Introduction

1In a small country like Suriname, used to periods of unstable economic struggle and whose income is largely based on the natural resource sector, it is crucial for the country to secure the income it derives from extractive industries, namely gold mining. Because in 2011, gold mining accounted for 60% of total export value, and small-scale gold miners produced about two-thirds of this gold (Seccatore and de Theije, 2017), it is very important to pay specific attention to this sector in terms of its governance by the state government and traditional leadership. Studies of the small-scale gold mining sector in Suriname, are often focus on the negative effects of gold mining, such as increasing criminal activities (i.e., robberies), commercial sex work, and violence (Panning Office Suriname, 2003; Heemskerk, 2009; Heemskerk and Duijves, 2013), mercury pollution (Ouboter et al., 2018), legal rules and laws (Kambel and Mackay, 2003); deforestation (Peterson and Heemskerk, 2001; Sonter et al, 2017), conflicts sensitive (Cremers and de Theije, 2013, p. 5) , political instability, and the lack of governmental oversight (Drace et al., 2012, p. 88).

2Central in these studies on small-scale gold mining governance, is the focus on policy measures to regulate this sector. This is not surprising, because the sector is often characterized as unregulated, chaotic, and informal (Healy and Heemskerk, 2005; Heemskerk, 2009; Seccatore and de Theije, 2017). Therefore, several policy measures have been formulated by the state authorities but their results are not visible, since the sector is still dealing with the abovementioned issues. What is missing in these studies, is how traditional leadership can contribute to the regulation of the sector. So far, studies on the role of traditional authority on the gold mining sector are marginal.

3One of the main sources of conflict in the gold mining sector between state government and traditional authorities/societies is the land rights issue, a topic of much importance in determining which authority is the legitimate one to control small-scale gold mining. In Suriname, this is also the case and in recent years several conflicts have occurred between Maroon leadership/societies and the Surinamese state. Maroons are descendants of Africans, who were brought to Suriname in the 17^th and 18^th centuries, to work on the plantations as slaves. Those who successfully escaped the hazardous work, and thus slavery, were able to build their societies, based on the matrilineal kinship system, customary law, and tribal religion in the Surinamese interior.

4According to customary law, traditional leaders have, among other things, the mandate to determine the land policy in the land owned by their matriclan. Therefore, they can allot agricultural land for plots, logging, and thus, also for gold mining activities. However, according to the Surinamese Constitution (1987 article 41), all land that does not belong to the property of an individual is state-owned. And, since indigenous people and Maroons do not have any legal title on their ancestral land yet, the Surinamese government determines the issuance of gold mining concessions. This ambiguity is often the root of disputes between state government actors, non-state actors (i.e., multinationals and investors), and traditional leaders and their societies.

5This article is about how state authority and Maroon traditional leadership can cooperate to regulate the small-scale gold mining sector. Its primary focus is on the possible obstacles for traditional leadership to cope with the effects of the small-scale gold mining activities in their habitat for tribal societies. Therefore, the research question reads: what challenges is traditional leadership facing in the governance of the small-scale gold mining sector?

Governing the Small-scale gold mining sector: State and traditional leadership

6Following the definition of de Theije and Cremers (2013, p. 2), small-scale gold mining refers to mining that is labor intensive, makes use of simple (including artisanal) technology and limited mechanization, is mostly informal, outside national legal frameworks and out of sight of national policies. According to the World Bank (2019), small-scale gold mining employs at least 40 million people worldwide and data on the exact number of people engaged in this sector on a country-by-country level is sparse. The Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals, and Sustainable Development (IGF, 2017) estimates that globally 150 million people depend on this sector across 80 countries in the global south. It is also unclear how much this sector contributes to the economy of a country because miners involved in ASM do not pay taxes or royalties; this also limits the ability of governments to provide services or enforce laws (Mining Facts, n.d). One estimate for the output of ASM is 330 tons of gold per year, or 12 percent of official world production (IGF, 2017).

7De Theije and Cremers (2013) in their research conducted in five Amazonian countries (Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil, and Suriname) estimate that there were more than 500.000 small-scale gold miners active in these Amazonian countries, without the inclusion of people that depend indirectly on the small-scale mining sector by providing services to the miners. According to these scholars, their amount could be many hundreds of thousands more.

8Cremers and de Theije (2013, p. 4), present a historical overview of the origins of gold mining in the Amazon which dates back to pre-Colombian times, around 1200 BC. These scholars stipulate that gold has gone through several gold rush periods, which were mostly stimulated by the increasing price of this metal. As in other parts of the world, small-scale gold mining is characterized often as an informal (illegal) sector of the market (Hentschel, Hruschka, and Priester, 2002, p. 4, Cremers and de Theije, 2013, Gerson et al., 2022). It can be illegal or legal and can involve the extraction of primary or secondary ores, the lack of long-term mine planning/control, and the use of rudimentary techniques (Hinton, Veiga, and Veiga, 2003, p. 100).

9The expansion of small-scale gold mining over the centuries did not happen without resistance and conflict (Cremers and de Theije, 2013, p. 5) which, in the Amazonian countries, continues to this day.^[1] Political instability, lack of governmental oversight, and the geographic isolation of many mines contribute to dangerous working conditions and detrimental health and environmental impacts for miners. These conditions ultimately affect all members of the mining community, including those not directly involved in the extraction and processing of ore (Drace et al., 2012, p. 88).

