Introduction

1The Linearbandkeramik (LBK) communities are the first to have practised agriculture in most of central Europe. Originating in Hungary before spreading into an area extending from the Paris Basin to modern-day Ukraine, the LBK period is dated to between 5600 and 4900 cal. BCE (Bickle and Whittle, 2013). Whilst the LBK is associated with an extensive and varied burial record comprising thousands of individuals, only one form of funerary treatment is defined as ‘regular’, in which the articulated body is buried directly in a simple earth grave cut into the ground in a cemetery, placed on the left side in a relaxed flexed position and provisioned with grave goods (Pavúk, 1972). This definition does not, however, account for the scale of variability visible in the LBK burial record, in which high levels of diversity and adaptation are associated with differing regional and temporal contexts, as well as at subcultural and individual levels (Hofmann, 2009; Hofmann and Bickle, 2011; Pechtl and Hofmann, 2013; Bickle et al., 2014; Bickle, 2020).

2It should be noted that while the use of cemeteries only began during the second phase of the LBK, settlements were used for burials continuously throughout the culture’s duration. However, because of the focus on grave goods in discussions, settlement burials, which are less frequently furnished, have not been so well studied (Hofmann, 2009; Bickle, 2019). The graves of women and children, which can occur in greater numbers in settlements and are less likely to contain grave goods, have also been less researched as a result. This problem is exacerbated by the highly diverse mortuary treatment of bodies recovered from settlement contexts, often ascribed to lack of care, with individuals dismissed as having been 'unworthy of grave goods' or at the 'margins of society' (Veit, 1993:205; Jeunesse, 1997; Hofmann, 2009:205,222).

3There are significant limitations to this approach. An exclusive focus on the role of grave goods undermines the importance of the individual and the treatment of their body within the grave. It also assumes that grave goods held greater expressive value and potential among LBK funerary rituals than other and equally variable aspects of mortuary treatment. Grave cuts and the positions and orientations of bodies show notable variations, suggesting their importance as expressive elements of mortuary practice. Analyses based on grave goods alone result in a significant number of burials being overlooked: 30% in cemeteries, rising to 50% in settlements (Hedges et al., 2013:373). Settlement burials are thus underrepresented in discussions of LBK funerary rituals, despite being significant spaces for the deposition of the dead across the culture’s entire expanse (Hofmann, 2009).

4Contemporary discussions of LBK mortuary practices challenge the assumption of an overarching 'regular' practice, arguing that an assumption should instead be informed by context (Hofmann and Bickle, 2011; Pechtl and Hofmann, 2013). However, binary and singular concepts of 'normative' and 'deviant' mortuary practices remain prevalent in interpretations. The potential contribution of body-centred methodologies such as archaeothanatology to the study of Neolithic funerary archaeology is well recognised in France. This is exemplified by the works of Boës (2000) who, in applying archaeothanatological principles to burials in the Paris Basin has highlighted issues arising from the broad use of the term 'earth burial'. While this expression indicates a simple primary deposition of the body in direct contact with the soil, it is also commonly used in a way that encompasses a variety of more complex practices (Boës, 2000; 2003; Duday, 2009). These include the sépultures à niche, or niche graves, identified at a number of sites, which deliberately preserve a void around the body, possibly to allow later access (Boës, 2000; 2003; Thévenet, 2004; Chambon and Thévenet, 2014). Evidence for the diversity of treatments of the body itself within the LBK is also much discussed in French contexts, including settlements. At the LBK enclosure of Menneville Derrière le Village in the Aisne valley, Thévenet’s (2014) close analysis of the deposits of human remains revealed that while mortuary treatments within the enclosure ditches were diverse, ranging from fully articulated bodies to disarticulated and isolated skeletal elements, these were systematically arranged and may be argued to reflect a coherent, systematic funerary framework.

