The authors would like to thank the Center for Scientific and Technical Research on Arid Regions (CRSTRA) and the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement on Major Hazards for funding this study. They also thank colleagues Adjadj, S., Bencheikh, A., Bouradjouh, D., Dehane, K. and Sebaa, A.
1Extreme weather events, particularly heat waves, can have catastrophic consequences, as evidenced by the high mortality rates observed during past extreme heat events. For instance, it is estimated that over 70,000 people died during the European heat wave in 2003 (Robine et al., 2008), and more than 55,000 people lost their lives during the Russian heat wave in 2010 (Otto et al., 2012). Vulnerable populations, such as children and the elderly, struggle with thermoregulation during such events, leading to heightened health risks (Buscail et al., 2012; Kovats and Hajat, 2008; Reid et al., 2009).
2Highly urbanized areas, characterized by limited vegetation, impermeable surfaces, and reflective materials, tend to be particularly sensitive to heat, often exceeding the temperatures indicated by conventional temperature mapping methods (Dong et al., 2014; Gabriel and Endlicher, 2011). Recent studies, however, suggest that demographic and socio-economic variables may play an even more significant role in heat vulnerability, calling for more attention to these factors in heat vulnerability assessments (Jones et al., 2015; Linares et al., 2014). In essence, factors such as temperature exposure, social vulnerability, population distribution, and urban form make both human and environmental populations highly susceptible to the risks posed by heat waves (Krstic et al., 2017).
3In Algeria, since the 1990s, the frequency of hot days and heat waves has increased across the entire country, and the duration of this hazard’s presence has become more prolonged and recurrent (Faci et al., 2016). Specifically, in the Algerian Sahara, the number of hot days has surged by more than 50% (Faci et al., 2018a). For approximately 5.5 months of the year, the local population endures thermal discomfort due to high daytime temperatures (Matallah et al., 2022). The impacts of these extreme temperatures are multifaceted, as high air temperatures not only increase evaporation rates but also concentrate saline solutions, leading to detrimental effects on soil and plant life, accelerating desertification and soil dryness (Oubadi et al., 2020). The degradation of plant cover, reflected in the gradual retreat and disappearance of vegetation (Aidoud and Ainouche, 2016), exacerbates this problem. Additionally, fires in the oases, which occur at the start of the hot season, destroy thousands of palm trees, further diminishing vital plant resources (Oubadi et al., 2020). Urban areas are also affected by the creation of urban heat islands, increasing energy and water consumption.
4In light of these challenges, the issue of heat vulnerability remains poorly understood, particularly in the Algerian Sahara, where high temperatures continue to intensify. This raises the need to implement effective mitigation practices and adaptive strategies to reduce the harmful effects of extreme heat. Here lies the critical problem: While much attention has been given to modern technological solutions, traditional modes of adaptation developed by desert populations over centuries have received limited focus. These adaptive strategies, shaped by the harsh climate and scarcity of resources, allowed desert inhabitants to survive and thrive in such extreme conditions. These strategies have been passed down through generations, forming a vital part of the cultural heritage of desert communities.
5However, with increasing population growth, the demand for housing, and the expansion of infrastructure, many of these age-old practices have been abandoned, leading to a loss of traditional knowledge (Djeradi, 2012; Bencherif and Chaouche, 2013; Boutabba et al., 2016). Moreover, there is a noticeable gap in the inventory and documentation of these traditional skills, making it difficult to leverage them in contemporary climate adaptation strategies. Thus, the central problem to be addressed in this study is the urgent need to document and inventory these ancestral modes of adaptation to high temperatures in the Algerian Sahara. By doing so, we aim to preserve these practices and integrate them into national strategies for natural risk management, contributing to more resilient and sustainable communities in the face of climate change.
6The present study was carried out in the Algerian Sahara, covering the different bioclimatic entities of this huge territory; namely, the Saoura, Gourara, Touat, Tidikelt, M’Zab Valley, Oued Rhir Valley, Oued Souf, Tassili n’Ajjer and the Hoggar. This region is recording an increasing trend in the number of hot days and the heat waves, which started in the mid-1990s (Faci et al., 2018b).
7In these regions, the average duration of daily sunshine ranges between 7 and 10 hours (Table 1).
