizing the necessity for models integrating societal perceptions, cultural practices and legal structures. Additionally, it emphasizes the influence of socio-economic factors on crimes against women while stressing the importance of theories acknowledging these variables’ roles in shaping societal attitudes. The study also prompts exploration into societal transitions’ impact on gender roles and calls for theories examining the protective nature of certain traditional societies for women. Developing holistic frameworks encompassing socio-cultural, legal, economic and transitional elements is vital to effectively address gender-based violence in India. This work can be used by policy-makers to design region specific strategies to deal with the issue. Moreover, this attempt is also helpful to other researchers who can further delve into the micro level studies.

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Notes

1 The term 'elopment' implies to running away secretly, usually without parental consent with the intention of getting married.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Table 1. India: types of crimes.
Crédits Source: Chakraborty et al. (2021).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-1.png
Fichier image/png, 42k
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-2.jpg
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Titre Figure 1. Total crimes.
Crédits Source: values calculated by author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 317k
Titre Table 2. India: percentage change in crime rate against women (2012-16 to 2017-21).
Crédits Source: NCRB data (values compiled by author).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 402k
Titre Figure 2. Sexual crimes.
Crédits Source: values calculated by author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 319k
Titre Figure 3. Domestic crimes.
Crédits Source: values calculated by author.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 317k
Titre Figure 4. Other crimes.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/75083/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 313k
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Suman Kumari, Naveen Kumar et Anuradha Sharma, « Mapping the dynamics of crime against women in India: a spatio-temporal analysis  »Belgeo [En ligne], 1 | 2025, mis en ligne le 11 janvier 2025, consulté le 20 mars 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/75083 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/133q5

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Auteurs

Suman Kumari

Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, University of Jammu, Jammu & Kashmir
ORCID 0000-0002-2163-1931
sumankushawaha007@gmail.com

Naveen Kumar

Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Government Degree College, Udhampur
ORCID 0009-0002-7236-3946
nkbhagat258000@gmail.com

Anuradha Sharma

Professor, Department of Geography, University of Jammu, Jammu & Kashmir
ORCID 0009-0006-9252-2907
anujammu2012@gmail.com

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