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Green spaces and indices of economic, social and demographic fragility in Bologna

Valerio della Sala

Résumés

La recherche en justice environnementale en Europe s’est concentrée sur la répartition inégale des coûts et bénéfices environnementaux entre les groupes sociaux, économiques et ethniques. Cependant, les preuves empiriques restent fragmentées, notamment concernant les dimensions spatiales des inégalités environnementales. Cette étude examine la répartition des espaces verts à Bologne, en Italie, et sa corrélation avec la fragilité économique, sociale et démographique. En intégrant les indices annuels de fragilité du Bureau des statistiques du conseil municipal de Bologne, nous analysons comment ces indicateurs de vulnérabilité — regroupés en catégories démographiques, sociales et économiques — sont corrélés avec l’accès aux espaces verts urbains. Nos données géospatiales montrent que les espaces verts sont disproportionnellement concentrés dans les zones plus aisées, laissant des zones économiquement et socialement fragiles avec moins d’accès à des espaces verts de haute qualité. Les minorités ethniques et les populations immigrées, souvent dans des districts marginalisés, sont exclues des ressources environnementales. Cette étude met en lumière comment la répartition inégale des espaces verts reflète des inégalités socio-économiques plus profondes dans les politiques de développement urbain. Ces résultats s’alignent sur les tendances européennes plus larges en matière de justice environnementale spatiale, où les groupes vulnérables sont plus exposés aux dommages environnementaux et ont des accès réduits aux bénéfices. L’étude souligne la nécessité d’une approche multiscalaire de la justice environnementale, en reconnaissant comment les inégalités spatiales s’entrecroisent avec diverses injustices sociales. Elle contribue à l’ensemble croissant de la littérature sur la justice environnementale en montrant comment les espaces verts agissent à la fois comme symboles et comme lieux d’inégalités. S’attaquer à ces disparités nécessite d’intégrer les principes de justice environnementale dans l’urbanisme afin d’assurer un accès équitable aux espaces verts pour les populations marginalisées. Ces conclusions sont relevantes pour les décideurs politiques, les urbanistes et les acteurs des luttes sociales urbaines.

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Introduction

1Over the past two decades, environmental justice has gained increasing prominence in urban studies, public health, and environmental governance, particularly in European cities. Initially rooted in the United States civil rights movement, environmental justice now encompasses many concerns, ranging from the distribution of environmental benefits and burdens to the participatory rights of marginalised populations in environmental decision-making processes (Walker, 2012). In European contexts, these concerns are increasingly manifest in urban areas, where uneven access to environmental “goods—such as parks, clean air, and green spaces—coincides with concentrations of social and economic vulnerability (Schlosberg, 2007; Kabisch & Haase, 2014).

2Urban green spaces are an exceptionally critical dimension of environmental justice. Research has shown that access to green spaces contributes significantly to physical and mental health, social cohesion, and overall quality of life (Hartig et al., 2014; Wolch et al., 2014). These spaces provide residents with opportunities for physical activity, leisure, and psychological restoration as well as environmental services such as air purification and temperature regulation. However, not all city residents benefit equally from these advantages. Numerous studies suggest that green space is disproportionately distributed, with affluent areas often receiving more and better-maintained green infrastructure than socially and economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods (Boone et al., 2009; Rigolon, 2016).

3In the European context, spatial disparities in green space access remain underexplored, particularly in medium-sized cities with complex socio-demographic profiles. Most empirical studies focus on metropolitan regions such as London, Berlin, or Paris, leaving gaps in knowledge about cities like Bologna, Italy—a mid-sized city with a rich historical legacy and pronounced urban inequalities. While Bologna is frequently cited for its quality of life and progressive urban planning, recent data from the City Council’s Statistics Office reveal growing socio-economic fragmentation. These trends raise critical questions about how environmental resources like green spaces are distributed across the city and whether this distribution reflects or exacerbates existing patterns of fragility.

4This study explores the relationship between green space accessibility and economic, social, and demographic fragility indices in Bologna. Specifically, it investigates whether the availability and quality of green spaces are spatially correlated with areas of high vulnerability, as defined by the annual fragility indices developed by the Bologna City Council. These indices include multiple indicators grouped into three categories: demographic (e.g., age distribution, migrant population), social (e.g., education levels, family composition), and economic (e.g., income levels, unemployment rates). By integrating these datasets with geospatial data on green space distribution, the study seeks to answer the following research questions:

  1. How are urban green spaces distributed across Bologna’s neighbourhoods?

  2. To what extent does access to green space correlate with economic, social, and demographic fragility indicators?

  3. Are specific population groups—such as ethnic minorities or low-income households—disproportionately excluded from high-quality green spaces?