5Outside France, however, applications of archaeothanatological principles to the LBK burial record are limited, and evidence for diversity remains under-researched at many sites, particularly settlements. This paper explores settlement burials in the central region of the LBK, in order to investigate diversity in body treatments. To do so, we applied a body-centred methodology developed through an archaeothanatological lens. The resulting framework was applied to excavation photographs and reports on the selected case study sites, and treatments of the body at death are catalogued using a novel and precise terminology. Evidence for diversity is considered in the light of age-at-death and sex, in order to explore potential relationships between these factors and differences in mortuary treatment.

6Archaeothanatology, originally described as anthropologie de terrain, arose through the merging of methodologies derived from archaeology and bioanthropology in French archaeological literature during the late 1970s (Duday and Guillon, 2006). The approach takes its name from archaeology and thanatology: the scientific study of the biological and social components of death (Duday, 2009). Archaeothanatology applies knowledge of taphonomic theory and the decomposition process in order to reconstruct the chaîne opératoire from human remains recovered in an archaeological context from the original funerary deposition. Though archaeothanatology was originally developed for the excavation and documentation of burials in the field, its principles have been successfully adapted and applied post-excavation, using reports, recordings and photographs of burials in situ (Nilsson Stutz, 2003; Willis and Tayles, 2009; Harris and Tayles, 2012; Peyroteo-Stjerna et al., 2022). The cadaver is considered the central element of any burial around which other elements of practice and ritual, such as the addition of material cultural artefacts, are constructed. This provides a more complete understanding of the funerary context being studied (Blaizot, 2022).

7The applicability of such methods post-excavation is entirely dependent on the quality of the original excavation of the burial, and its recording (Harris and Tayles, 2012). This must include detailed stratigraphic information and observation of the positioning of skeletal elements, as well as high-quality photographs of the body in situ (Peyroteo-Stjerna et al., 2020; Mickleburgh et al., 2021). Analysis may be limited by other factors, such as the quality of preservation and post-depositional disturbance. There is also the challenge of equifinality: multiple natural processes or anthropogenic practices may result in the same outcome, and it may not be possible to attribute evidence from a burial to a single type of mortuary behaviour (Schotsmans et al., 2022). However, several case studies attest to the value of archaeothanatologically-derived methods as a retrospective tool, particularly in European prehistoric contexts (Appleby, 2016).

Materials and Methods

8Two LBK settlement sites were selected for this research. The first is Balatonszárszó-Kis-erdei-dűlő in present-day Hungary, where excavations from 2000 to 2006 resulted in the recovery of 63 longhouses and the graves of 43 individuals primarily comprising single inhumations (Oross, 2013). The site has been dated to 5350-5000/4900 cal. BCE, suggesting the foundation of a settlement during the developed early LBK, and continuous occupation into the later periods (Oross, 2013). The second site of Vráble-Veľké Lehemby, in Slovakia, is one of the largest known LBK sites, comprising three spatially distinct neighbourhoods made up of settlement clusters, one being surrounded by an enclosure from around 5100 cal. BCE onwards (Furholt et al., 2020; 2023). Dating suggests a slightly later foundation of the site at 5250 cal. BCE, before it was eventually abandoned around 4950 cal. BCE (Furholt et al., 2020). Excavations at Vráble began in 2012, and are ongoing. Thus far, 304 longhouses and more than 100 individuals have been recovered (Furholt et al., 2023). The dead were treated in diverse ways, with a variety of states of disarticulation and depositional contexts represented (Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020). This includes mass depositions of headless individuals recovered from the enclosure ditch. As these sites have been excavated within the last 20 years, full records and reports of their respective burial assemblages are available, as well as a number of high-quality photographs. Preservation at both sites is also good, making them excellent candidates for retrospective study.

9The dynamic potential of the corpse is a concept that underlies the development of archaeothanatology and forms the basis of the theoretical framework used for this methodology (Duday 2009:19). The biological reality of the cadaver must be dealt with by the living, and its treatment by survivors forms the central element of the burial. All other elements of practice, including the provisioning of grave goods, are developed around the interment (Duday, 2009). However, it is also crucial to consider that the appearance of the archaeological deposit results from a series of complex interactions between the original burial and modifications caused by taphonomic factors, such as scavenging animals and groundwater (Duday and Guillon, 2006). The potential role of both forms of alteration must therefore be considered in the interpretation of bodily treatment.