Table 1. The average duration of daily sunshine in the study area.
8In order to identify the main forms of adaptation, a canvassing survey was carried out among the local population; it reached a sample of 350 people (of different age groups and different levels of education) (Figure 1). The people contacted were: i) members of associations in the various Ksour (villages), ii) notables and elderly people likely to retain ancestral knowledge, iii) scientists (academics and researchers) and iv) officials at the level of local institutions (tourism, culture, environment of each wilaya -province in English-).
9This survey ran from May 2017 to July 2019, where we moved in 2017 to the Saoura region (Bechar, Taghit and Beni Abbes). In 2018, surveys were carried out in the regions of Oued Souf, Oued Rhir (Djamaa and Touggourt), the M’Zab valley (Ghardaia), Gourara (Timimoun), Touat (Adrar) and Tidikelt (Aoulef). During 2019, three biogeographical entities were visited; Tidikelt (In Salah), Hoggar (Tamanrasset) and Tassili n’Ajjer (Illizi, Djanet and Ihrir) (Figure 2).
10The sample of qualitative surveys must target the public to be surveyed, especially people with credible and/or rare information (Faci, 2021); for this reason, the semi-directive interview, which is based on the individual interview between the interviewer and the respondent, was adopted. Open-ended questions on the different forms of adaptation to high temperatures were asked of the targeted sample; the answers were recorded either in handwritten form, in the case of administrators and scientists, or audiovisually or audibly for local populations.
11A survey guide was drawn up in early 2017, comprising 41 questions, including 6 open-ended questions. A pre-survey was carried out in the Taghit locality (wilaya of Béchar), to test the questionnaire; the latter was adapted, where the majority were transformed into open questions, in order to collect the maximum amount of information and the specificities of each region. Discussions with the people contacted ranged from 15 minutes to one hour and a half. This enabled the forms of adaptation in each region to be listed, as well as the particularities recorded in some areas.
Figure 1. Deployment of field surveys.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2019.
Figure 2. Chronology of the fieldwork process.
12The majority of respondents were men, while women accounted for only 7%. Of those contacted, 42% were under 50, 38% between 50 and 60, while 20% were over 60.
13The first basic rule in terms of resilience lies in the Saharan habitat from the point of view of construction methods and materials, architecture and orientation of openings. This type of design must be associated with the often-permanent location between the palm grove and the habitat. The latter was always inside or at least next to the palm grove, which within its oasis effect alleviates various extreme factors of the desert environment (temperature, evapotranspiration, hot and dry wind, etc.).
14For Côte (1998, in Faci and Farhi, 2019), the Saharan city is a separate category, referring on the one hand to the arid climate, and on the other hand to its isolation in the midst of empty expanses, two features which assigned it a strong specificity. These towns were born of the relay function on the great caravan routes of the past; they took the form of a town/oasis, with water and palm groves providing the support for this relay function. But to speak of a Saharan city is first of all to speak of the Ksar ‘fortified city’ (called Dechra in Biskra and Touggourt, Gasba in In Salah and Laachache in El-Oued), as a traditional entity. According to Côte (2010, in Faci and Farhi, 2019), ‘It is obvious that it is first of all a bioclimatic creation’. Historically, the construction of fortified cities in the Sahara is due to Berber tribes fleeing the Hilalian invasion to take refuge in impregnable places at the crossroads of trade routes (Zaieda, 1992; Ibn Khaldoun, 2003; Djeradi, 2012). Other Ksour (plural of Ksar) were built by religious minorities or persecuted, such as the Ksour of the M’zab and the Ksar of Aoulef, built by the Zenetes who were hunted by the Almoravids (reigning dynasty in the 13th century) (Cornand, 1985 in Faci and Farhi, 2019). These fortified towns are made up of four elements that are found in all the Ksour, namely the ramparts, the mosque, the cemetery and the Souk (market) (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Ksour of Algerian Sahara.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
15The Ksour retain commonalities, even if there are differences from one region to another. Commonalities are found in the practices used in adapting to climatic conditions, in general, and heat waves in particular.
16The compact urban form of the Ksar is designed to save land and to protect from the prevailing winds and the sandy winds (Figure 4), the houses are thus built close to each other and few facades are exposed to the sun, which reduces sunstroke. Whatever the geometric structure of the Ksour, the houses remain compact.