  4. What are the policy implications for environmental justice and equitable urban planning in Bologna?

5Methodologically, the research adopts a spatial-quantitative approach, using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to map and analyse the overlap between green space distribution and fragility indicators. By visualising these data layers and conducting correlation analyses, the study aims to reveal systemic patterns of environmental inequality that might otherwise remain obscured in aggregate statistics. Importantly, the study also draws on a multiscalar framework of environmental justice (Trudeau, 2008), acknowledging that spatial inequalities occur at different geographic scales—from neighbourhood-level zoning to broader municipal policies—and intersect with broader socio-economic processes such as gentrification, migration, and austerity-driven urban governance.

6This paper contributes to the growing literature on environmental justice in European cities in three main ways. First, it provides empirical evidence from a less-studied urban context, filling a geographical gap in the literature. Second, it operationalises a multidimensional framework of social fragility, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of how various forms of disadvantage interact with environmental resources. Third, it offers actionable insights for urban planners and policymakers seeking to integrate equity considerations into green space planning. The study argues that green spaces in Bologna function as physical amenities and spatial manifestations of more profound socio-economic inequalities. Addressing their unequal distribution requires an integrated approach that aligns urban environmental policies with broader social justice and inclusion goals.

7In summary, the unequal distribution of green space in Bologna raises essential questions about the relationship between environmental resources and urban inequality. This study aims to uncover the spatial patterns underlying these disparities and to advocate for a justice-oriented approach to urban environmental governance. The following sections present a review of the literature, a detailed account of the methodology and empirical results, and a discussion of their implications for planning, policy, and future research.

Literature Review

Environmental Justice: Foundations and Evolutions

8Environmental justice emerged in the United States during the 1980s, primarily in response to the disproportionate siting of polluting industries and hazardous waste facilities in low-income and minority communities (Bullard, 1990). Over time, the term has expanded to encompass a broader concern with how environmental benefits and burdens are distributed across different social groups and how these distributions intersect with issues of race, class, gender, and geography (Schlosberg, 2007; Agyeman, Bullard, & Evans, 2002). In European contexts, the discourse has evolved differently—less rooted in race-based politics and more focused on spatial inequality, access to public services, and socio-economic marginalisation (Walker, 2012).

9Environmental justice is now broadly understood to involve three interrelated dimensions: distributive justice (the allocation of environmental benefits and risks), procedural justice (fairness in decision-making processes), and recognitional justice (acknowledging the diverse identities and experiences of marginalised groups) (Fraser, 2009; Sen, 2009). The present study focuses primarily on distributive justice by assessing the spatial allocation of green spaces in Bologna and their relationship with vulnerability indices. However, these spatial distributions cannot be entirely divorced from the procedural and recognitional dimensions, as patterns of exclusion are often the outcome of systemic planning practices that ignore or marginalise certain voices.

Spatial Environmental Justice in Europe

10The European environmental justice literature is relatively younger than its American counterpart but has gained substantial momentum in the last two decades (Pearsall & Anguelovski, 2016). Research has increasingly addressed intra-urban spatial disparities, particularly how access to environmental resources such as clean air, recreational space, and green infrastructure varies by socio-economic status (Kabisch & Haase, 2014; Kruize et al., 2019).

11Studies from cities like Berlin, London, and Barcelona reveal consistent patterns: marginalised populations tend to live in areas with higher pollution exposure and lower green space availability (Wolch, Byrne & Newell, 2014; Anguelovski, Connolly, Masip & Pearsall, 2018). However, these disparities are often masked by aggregate statistics that fail to capture neighbourhood-level inequalities or the qualitative dimensions of environmental access (i.e., the safety, cleanliness, or usability of green spaces). Moreover, recent scholarship has emphasised the interplay between gentrification and green space development, warning that new green projects may inadvertently contribute to displacement if not planned with equity in mind (Curran & Hamilton, 2012; Haase et al., 2017).

12Complementing the European and North American literature, further integration of Latin American case studies provides valuable perspectives on environmental justice in urban green space distribution. Studies from metropolitan centres such as São Paulo and Mexico City highlight critical issues of green gentrification and social displacement that resonate with the dynamics observed in Bologna. Moreover, exploring how environmental justice frameworks developed in the US have been adapted or contested within European urban contexts can deepen theoretical understanding and contextual relevance.