10The second element of this methodology involves the creation of a format for the collation of burial data. This includes basic osteological and demographic information, including age at death, sex and pathology. The age ranges used here are standardised: Neonate (>1 month), Infant (1 month to 1 year), Younger Juvenile (1-5 years), Older Juvenile (6-12 years), Adolescent (13-17 years), Young Adult (18-25 years), Young Middle Adult (26-35 years), Old Middle Adult (36-45 years), and Mature Adult (over 45 years) (Brothwell, 1994). Categorisation by sex has been reduced to Male, Female, and Indeterminate. The age-at-death, sex and pathology data used here are informed by the most recent, standard osteological assessments of individuals recovered from both sites (Oross and Marton, 2012; Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020).

11The correct and consistent use of terminology is fundamental in reconstructing mortuary treatments (Knüsel, 2014; Boulestin, 2022). For example, the descriptors 'crouched' and 'flexed' are often used interchangeably in discussions of funerary treatment, but this is incorrect: ‘crouched’ should only be used to describe bodies deposited in an upright position where the limbs are constricted close to the thoracic cavity (Knüsel, 2014). Here, we use the term 'flexed' to describe bodies placed on their side with the limbs flexed. 'Hyperflexed' is used in instances where the degree of flexion is beyond the range of anatomical possibility, with the limbs close to the thoracic cavity, and where any movement of bone within the original volume of the body cannot be attributed to another obstacle, such as the grave’s architecture (Harris and Tayles, 2012; Peyroteo-Stjerna et al., 2022). Bodies placed extended on their back are referred to as 'supine', whilst those extended on their front are 'prone'.

12When referring to depositions with little or no evidence of treatment of the body, it is important to avoid terminology that may be subjective or carry negative connotations. Schmitt (2022) has previously argued that phrases such as 'deviant' or 'non-normative' hold prior meanings that may affect the interpretation of these forms of practice, and also oversimplify the nature of the original deposition for the sake of classification. Words such as 'variables' have also been avoided where possible, as the aim here is not to imply deviation from an expected norm. Consequently, the term ‘informal’ has been chosen instead. This is not used to suggest that the deposition of an individual lacks funerary intention, but rather that irregularity is evidenced in the positioning of the limbs, i.e., in their extension and flexion. This suggests that very little physical interaction was afforded to the deceased and that the body’s disposition was not of overarching concern during its deposition.

13Key to the reconstruction of the body’s funerary treatment is the identification of the nature of the space in which decomposition occurred. Here, this is described simply as a 'filled space' where the grave cut or pit was immediately filled, or a 'void' where open space was present around the body. The categorisation of decompositional space is determined by potential bone movements observed. In a filled space, bones do not move or become displaced outside the initial space occupied by the body; instead, the decay of the soft tissues creates spaces within the grave, referred to as secondary voids, and bones in disequilibrium with the body will fall into these spaces once freed (Duday and Guillon, 2006; Duday, 2009; Duday et al., 2014; Mickleburgh et al., 2021). In contrast, decomposition in a void may result in the movement or displacement of bones outside the initial space occupied by the body (Duday and Guillon, 2006; Appleby, 2016; Blaizot, 2022). This often manifests as the displacement of smaller bones, such as the carpals and metacarpals, as well as the movement of vertebrae away from the original space occupied by the corpse (Duday et al., 2014). Another strong indicator of decomposition in a void is the falling of the patella away from the body’s original space (Duday and Guillon, 2006). In some instances, poor preservation or the displacement of bones by later disturbance do not allow reconstruction of the decompositional environment.