Figure 4. Ksar of Beni Isguen (Ghardaïa).
Source: Google Earth.
17In all the Ksour, the alleys are narrow and winding, divided into main streets that usually lead to the mosques, markets or palm groves and secondary alleys that lead to a group of houses and usually end in dead ends or in front of the entrance of the houses. The narrowness of the alleys and the height of the surrounding walls minimise exposure to the sun’s rays and create shade which cools the air. Moreover, in some Ksour the alleys are made up of a succession of covered and uncovered spaces, which allows the creation of shaded areas even when the sun is at its zenith (Figure 5).
Figure 5. The streets and alleys.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
18According to Gueliane (2017 in Faci and Farhi, 2019), the design of the alleys allows to retain the fresh air of the night by narrowing it, which creates the venturi effect that occurs when the layout of the buildings increases the speed for an identical flow. This effect causes the air to accelerate even when the winds are weak, and contributes significantly to the ventilation of the street and the houses.
19Testimonies implied that there are other reasons than climatic; in fact, according to the respondents, the design of the alleys in this way is for defensive reasons, for the reason that these small alleys help to disorientate attackers and facilitate the ambushes setting up.
20The traditional spatial organization of Ksour houses is ground floor and one floor (G+1) or ground floor (GF), with an accessible terrace ‘Stah’ and a patio ‘west eddar or Rahba’ (Gueliane, 2017 in Faci and Farhi, 2019). In all cases, the Ksourian house is closed in on itself, enclosed by blind facades, and opens onto the sky through the patio. In the M’zab, the patio has been adapted to Saharan conditions, as it is covered by the Chebeq (a kind of wire mesh) which reduces the effect of solar radiation. In summer, during the day, the Chebeq is covered to create shade inside, while it is opened at night to cool the house (Figure 6). The majority of patios in the Sahara face NE-SW and SE-NW. These 45 degree directions are optimal for producing shade in summer, while allowing sunlight in winter. In contrast, in the Souf region and some dwellings in the Oued Rhir region, the house is on the ground floor without a terrace (Figure 7), as the roofs are designed either as domes or vaults (the terrace is present only in few dwellings). The domes and vaults have two roles; the first is to prevent sand from accumulating on the terraces, because this region is close to the Great Eastern Erg, where the important contribution of sand can cause the collapse of the roof. The second is that these vaults and domes allow the air to be cooled. In general, the domes and vaults have triangular openings of 10 to 30 cm, which allows the evacuation of hot air that tends to accumulate.
Figure 6. The Chebeq.
Photo : Mohammed Faci, 2018.
Figure 7. The domes and vaults.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
21As quoted above, the Ksourian house is introverted, having no facades as such, and due to the compactness of the constructions, windows are absent in the design of these houses. Nevertheless, the walls overlooking the alleys are generally provided with ventilation openings of 10 to 20 cm (Figure 8), which allow a minimum of light to enter. These openings also allow for the creation of draughts through the patio; the openings should be opposite each other and the one through which the air enters should be smaller than the one that exits. When night falls in the M’Zab, the outside air temperature is lower than that of the house, so it is enough to open the "Chebeq" of the patio and the few openings in the wall to activate a circulation of air by thermosiphon effect. The position of the "Chebeq" in the highest point allows the rapid evacuation of the hot air, as it tends to rise as opposed to the cold air which decreases. As a result, the patio remains the coolest place inside the house. The small openings can be closed in case of a sand wind.
Figure 8. Openings for air circulation.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
22The terrace "Stah" is built from palm tree trunks and covered by a layer of clay (between 10 and 20 cm) (Figure 9). Its acroteria are high enough to ensure the privacy of the inhabitants. This is generally the domain of women, and doors exist between the terraces to allow the passage of women and children. In summer, the terraces are used as dormitories, because the air is cooler due to the temperature difference. The space is separated by curtains, the parents always being close to the access to the terrace.
Figure 9. The terraces.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
23The only opening to the outside of the house is the front door (Figure 10). This is preceded by a baffle "Skifa", which allows for the privacy of the house. The absence of windows is a very important fact that avoids solar radiation, which creates a shady and cool environment.