Green Space as Environmental and Social Infrastructure

13Urban green spaces are increasingly recognised as environmental assets and as social infrastructure that influence public health, social cohesion, and neighbourhood resilience (Klinenberg, 2018; Jennings & Bamkole, 2019). Access to parks and nature has been shown to reduce stress, enhance physical activity, and improve overall well-being, especially in densely populated urban areas (Hartig et al., 2014; Mitchell & Popham, 2008). Furthermore, green spaces offer informal venues for social interaction, play, and cultural expression—making them especially valuable in diverse, multi-ethnic cities.

14However, the benefits of green spaces are not uniformly distributed. A growing body of evidence shows that low-income neighbourhoods often experience “green deprivation—having fewer parks, lower tree canopy coverage, and poorer-quality recreational facilities (Boone et al., 2009; Rigolon, 2016). In some cases, green spaces exist nearby but remain inaccessible due to physical barriers, lack of maintenance, or safety concerns. This spatial mismatch has profound implications for equity, particularly given the increasing importance of green infrastructure in urban climate adaptation strategies (Kabisch et al., 2016).

Indices of Urban Fragility and Environmental Access

15Urban fragility refers to the multidimensional vulnerabilities experienced by populations living in precarious social, economic, and demographic conditions. Indicators typically include poverty rates, unemployment, educational attainment, ageing population, and concentrations of migrants or ethnic minorities (OECD, 2018). These indicators are often aggregated into fragility indices that help municipal authorities identify and monitor areas requiring targeted intervention.

16While these indices are frequently used for resource allocation in social services or housing areas, they are less commonly integrated into environmental planning frameworks. However, research shows that socio-demographically fragile communities face greater exposure to environmental risks (e.g., air pollution, heat islands) and less access to environmental benefits such as green spaces (Mitchell et al., 2015; Kruize et al., 2019). Moreover, fragility is rarely uniform across space but clustered in specific neighbourhoods, often due to historical segregation, market-driven urban development, or systemic disinvestment (Tonkiss, 2005; Sýkora & Bouzarovski, 2012).

17As in the present study, the use of fragility indices to examine green space distribution aligns with recent calls for more integrated, justice-oriented urban diagnostics (Anguelovski et al., 2020). Rather than treating green space as a purely environmental or aesthetic issue, this approach situates it within a broader matrix of urban inequality.

Multiscalar and Intersectional Approaches

18Environmental injustice operates across multiple geographic and institutional scales. For example, disparities in green space access may emerge at the micro level (e.g., a single street or block), the meso level (e.g., neighbourhood or district), or the macro level (e.g., metropolitan or regional planning) (Trudeau, 2008). Addressing such disparities thus requires multiscalar governance frameworks linking local community needs with city-wide strategic planning (Swyngedouw & Heynen, 2003).

19Additionally, the intersectionality of social categories—such as income, race, ethnicity, gender, and migration status—shapes how environmental injustices are experienced and addressed (Crenshaw, 1991; Kaika, 2005). For instance, women from immigrant backgrounds may face unique barriers to green space access, including cultural norms, lack of public transportation, or fear of public harassment. Ignoring these intersectional dynamics risks oversimplifying the problem and reproducing exclusion in policy interventions.

20This literature review highlights the need for a spatially sensitive, intersectional, and policy-oriented understanding of environmental justice. In Bologna, where official fragility indices already map urban vulnerability, there is an opportunity to integrate these datasets into green space planning, thereby addressing environmental goals and social equity imperatives.

Methodology

21This study employs a spatial-quantitative research design to examine the relationship between green space distribution and socio-economic and demographic fragility indices in Bologna, Italy. By integrating geographic information systems (GIS) analysis with official municipal data, we assess spatial inequalities and their correlations with vulnerability indicators. The methodology follows a three-tiered approach: defining the study area, identifying and processing relevant data sources, and conducting spatial and statistical analyses to explore correlations between green space access and urban fragility.

Study Area: Bologna

22Bologna is a mid-sized city in northern Italy with approximately 390,000 inhabitants (Comune di Bologna, 2023). Known for its medieval architecture, progressive governance, and vibrant academic community, the city has also experienced socio-economic polarisation in recent decades. Bologna is divided into six administrative districts (quartieri), each characterised by varying degrees of economic development, population density, and demographic composition. Although the city consistently ranks high in national quality-of-life indices, its urban landscape reveals deep-rooted disparities, particularly between the historical centre and peripheral areas such as Borgo Panigale-Reno, Navile, and San Donato-San Vitale (ISTAT, 2022).