Results

14Fifty-six burials were collated for this study, 43 from Balatonszárszó and a further 13 from Vráble, where at the time when this study was being conducted, the rest of the skeletal assemblage, including the mass deposition, had not yet been recovered. While these results do not make up a large enough sample to be indicative of burial trends across the wider central distribution of the LBK, the trends identified bring out potential avenues for further investigation. Percentages are therefore still discussed in order to enable comparisons potentially suggesting differences in treatment between the age-at-death and sex categories. Altogether, 55% (31/56) of individuals across the sample were interred in a relaxed, flexed position. Within this category, it appears that immediate filling of the grave was typical. There is no notable difference in the frequency of this position between the two sites, and this finding is congruent with expected dominant modes of funerary practice in the LBK. Both male and female-sexed adults showed an equal likelihood of being flexed, at 59% (13/22 and 10/17, respectively) (figure 1). However, within the flexed category, male-sexed adults showed slightly greater variation in other areas of body treatment: most notably, 31% (4/13) of flexed males, in contrast to 22% (2/9) of flexed females, were placed on their right side.

15A total of 18% (10/56) of all individuals had been manipulated into a hyperflexed position, where the limbs were tightly constricted to the thorax. This position occurred exclusively amongst the burials at Balatonszárszó, in 23% (10/42) of all individuals at the site. In this group, Older Juveniles showed the greatest likelihood of being hyperflexed, with 60% (3/5) of this age-at-death category from the site being treated in this way (figure 2). Among adults, a higher percentage of female-sexed individuals (20%, 3/15) were hyperflexed, compared to male-sexed adults (13%, 2/15).

16Overall, 13% (7/56) of burials were informal, showing little evidence that any effort was made to rearrange the limbs or body during its deposition. Within this group, bones of the majority of individuals (71%, 5/7) had moved outside the original volume of the body, suggesting that decomposition took place within a void. Informal positions occurred at a higher rate at Vráble (31%, 4/13) than at Balatonszárszó (7%, 3/43). Among these depositions, male-sexed adults were dominant, representing 57% (4/7) of the group. A further 4% (2/56) of individuals at both sites were deposited in an extended supine position. However, it should be noted that this treatment showed notable similarity to the more informal depositions, with only slight attention being paid to the arrangement of the limbs. The limbs are not constricted to the body, and there are no examples of effet de paroi, verticalization in the clavicles, or any other archaeological evidence to suggest that these individuals were wrapped or afforded further treatment prior to deposition (Harris and Tayles, 2012). This may indicate that these burials do not represent a true, distinct category of treatment.

17Some of the burials in this sample showed evidence suggesting the manipulation of remains or their secondary deposition. A total of 7% (4/56) of all burials were missing skeletal elements other than small hand or finger bones, despite the rest of the skeleton being well preserved. In three individuals recovered during the 2017 excavations at Vráble, the cranium was intentionally removed prior to deposition, with no identifiable evidence for cutmarks on the vertebrae, though forcible removal cannot be excluded due to poor surface preservation (Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020). Within this group is Burial G4/S21, a child between the ages of 3-6 (Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020). In the case of the only multiple burial within the sample, also from Balatonszárszó and comprising two female-sexed adults and one adolescent (773, 774 & 775), post-depositional disturbance suggests re-use of the grave (figure 3) (Oross, 2013). While some disarticulation is observed in individuals 773 and 774, 775 is in complete articulation, despite being lowermost in the grave. This may suggest that the grave was reopened for the burial of the final individual, resulting in close physical engagement with those previously interred.

Oross, 2013:162

Discussion

18The extent and form of interaction afforded to the corpse appears to carry the highest level of significance in the overall funerary treatment chosen by the surviving community. Instead of using categories of body positioning, our discussion of these results is shaped by degrees of intimacy, as well as the concerns and ideas that may be expressed through this. The level of contact with bodies varies greatly throughout this dataset: while some individuals show minimal levels of engagement, others were afforded extensive and complex treatments.