Figure 10. The front door.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
24The thickness of the walls depends on the materials used (Figure 11); depending on the site and the structure of the house (GF or G+1), but all the walls of the facades are load-bearing. This is why the walls of the ground floor are generally thicker; at the level of the M’zab, the walls of the ground floor are always made of stones with a thickness that varies between 70 cm and 1 m, which guarantees a good thermal inertia. In the valley or Oued Rhir, the foundations are made of stones with a wall that can reach 1 m and be covered by a 30 to 50 cm wide clay brick wall. In Adrar region, the lower base of the walls is made of stones (from 70 cm to 1 m in width and height), connected by a gypsum mortar, which constitutes the foundations of the house, while the upper part is made of Toub. The thickness is between 60 cm on the ground floor and 40 cm on the first floor.
25On the other hand, in Oued Souf, the external walls are composed of sand roses (a form of gypsum crystallisation) over a width of 20 to 30 cm and a double layer (internal and external) of gypsum plaster of about 15 cm; according to Nefidi et al. (2017), the use of materials with high thermal inertia (sand rose and local gypsum plaster "Tafza") in the construction results in a difference of 10 °C between the external and the internal temperature.
Figure 11. Wall thickness.
Photo:Mohammed Faci, 2018.
26The exterior cladding differs from one region to another (Figure 12), depending on local availability. In the M’Zab, the exterior cladding of the Mozabite house is made with a local type of plaster (Timchent). In the Souf, it is gypsum extracted and manufactured locally; in the Ksour of Adrar, the walls are painted with clay, just after the wall has been built. For the walls of the facades the coating is never smoothed (smoothing has only appeared before), the coating is either projected or patterns are made. In the region of Aoulef, they call this operation Etsbagh (past the fingers), which creates striations on the wall, but we can also find more elaborate forms in half-sphere. All these shapes do not only have a decorative role, because these irregular shapes on the facade mean that part of the shape is not exposed to the sun, which reduces the total surface of the exposed wall and thus reduces its heating.
Figure 12. Exterior walls cladding.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
27Generally, the dyes used are according to the colors of the local materials used. In the M’Zab and the Souf, light lime colors are used, which allows a better reflection of the light. One of the particularities of the M’azb is the pastel color used for the terraces to reduce the reflection of the sun. In the other Ksour the clay colors are the most dominant.
28Cellars are not a rule in the Ksurian habitat (Figure 13), but it can be related to a sign of wealth because the digging of a cellar requires a lot of means. Wealthy families dug cellars for a double purpose, to store their reserves and as a shelter during the hot days.
Figure 13. Excavated basement.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
29The constructions are always made with local materials, the main element being flood soil ‘Toub’ and stone. According to Gueliane (2017 in Faci and Farhi, 2019), the use of materials extracted from the construction site guarantees the concordance between the climate and the thermo-physical properties of the material.
30Wood is a rare material in the Sahara, the inhabitants use mainly date palms, but sparingly, given the value of the palm tree in the oases (Figure 14), only the already dead palms are used for the realization of beams, joists and doors. The most edifying example is the doors, which are so small that they only allow access to the house when squatting to save wood. In the M’Zab valley, some testimonies tell us of the use, sometimes, of fruit tree wood and also rarely of acacia wood.
31Gypsum plaster and local lime are used either for plastering or for making mortar. In Oued Souf, it is important to note the use of sand rose and gypsum plaster (Figure 15).
32It should also be noted that all the materials used have a high thermal inertia, which allows a very slow diffusion of heat.
Figure 14. Beams with palm trunks covered with palms of date.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2017.
Figure 15. Traditional plaster and sand rose in the Oued Souf region.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
33The Algerian Sahara is characterised by an arid to hyperarid climate, with high air temperatures, the rule during the hot season; according to Bencherif and Chaouche (2013), to these thermal excesses must be added very low relative humidity during the hottest hours, at least in the places most marked by continental conditions, intense solar radiation and drying winds, often laden with sand or dust. Populations subject to these conditions have been able to adopt good practices, enabling them to survive in this environment.