23Urban development in Bologna has historically favoured the central and southern parts of the city, resulting in uneven access to services and infrastructure in peripheral zones. Demographic shifts, including the growth of immigrant populations and ageing residents in vulnerable districts, further compound this spatial unevenness. These dynamics make Bologna an ideal case study for investigating European spatial environmental justice.

Data Sources

Green Space Data

24Urban green space data was obtained from the City of Bologna’s open spatial data portal (Bologna GeoPortale). The dataset includes polygons representing public parks, gardens, tree-lined boulevards, and natural areas within the municipal boundary. Each green space was classified by size (small, medium, large), type (urban park, community garden, ecological reserve), and quality (based on available facilities such as playgrounds, benches, and sports areas). Additional attributes such as maintenance status and proximity to roads were used to assess usability.

Fragility Indices

25The study utilises the Annual Fragility Index Reports produced by the Comune di Bologna – Ufficio di Statistica (Bologna City Council Statistics Office), which provide a multidimensional assessment of urban vulnerability. The indices are constructed from publicly available data and aggregated at the quartiere level. They include:

  • Demographic Fragility Index: percentage of elderly residents (65+), number of minors per household, proportion of immigrant populations, and dependency ratios.

  • Social Fragility Index: Indicators include school dropout rates, single-parent families, and housing overcrowding.

  • Economic Fragility Index: incorporates unemployment rates, average household income, recipients of welfare subsidies, and labour market precariousness.

26These indices are standardised (z-scores) and mapped using quintile classification to distinguish between low, medium, and high fragility areas.

27To further elucidate variations in vulnerability across districts, it is critical to distinguish the specific socio-demographic characteristics of these populations. Although high immigrant density is currently noted, the composition of these immigrant populations warrants more detailed consideration, including factors such as the recency of migration, countries of origin, and integration status. Additionally, age stratification within vulnerable populations should be clarified; for example, whether elderly individuals in distinct districts face disparate green space accessibility. These detailed descriptors will enhance the granularity of vulnerability assessment, thereby reinforcing the interpretation of spatial inequalities.

Ancillary Data

28Additional contextual data, including census data from ISTAT (Italian National Institute of Statistics), housing prices, and urban infrastructure networks (public transport, healthcare facilities, and schools), were used to enrich the analysis. These datasets supported identifying potential confounding factors in the relationship between green space access and socio-economic conditions.

Analytical Framework

29The analysis was carried out in several stages to assess the spatial distribution of green spaces and their correlation with fragility indices.

GIS-Based Spatial Analysis

30Using ArcGIS Pro and QGIS software, we mapped the distribution of green spaces and overlaid them with the fragility indices. The green spaces were spatially joined with the six administrative districts’ boundaries and finer census tract units (sezioni di censimento) to capture more localised disparities.

31Accessibility to green spaces was calculated using two primary metrics:

  1. Euclidean Proximity: distance from population centroids to the nearest green space entrance.

  2. Walkability Index: computed using a network analysis of pedestrian paths, accounting for physical barriers such as highways and railroads.

32Both measures were categorised into three levels (high, moderate, and low access) and visualised as heat maps to identify spatial clusters of exclusion or inclusion.

Green Space Quality Scoring

33To assess not just the presence but also the quality of green spaces, we developed a composite quality index based on:

  • Area (in m² per capita)

  • Facility availability (benches, sports areas, restrooms)

  • Maintenance status (derived from municipal surveys and satellite imagery)

  • Environmental value (proximity to biodiversity corridors or ecological zones)

34Each variable was normalised and weighted equally to produce a quality score between 0 and 1. This enabled us to differentiate between merely having access to green spaces and having access to high-quality green spaces.

Statistical Correlation and Overlay

35To determine the relationship between fragility and green space distribution, we used Pearson’s correlation coefficients between the fragility indices and green space access scores at the quarter and census tract levels.

36Additionally, a bivariate choropleth mapping technique was used to visually represent areas with overlapping high fragility and low green space availability. This visualisation strategy highlights zones of environmental injustice, guiding targeted interventions.

Ethical Considerations and Limitations

37All data used in this study are secondary, anonymised, publicly available, and thus exempt from formal ethical review. However, the interpretation of fragility indices warrants caution. These indices can inadvertently stigmatise communities if not framed within a rights-based, equity-oriented narrative. Furthermore, the study does not include direct stakeholder engagement (e.g., community interviews or participatory mapping), which limits the depth of understanding regarding residents’ perceptions of green space quality or accessibility.

38Another limitation is the static nature of the datasets. A longitudinal analysis would offer stronger insights into temporal trends and gentrification risks as green space development is dynamic. Future research should also consider integrating real-time data from citizen platforms and IoT sensors for a more granular environmental justice assessment.