19Most bodies in this sample were given some form of funerary treatment, but other individuals stand out as exceptions, having been deposited in positions that are less commonly encountered. There is also variation among these more variable depositions, including whether there has been any consideration for the position of the limbs. In some instances, the limbs were extended laterally away from the thorax, suggesting they may have been used to carry the body to the burial, perhaps minimising physical engagement with fleshier elements of the corpse, such as the abdomen (Oross and Marton, 2012). An example of this can be seen in Burial G4/S21 (figure 4). However, a similar position may also result from limb movement caused by bloating, which may occur in instances where the body is left exposed and unconstrained during putrefaction (Schotsmans et al., 2022). In other cases, the limbs may have been repositioned upon deposition, though this does not appear to have been of overarching concern. The two individuals categorised as extended supine within this sample also show little evidence for repositioning, and may arguably be considered similarly to these informal burials.

Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020

20It may be suggested that some of the more informal depositions reflect the circumstances of death. Some deaths, such as those resulting from violence or sudden illness, may have been perceived as 'bad deaths' and polluting, warranting a desire to avoid intimate or more drawn-out forms of mortuary treatment (Tsaliki, 2008). This kind of practice removes individuality: there is no indication of the person’s identity, or of their relationship to those interring them, if their treatment at death has not been ritualised (Hofmann, 2015). Such an argument may be supported by the strong correlation between these depositions and the presence of an unfilled space; there was typically no effort made to cover the body when it was also not repositioned in some way during its deposition.

21However, 60% (3/5) of the informal depositions analysed at Vráble also show evidence for post-mortem manipulation, comprising the removal of the cranium, and in two of these instances, the left hand is also absent. The absence of hand bones in these cases is not an artefact of excavation or preservation, and it is possible to suggest intentional removal of the hand prior to deposition. Whilst preservation of the vertebrae is insufficient to allow for identification of cut marks or other potential forms of removal, the presence of cervical vertebrae may indicate careful manipulation, perhaps occurring at a time where some degree of decomposition, including the loss of muscle and ligamentous attachments, had already taken place (Müller-Scheeßel and Hukeľová, 2020). Such behaviour does not support a hypothesis in which close contact with the corpse was avoided, indicating that in some cases, complex or seemingly contradictory attitudes towards the dead and their bodies affected the appearance of the bodies in the grave.

22The mortuary practice most commonly encountered within the LBK is a flexed, left-sided position. This is reflected in this dataset, where flexed burials constitute the majority rite at both sites and across all age-at-death and sex categories. Immediate burial of the body is often assumed in the Neolithic. In order to achieve this flexed position, it would have been necessary to reposition the body while the muscles were still relaxed, within the first 1-4 hours after death, or some days later, after rigor mortis had passed (Schotsmans et al., 2022). Either method would require a good knowledge of the stages of the decomposition process and their timescales, as well as demanding close physical contact with the body.

23In some of their other aspects, including the orientation and disposition of the body, flexed burials show greater consistency than other categories of body disposition. This may indicate stricter rules on how this particular form of practice was carried out. However, there is some subtle diversity within this uniformity, including differences in the degree of flexion of the limbs, as well as differences in the treatment of upper and lower limbs in individual graves. While some are almost extended, with only slight flexion in the lower limbs, in others the flexion is more pronounced, which would have required varying degrees and forms of physical engagement with the body.

24Potential expressions of identity through bodily treatment may also be manifested in more distinctive ways. The burial practice of hyperflexion is not something which has previously been recognised within the central distribution of the LBK, but it is suggested in this sample. A small number of bodies from Balatonszárszó had been subjected to more intense manipulation, perhaps with tight binding or wrapping, to produce an extremely hyperflexed position. This is best seen in Burial 289 (figure 5). Such a result would be difficult to achieve, requiring a long period of monitoring and close contact with the corpse (Peyroteo-Stjerna et al., 2022). If the body was in a state of rigor mortis, arrangement of the limbs into this contracted position would have been extremely difficult, requiring some form of constraint, such as wrapping or binding (Stutz, 2003; Duday, 2009; Schotsmans et al., 2022). It may also be possible that the body was only repositioned after rigor mortis had passed, and the muscles had once again relaxed (Stutz, 2003; Duday, 2009). In this case, body decomposition, which continues at a rapid rate after rigor mortis, would have been closely monitored before continuing the funerary treatment. Both processes would have required an excellent understanding of human anatomy and of the temporality and effects of the decay process. If this is considered to represent a 'special' rite, enacted selectively and reserved only for some individuals, it may follow that its existence could reflect specialist knowledge in these practices amongst some members of LBK communities.