34Two types of commutes have been identified in the practices of local populations:
35a) Daily commute: which refers to the displacement of the activity within the house according to the heat that reigns there. According to Bencherif and Chaouche (2013), in order to be sheltered from the sun, the summer part of the Ksourian house faces north-east. The opposite side is used to enjoy the sun in winter. The patio, surrounded by high walls like a well, is shaded in summer; at night, when the atmosphere cools down, it stores fresh air which will be released during the day, for a few hours. Thus, different spaces can be occupied at different times of the day or year, while in summer the daytime activity takes place in the ground floor, and during the night the inhabitants are on the terraces, taking advantage of the drop in air temperature, while the cool night air rushes into the ground floor through the patio and the thermal mass of the walls diffuses the heat stored during the day and absorbs the coolness and retains it until mid-day. In the M’Zab valley, even the kitchen moves according to the time of day, in order to preserve the coolness of the ground floor, during the day they cook upstairs, while at night the kitchen can return to its usual place.
36b) Seasonal nomadism: many ksour practice it, but it does not concern the whole population. This nomadism concerns the movement between the city and the palm grove; many well-off owners have a house in the palm grove, which they occupy during the hot period "June-September"; taking advantage of the microclimate of the palm grove (Figure 16). In the past, the period lasted longer from April to the end of the date harvest (October).
In the Souf region, the movement takes place between the town and the Ghouts, a particular form of date palm cultivation that consists of digging craters in the sand dunes to bring the palm closer to the water table. If the Ghout does not have any hard construction, the owners build small huts, called Zriba, made from date palm leaves. Contrary to the other Ksour, all the inhabitants of Oued Souf had their own Ghout which constituted their vegetable garden.
In the Hoggar, the inhabitants spent the summer in leather (goat) or camel hair tents. The opening of the tent faces the sun during the cold season and against the sun during the hot season.
The displacement of the inhabitants to another place during the summer period is not practiced in all the agglomerations, for example in the Ksar of Djahil (in Djanet) and in In Salah, the population spends the summer inside the Ksar, which is surrounded by a palm grove. It should be noted that the hot period in Djanet and the Hoggar is only two months, May and June.
Figure 16. Habitats reserved for summer nomadism.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2019.
37In some regions, such as Adrar, the inhabitants of the Ksour have used the natural caves for storage, creating a facade with a door at the entrance. However, during the hot season, people take refuge in these caves, in search of the coolness that reigns there; they are considered to be troglodyte houses (Figure 17).
Figure 17. Troglodyte houses.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
38During the summer period, work in the fields or heavy work is carried out from the ‘Fejr’ prayer, sunrise, until 10 or 11 a.m. and can be resumed after the ‘Asr’ prayer, from 5 p.m., even shops close in the afternoon. Nowadays, the Algerian labour law allows for the adjustment of working hours in the public service during the summer period.
39Nevertheless, in the region of Djanet, the working hours did not change, because the climate is less harsh and the hot period is shorter.
40In summer, the inhabitants open the windows and all the doors during the cool part of the day to renew the air and remove the hot air. They have jars of porous water placed in front of the air inlets; the water absorbs some of the heat from the air and cools it. In the Ksour of the Adrar region, many houses have wells or Seguia (gutters), which provide drinking water. The Seguia are downstream of an ingenious system, called "Foggara", which characterizes this region (Figure 18).
Figure 18. The Seguia.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
41The inhabitants resort to eating fresh fruit and vegetables instead of hot meals. They consume milk and dates daily, either piled up (from the past year) or fresh (early). Fresh water is kept in Guerba and jars (Figure 19). The water from the springs in the Tassili n’Ajjer region (Djanet, Ihrir, up to Illizi) is fresh (drinkable) water, unlike in the other regions visited during this investigation.
42The ancestors kept foodstuffs in dry, dark basement rooms (Dehliz and/or Damous). In the region of Oued Souf, the inhabitants keep vegetables and fruits under wet sand, to ensure a certain freshness. Other food products are kept in Khabia (a large buried jar) (Figure 20). In the Adrar region, a room or a Matmoura (a large jar) is set aside for food storage. Generally, the traditional way of preserving meat is in salted and dried form, some fruits are dried (such as dates and figs) and the same is true for some vegetables (tomatoes, turnips, etc.). Dates, whether pitted or not, are sometimes flavoured with herbs (rosemary, mint, etc.) and packed in cloth bags or jars.