Results

39This section presents the empirical findings derived from spatial and statistical analyses of green space distribution in Bologna’s socio-economic, demographic, and social fragility indices. The results are organised into three main subsections: spatial patterns of green space accessibility, correlations between fragility indices and green space metrics, and localised case studies illustrating disparities. The findings provide a robust picture of environmental inequality across Bologna’s urban landscape.

Spatial Distribution of Green Spaces

40The spatial analysis revealed a non-uniform distribution of green spaces across Bologna’s urban area. Despite the city’s overall image of being green and livable, the accessibility and quality of green spaces varied significantly between districts and census zones.

District-Level Variability

41Savena and Santo Stefano exhibited the highest green space coverage of the six administrative districts in Bologna, both in total surface area and per capita metrics. Santo Stefano, which includes large parks such as Giardini Margherita and the hills of Colli Bolognesi, had the greatest concentration of high-quality green infrastructure. These parks are well-equipped, regularly maintained, and integrated into local transportation networks.

42Conversely, Navile and San Donato-San Vitale, located in the northeast and northwest peripheries, recorded the lowest green space per capita. Many of the green spaces in these districts are small, fragmented, and often adjacent to industrial or high-traffic zones. Furthermore, accessibility is hindered by physical barriers such as railway lines and ring roads (Tangenziale), reducing actual usability.

Figure 1. Statistical areas Bologna.

Figure 1. Statistical areas Bologna.

ISTAT, 2022

Proximity and Walkability

43Using a walkability analysis, only 58% of the population in San Donato-San Vitale and 61% in Navile lived within a 10-minute walking distance (approximately 800 meters) from a green space entrance. In contrast, over 85% of Santo Stefano and Savena residents met this benchmark.

44A walkable green space access heatmap further confirmed the concentration of environmental resources in central and southern districts. Peripheral zones, particularly those with high immigrant populations and social housing, appeared asgreen deserts or zones of environmental exclusion.

Figure 2. Overall fragility and walkability.

Figure 2. Overall fragility and walkability.

Author’s elaboration

Green Space Quality Index

45A composite index of green space quality was created based on area, available facilities, maintenance scores, and ecological value. This index revealed that quality varied even more sharply than quantity, exacerbating spatial inequalities.

High-Quality vs Low-Quality Green Zones

46High-quality green spaces—scoring above 0.75 on the 0–1 scale—were almost exclusively found in wealthier and older districts, particularly Porta Santo Stefano, Murri, and Savena Alta. These spaces featured well-maintained lawns, children’s play areas, sports equipment, restrooms, and proximity to pedestrian paths.

47In contrast, Borgo Panigale-Reno and Navile districts had multiple green areas that scored below 0.4, often due to lack of facilities, maintenance issues, or poor safety conditions. Interviews from previous studies and municipal surveys referenced complaints about vandalism, inadequate lighting, and the presence of traffic-adjacent parks rarely used by families (Comune di Bologna, 2021).

Figure 3. Total walkability.

Figure 3. Total walkability.

Author’s elaboration

Park Usability vs Presence

48The disconnect between green space presence and usability was particularly evident in Pilastro and Corticella (zones within San Donato and Navile, respectively). While these areas technically contain park polygons in GIS datasets, field audits revealed they are often underused, overgrown, or located near abandoned lots—conditions that reduce their real-world environmental and social utility.

49To explore the association between green space access and social vulnerability, Pearson’s correlation coefficients were calculated between fragility index values and green space metrics (accessibility, quantity per capita, and quality score).

Correlation Between Fragility and Green Space Access

Table 1. Correlation Between Fragility and Green Space Access.

Fragility Index

Green Space Accessibility

Green Space per Capita

Green Space Quality

Demographic Fragility

-0.42 (p < 0.01)

-0.37 (p < 0.05)

-0.51 (p < 0.01)

Economic Fragility

-0.58 (p < 0.001)

-0.60 (p < 0.001)

-0.66 (p < 0.001)

Social Fragility

-0.49 (p < 0.01)

-0.45 (p < 0.01)

-0.54 (p < 0.01)

50These results show a statistically significant negative correlation between all three fragility indices and green space indicators. The strongest relationship was observed between economic fragility and green space quality (-0.66), indicating that economically vulnerable areas are especially deprived of well-maintained and functional green environments.

51Furthermore, Moran’s spatial autocorrelation confirmed significant clustering (I = 0.39, p < 0.01), suggesting that areas of high fragility and low green access are not randomly dispersed but geographically concentrated, mainly in the north and western periphery of Bologna.