Further Research

25Further analysis of the central European LBK burial record is necessary to confirm the nature and extent of these trends in mortuary treatment, including hyperflexion. A second phase of this research is in progress, funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council, through the White Rose College of Arts and Humanities. It includes a wider archaeothanatological survey of LBK burials in central Europe, from settlements, cemeteries and enclosures. Archaeo- thanatology will be combined with histotaphonomic analyses of human and animal bone from the settlement of Vráble in Slovakia, as well as from the settlement and cemetery of Vedrovice in Czechia. These will be used to identify taphonomic changes in bone microstructure, which will help to reconstruct funerary treatments. By combining these methods, a novel toolkit will be developed for the study of past mortuary practices, as well as for bringing the existence of hidden and complex funerary rituals to light.

Conclusion

26Several key results from this preliminary research hold significance for wider discussions of LBK mortuary practice. Firstly, the importance of age at death for its correlation with differences in the treatment of the corpse has been repeatedly indicated. Individuals between the ages of 25 and 34, in mid-life, show more common features in their treatment at death, while those at the beginning or end of their life expectancies show greater diversity. Those under the age of seven appear to have received more exceptional forms of bodily treatment than older children, including hyperflexion, but were also not excluded from informal deposition and post-mortem manipulation. Distinctions in the funerary treatment of children in different age groups have previously been noted in studies of LBK mortuary practice. Siemoneit’s (1997) study of 250 child burials across the LBK demonstrated that the graves of children between the ages of 8 and 10 were particularly well-furnished, whilst those of younger adolescents, between 12 and 14, were not. Similarly, Bickle and Fibiger (2014) have suggested that differences in the treatment of LBK children at death may reflect an age-based transition in their social role and identity occurring around the age of seven, associated with important physical changes that may be perceived as the first markers of adulthood, such as the eruption of permanent teeth. We also noted in this sample that older adults were increasingly frequently deposited in positions outside the narrow 'norm' which is typically recognised in LBK mortuary practice, including hyperflexion, which perhaps reflects another important transition in identity or social role that was recognised in later life.

27Sex-based differences in the treatment of bodies are suggested by this sample, but are less apparent than in other features of mortuary practice, such as the types of goods placed within a grave. Whilst male-sexed individuals were more frequently deposited in informal ways, this form of treatment shows a stronger correlation with age, being most common among young adult individuals. It should be noted that the treatment of female-sexed bodies was more diverse, with more frequent use of selective burial practices (Bickle, 2019:201). However, age at death also seems to have been important: of the adult female bodies in hyperflexed positions, almost all were mature. A complex interplay between the factors of age at death and sex is suggested in this dataset, and sex may have played an important role in the LBK experience of ageing. The possible significance of age at death in relation to sex had previously been identified in the chosen burial location, where there appears to be a role reversal between contexts. LBK cemeteries are typically populated by larger numbers of mature men and young women, while settlement burials more frequently contain mature women and young men (Müller-Scheeßel, 2019). Similar correlations between sex, age at death and mortuary practice arguably appear in this dataset, particularly in the treatment of mature, female-sexed bodies.

28Diversity in the treatment of corpses is recognised in the LBK, but except in France, it has never been synthesised in the development of frameworks for the study of mortuary practice, or in subsequent inferences regarding attitudes towards the dead and their identity. In this research, archaeothanatology has brought a fresh perspective to evidence from the central European LBK. Its application in this study has highlighted issues in the current treatment of the LBK burial record, where differing forms of bodily treatment are often miscategorised or oversimplified. By addressing this, new elements of diversity can be identified, and may indicate the importance of the body itself as an expressive medium in funerary rituals. This contributes new data to support explorations of relationships between LBK funerary rituals and social identities.

Data statement

29All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this article and its supplementary information files (https://journals.openedition.org/​bmsap/​16115?file=1). Additional data are available from the primary author on request.