Figure 19. Cooling of the water.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2019.
Figure 20. Jars for food preservation.
Photo: Mohammed Faci, 2018.
43Light colored clothes are the most worn by the Saharan populations, they are wide and cover a large part of the body. The clothes are often made of cotton, such as the Malhfa (dress for women), the Gandoura (garment worn by men), the trousers (short and wide), the Chech (turban) or the palm leaf hats. The inhabitants sometimes use woollen fabrics. The Gandoura remains the common male garment by excellence; according to Ravéreau (2003), there is no reason why this garment should be unpleasant, because a Gandoura is there to protect from the heat of the sun. Sometimes women wore dark (black) clothes, as in Djanet. Whereas in the Hoggar, the clothes are colored by Ennila (extracted from a plant), which gives the color blue.
44Practices applied on hot days are generally:
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Closing windows and exterior doors to keep the air cool;
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Preventing sunlight from entering rooms by placing light colored curtains;
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Avoiding exposure to the sun and reducing activities;
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For people who work outside, change work schedules when possible;
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Wear clothes with natural fabrics (cotton and wool) and cover the body with clothes that absorb sweat (in case the person is exposed to the sun);
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Avoid cooking during peak hours;
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If the house has several floors, spend the day on the lower floor;
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Drink plenty of fluids and cool drinks;
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Eat fresh fruits and vegetables;
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Do not eat hot, high-calorie meals;
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Do not travel during the hot day (opt for travel at night);
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Cool the terrace with water to spend the night.
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To traditionally reduce the body heat of children and sick people, local people put a mixture of henna and onion and orange blossom water on the stomach and forehead;
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To relieve sunburn, soak potato slices in vinegar and put them on the forehead;
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Put green vine leaves on the baby’s stomach and forehead to lower the body temperature.
45The majority of people contacted during the course of this study (2017-2019) stated that the air temperature had risen over the last twenty years (86%), while 11% of those surveyed felt no change at all. On the other hand, only 3% perceived a decrease in air temperature (Table 2). These perceptions are in line with the results of statistical analyses carried out by Faci et al. (2016, 2018a, 2018b), which revealed a rising temperature trend throughout the Algerian Sahara.
46With regard to town planning, all the interviewees stated that the style of town planning has completely changed since the 1960s-1970s and that local people do not build traditional houses. Traditional and/or local building materials are rarely used (6%). According to Djeradi (2012), the ancient constructions in the Algerian Sahara are not the product of spontaneity; in fact, they are the product of rigorous planning that is far more complex than current planning. For this reason, it is essential to study ancient building practices and extract the best techniques for adapting to climate change.
47Most of the people contacted said they had abandoned their eating habits (95%) and traditional clothing (81%). On the other hand, food preservation methods (98%) and the cooling of drinking water (99%) have completely changed, with residents resorting to the use of refrigerators, freezers and cold rooms; farmers with large production use the latter.
Table 2. Perceptions of people surveyed.
Source: Survey results.
48In order to inventory the traditional practices applied by local populations to mitigate the harmful effects of high air temperatures in the Algerian Sahara, a field survey was carried out during the period 2017-2019, at the level of the nine main biogeographical entities of this immense space. The field trips allow to contact more than 350 people; notables, officials, administrators, historians, researchers, technicians, craftsmen, farmers, people considered as essential sources of information and local inhabitants.
49The main practices can be classified into: a) actions applied before the air temperature rises, b) actions to be taken during a heat wave and c) ancestral therapeutic actions. Preventive approaches are based on urban characteristics (choice of location, architecture, orientation, dimensions, building materials, etc.) and habits (clothing, food, organization of daily life, etc.).
50Due to the harshness of the living conditions, the habitat in the Sahara was linked to the source of water and the palm grove; as a result, the ingenuity of the local populations allowed the construction of the Ksour. These fortified villages are made up of four elements, which can be found in all the Ksour: the ramparts, the mosque, the cemetery and the Souk.
51Unfortunately, the last decades have been marked by the abandonment of ancestral ways of adapting to high air temperatures, whether from the point of view of architecture, layout, building materials used or even daily habits (food and clothing). These changes have led to an intense use of electricity, through the massive recourse to the installation of air conditioners.