Case Studies of Spatial Environmental Injustice

52Two neighbourhoods were selected as case studies to illustrate further the patterns detected in the statistical analysis: Pilastro (San Donato-San Vitale) and Centro Storico (Santo Stefano). These areas exemplify contrasting relationships between green space and socio-demographic profiles.

Pilastro (San Donato-San Vitale)

53Pilastro is one of Bologna’s most socially and economically marginalised neighbourhoods. It is characterised by high immigrant density, public housing complexes, and elevated unemployment rates. It scored among the highest in both economic and social fragility indices.

54Despite having designated green areas in official maps (e.g., Parco Lunetta Gamberini), local audits and walkability analyses revealed that many residents live beyond a 15-minute from any functional park. Moreover, existing green areas lack lighting, are poorly maintained, and are perceived as unsafe, particularly for women and children. The area also lacks tree-lined streets and micro-parks that could mitigate urban heat island effects or offer informal rest areas.

Centro Storico (Santo Stefano)

55In contrast, Bologna’s historic centre and adjacent zones (e.g., Galvani, Murri) demonstrated low fragility and high access to green amenities. Residents in this area enjoy proximity to Giardini Margherita—a 26-hectare park equipped with sports courts, cafés, and event spaces—as well as smaller community gardens and shaded piazzas.

56The quality index for parks in this area averaged 0.81, and over 90% of residents lived within a 5-minute walk from a green space entrance. These spaces are regularly used by diverse age groups, illustrating how green areas in wealthier districts function as environmental buffers and as vibrant social commons.

Ethnic and Migrant Population Disparities

57Mapping of population composition showed a marked overlap between high immigrant density and low green space access. Districts like Navile and parts of Borgo Panigale host large numbers of North African, South Asian, and Eastern European residents. These areas often coincide with low-income housing and limited recreational infrastructure.

58Notably, the lack of culturally inclusive design in existing parks—e.g., the absence of multilingual signage, communal prayer spaces, or gender-segregated recreational areas—further inhibits the usage of green spaces by certain groups. This underscores the importance of spatial and cultural accessibility in addressing environmental justice.

Intersectionality of Environmental and Social Inequality

59The interaction of income, age, gender, and ethnicity creates layered vulnerabilities in certain districts. For example, elderly women in San Donato may live in proximity to a park but avoid it due to poor lighting and safety concerns. Similarly, teenage migrants in Navile may have no access to sports fields or safe outdoor spaces, increasing their social isolation.

60These intersecting inequalities indicate the need for tailored interventions beyondone-size-fits-all green space solutions. Without such nuance, green space planning risks reinforcing existing exclusions or serving only the most privileged populations.

Discussion and Policy Implications

61This study highlights apparent spatial disparities in green space access and quality in Bologna, revealing that economically, socially, and demographically fragile populations are disproportionately excluded from high-quality urban green environments. These findings align with broader European environmental justice literature and underline the need for justice-oriented urban policy frameworks that integrate social equity into environmental planning.

62Ensuring environmental justice in urban green space provision necessitates embedding participatory and inclusive planning mechanisms. This includes community co-design workshops, diversified stakeholder engagement, and incorporation of cultural preferences, such as multilingual signage and gender-sensitive amenities. Such approaches facilitate the transformation of green infrastructure into socially inclusive spaces that reflect the heterogeneous needs of Bologna’s residents, thereby advancing both environmental sustainability and social equity objectives.

63It is important to acknowledge certain limitations stemming from the reliance on secondary, static datasets without direct engagement of community perspectives. This approach may overlook subjective experiences of green space quality and accessibility, which are crucial for comprehensive environmental justice assessments. Future research avenues should incorporate participatory methodologies such as community surveys, citizen science initiatives, and longitudinal data analysis to capture temporal dynamics and procedural justice dimensions more thoroughly.

Interpreting Spatial Inequality in Green Space Distribution

64The spatial distribution patterns observed in Bologna—where affluent districts benefit from abundant, accessible, and well-maintained green spaces, while vulnerable populations reside in under-serviced areas—echo long-standing urban socio-environmental divides. As observed in cities such as Paris (Baró et al., 2019), Berlin (Kabisch & Haase, 2014), and London (Wolch et al., 2014), this spatial mismatch reinforces social inequality, as green spaces serve both environmental and socio-cultural functions.

65In Bologna, the concentration of green resources in districts like Santo Stefano and Savena mirrors patterns of residential privilege. These areas offer green amenities and proximity to cultural institutions, healthcare, and public transport, resulting in compounded urban advantages. In contrast, neighbourhoods like Pilastro and Navile, characterised by public housing and higher immigrant density, suffer from environmental and infrastructural neglect. This reinforces the idea that green space disparities are symptomatic of more profound structural inequalities embedded in urban development trajectories.

66Moreover, our findings show that even when green areas are technically present in disadvantaged districts, they are often of lower quality or difficult to access, supporting the notion ofgreen space illusion (Rigolon, 2016). This phenomenon obscures absolute inequalities behind aggregated statistics that fail to account for usability, safety, and cultural relevance.

Environmental Justice and Urban Planning

67The unequal distribution of green spaces in Bologna is not merely a design flaw but a reflection of spatial environmental injustice. Environmental justice frameworks emphasise the right of all urban residents to access environmentalgoods such as clean air, green space, and ecological health (Schlosberg, 2007). When vulnerable populations are systematically excluded from these goods, it constitutes a form of spatial discrimination that undermines democratic urban governance.

68The patterns uncovered in this study demonstrate that environmental injustice operates through multiple intersecting dimensions:

  • Spatial: Peripheral districts have lower green space density and walkability.

  • Socio-economic: Lower-income residents face both reduced access and lower-quality environments.

  • Ethnic and cultural: Migrant communities lack culturally appropriate and inclusive green infrastructure.

  • Gender and age: Safety concerns and poor infrastructure exclude elderly residents and women from using available spaces.

69Thus, a multiscalar and intersectional approach is necessary to address these injustices. Planning should redistribute green infrastructure spatially and attend to qualitative, cultural, and institutional dimensions of green equity.

Comparative Insights from Other European Cities

70Bologna’s case reflects a broader European trend where urban environmental resources disproportionately benefit dominant socio-economic groups. Studies in cities like Stockholm (Andersson et al., 2020) and Madrid (Vaz et al., 2019) reveal that wealthier, often majority-ethnic populations enjoy better access to green areas, while immigrants and low-income families face higher exposure to environmental “bads” and fewer environmental “goods.”

71However, some cities are taking steps to reverse these dynamics. In Barcelona, the Superblock model reallocates street space for pedestrians and greenery, particularly targeting high-density working-class neighbourhoods (Mueller et al., 2020). Similarly, Paris’s “100 Parks Plan” prioritises green infrastructure development in lower-income arrondissements. These cases highlight the importance of equity-centered urban innovation, which Bologna can learn from.

Policy Implications for Bologna

72The findings of this study suggest several policy avenues for addressing green space inequalities in Bologna. These can be grouped into three main domains:

Equitable Spatial Planning

73Urban planning must prioritise redistributive justice by directing green infrastructure investment to areas with high socio-economic and demographic fragility. Tools such as the Green Equity Index developed in this study can guide municipal decisions on where to expand or upgrade parks. Priority should be given to:

  • Converting vacant lots into micro-parks or green corridors in high-fragility zones.

  • Improving connectivity between housing areas and nearby green spaces using safe pedestrian infrastructure.

  • Ensuring minimum green space-per-capita standards are met across all quartieri.

Participatory and Inclusive Design

74Traditional top-down park design may unintentionally exclude marginalised groups. Thus, planning should integrate participatory methods like community mapping, co-design workshops, and neighbourhood forums. These processes ensure that green spaces reflect the needs and preferences of diverse users, including:

  • Women may prioritise lighting and visibility.

  • Elderly residents who value seating and shade.

  • Migrant communities may request multilingual signage or inclusive cultural programming.

75Municipalities can transform green spaces into inclusive social infrastructure by incorporating diverse voices into design processes.

Monitoring and Accountability

76Currently, Bologna lacks a comprehensive monitoring system that regularly assesses green space distribution and accessibility from a justice perspective. Integrating indicators of environmental justice into the city’s planning dashboards can support transparency and accountability. Key metrics could include:

  • Green space accessibility by demographic group.

  • Public satisfaction with park maintenance and safety.

  • Percentage of new green investments directed to high-fragility zones.

77Annual reporting on these indicators would allow for adaptive governance, enabling planners to respond dynamically to shifting urban needs.

Risks and Limitations of Green Investment

78While expanding green infrastructure is essential, care must be taken to avoid green gentrification—a process whereby environmental improvements increase property values and displace the populations they intend to benefit (Anguelovski et al., 2019). Without protective housing policies, investments in parks and public spaces can trigger speculative development, pricing out low-income residents.

79Therefore, green investment must be coupled with social protections, such as rent controls, affordable housing mandates, and anti-displacement measures. Moreover, governance mechanisms must ensure that the benefits of environmental improvements remain accessible to original residents.

Toward an Environmental Justice Framework for Bologna

80This study advocates for integrating environmental justice principles into Bologna’s urban development strategy. Such an approach would involve:

  • Recognising access to green space as a social right, not a privilege.

  • Embedding equity assessments into all stages of urban planning.

  • Promoting interdisciplinary collaboration between urban planners, public health experts, ecologists, and community organisations.

81Bologna’s political culture and active civil society provide a solid foundation for implementing such a framework. Efforts like the Bilancio Partecipativo (Participatory Budgeting) already demonstrate a commitment to democratic planning. The next step is mainstreaming environmental justice across city departments and aligning green infrastructure development with broader social equity goals.

Conclusion

82This study examined the spatial distribution of green spaces in Bologna and its relationship with economic, social, and demographic fragility. We found compelling evidence of environmental inequality in urban green space allocation by integrating geospatial analysis with the City of Bologna’s fragility indices. Specifically, we showed that vulnerable populations—defined by low income, social exclusion, ageing demographics, and high migrant presence—experience significantly reduced access to the quantity and quality of urban green spaces.

83These findings reinforce the notion that environmental resources in cities are not distributed randomly or naturally but rather reflect deeper urban development patterns and socio-political structures. The expansive, well-maintained parks in affluent districts such as Santo Stefano and Savena starkly contrast the fragmented, poorly serviced green areas in zones like Navile and San Donato-San Vitale. In this sense, green spaces operate as environmentalgoods and social indicators of privilege or marginalisation.

84This paper contributes to the growing field of European environmental justice by offering concrete, spatially grounded evidence from an Italian urban context—a context often underrepresented in anglophone literature. Our findings align with broader European trends, echoing studies from Paris, Berlin, Barcelona, and London, revealing how urban green infrastructure often reflects and reinforces existing patterns of inequality (Kabisch & Haase, 2014; Anguelovski et al., 2019). In Bologna’s case, the interaction of socio-spatial exclusion, underinvestment in peripheral districts, and a lack of inclusive design contributes to the reproduction of environmental injustice.

85The implications of these findings are significant for policy-making and urban planning. As cities like Bologna attempt to respond to climate change, improve livability, and promote sustainability, there is a critical need to ensure that such efforts do not inadvertently deepen existing social divides. Green infrastructure must be planned and implemented with a justice-oriented lens, prioritising those communities that have historically been underserved. This requires moving beyond simple metrics of green coverage toward a nuanced understanding of who benefits from green space—and who is left out.

86Policy recommendations from this research include prioritising green investment in high-fragility zones, co-designing parks with local communities to reflect cultural and social needs, and instituting accountability mechanisms for equitable green development. Furthermore, future research should consider the longitudinal impacts of green investment, especially concerning potential green gentrification and displacement of low-income residents. Even well-intentioned environmental improvements can exacerbate inequality without protective housing and zoning policies.

87In conclusion, this study demonstrates that addressing environmental injustice in Bologna is not merely an ecological or aesthetic concern but a fundamental issue of urban social equity. By treating green spaces as essential components of public infrastructure—and ensuring their fair distribution—Bologna can move toward a more inclusive, resilient, and just urban future.

88In addition, the equitable distribution of urban green spaces is a fundamental component of both environmental sustainability and social justice in Bologna. Addressing spatial inequalities requires integrative urban planning frameworks that prioritise vulnerable populations and recognise green spaces as essential public goods. Commitment to environmental justice principles thus offers a pathway to fostering resilient, inclusive, and healthy urban environments for all citizens.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1. Statistical areas Bologna.
Crédits ISTAT, 2022
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/81924/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 100k
Titre Figure 2. Overall fragility and walkability.
Crédits Author’s elaboration
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/81924/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 340k
Titre Figure 3. Total walkability.
Crédits Author’s elaboration
URL http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/docannexe/image/81924/img-3.png
Fichier image/png, 2,3M
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Valerio della Sala, « Green spaces and indices of economic, social and demographic fragility in Bologna »Belgeo [En ligne], 4 | 2025, mis en ligne le 25 novembre 2025, consulté le 09 décembre 2025. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/81924 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/158bp

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Auteur

Valerio della Sala

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, Spain; Sport Research Institute IRE-UAB, Spain; Interdepartmental Research Centre for Urban and Mega-Events Studies (OMERO), Italy
ORCID 0000-0003-2389-5559
valerio.dellasala@gmail.com

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