10Cremers and de Theije (2013, p. 10-11) argue that current policies are inadequate to deal with small-scale gold mining in the Amazonian countries, including Suriname. They point out that ASM is often illegal and informal, because national mining laws in these countries have no regulations for artisanal and small operators, or because existing laws are not enforced. Consequently, small-scale gold miners often lack legal rights and have to work and live in a situation of legal insecurity that also engenders socioeconomic insecurity that turns into a situation of social and economic insecurity when they do not have titles to their mining areas (Cremers and de Theije, 2013, Schwartz, Lee and Darrah, 2021). Mestanza-Ramon et al (2022), in their study which focused on Ecuador, point to the lack of community participation in decision-making, insufficient coordination between government institutions, communities, and miners, and lack of control of mining activities, as factors that contribute to ineffective compliance with environmental policies in the gold mining sector in the Amazon. But, as Cremers and de Theije (2013, p. 13) argue, although this sector is problematic in many ways, it is not likely to disappear anytime soon.

11The literature shows that several state governments are doing their utmost to govern the small-scale sector by formulating and implementing policy measures. In general, small-scale gold mining policymaking regards the regulation of the sector. It concentrates, among other things, on the adaptation of (often outdated) laws in line with current developments in the sector; reducing mercury pollution by introducing environmentally sustainable methods of gold extraction, mitigating damages to natural landscapes by using new mining technologies, capacity-building activities for affected communities by the small-scale gold mining and the state governance institutions to cope with the effects of the sector. International institutions ( The Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals, and Sustainable Development, IGF, 2017 and Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, EITI, 2019) have also engaged with the small-scale gold mining sector and have offered guidance for governments to develop, implement and monitor an effective small scale mining management strategy. Yet, it appears that state authorities are not making much progress in the regulation of this sector. Studies by Hirons, 2014; Adu-Baffor, Daum, and Birner, 2021) highlight the challenges state government institutions are facing in their efforts to regulate the sector.

12The majority of the areas where small-scale gold mining activities take place are close to the residential areas of traditional society. As a result, local populations are directly involved in these activities. Not only has gold mining become an important source of income for these traditional societies, but they also directly experience negative consequences and this affects their traditional way of life. Often enough they are forced to leave their residential areas. More and more we see that the role traditional leadership is playing in the small-scale gold mining sector is increasing. Although their role is usually not defined by law, we see that state actors are starting to realize the importance of involving traditional leaders and their communities, in the governance of this sector.

Gold mining in Suriname

13Suriname is a former Dutch colony located on the northeast coast of South America. It became independent on November 25, 1975. The country is characterized by its population consisting of various ethnic groups, of which the Maroons, as mentioned previously, are the focus of this study.

14In 2000, the World Bank ranked Suriname as the 17^th richest country in the world based on its natural resource deposits. Suriname’s economy has traditionally been dependent on extractive industries, which play a dominant role in driving growth, exports, employment, and government revenues. Gold, oil, and bauxite resources have historically accounted directly for around 30% of GDP and as much as 90% of exports (Ministry of Natural Resources, 2019). About 10% of government revenues are directly linked to gold production in the form of corporate income taxes, royalties, and dividends More than 30 tons of gold are exported annually, accounting for about 60% of the country’s exports (Ministry of Natural Resources, 2019). According to the World Bank (n.d), the Surinamese economy is driven by its abundant natural resources, with mining accounting for nearly half of the public sector revenue and gold representing more than 80 percent of total exports. This makes Suriname extremely vulnerable to external shocks (Inter-American Development Bank, 2021).

15Gold mining has become the main contributor to the Surinamese treasury, after the Surinamese Aluminum Company, the Suralco, announced in September 2015, that the company was planning to stop its operations because of a low supply of bauxite ore. The gold mining sector in Suriname can be divided into large-scale and small-scale gold mining. Large-scale gold mining is well organized and managed by multinationals. At present, there are two large international companies engaged in the mining of large-scale gold mining, namely Rosebell Gold Mines and Newmont LLC.

16The small-scale gold mining sector consists of informal concession holders. They are traditional inhabitants of the land (Maroons or Indigenous people) who claim (customary) rights to the land, Brazilian gold miners (Gariemperos), formal concession holders (those who received permission from the state authorities as established in gold mining law). Despite its unregulated status, Seccatore and de Theije (2017) stated that the small-scale gold mining sector is contributing about two-thirds of the total nation's gold production (Seccatore and de Theije, 2017). Since the first explorations of gold mining in 1687 (Bubberman 1977), the sector has had varying successes and faced serious issues to solve. The main gold mining activities are conducted in the Greenstone Belt, the main geological formation of the country's gold deposits. This area covering 24.000 km² is also the home of almost 50 villages of indigenous peoples and tribal groups (Heemskerk and Duijves, 2013, p. 95). Through the years the gold industry in Suriname has faced several periods of flourishing and setbacks related to a lack of management capacity, ineffective gold mining methods, widespread illegality, tensions between prospectors and concessionaires, and the fluctuation of gold prices on the world market. Therefore, the regulation of this sector was prioritized by successive Surinamese governments. Several policy measures were developed including, tax regulations, registration of small-scale gold miners, adjusting the mining decree of 1986, financial support for social economic development, clean sweep activities to tackle illegal operations, and mercury reduction by introducing more environmentally friendly working methods. Despite these promising measures, the small-scale gold mining sector is still unregulated and these measures have not yet significantly solved the issues in this sector.

17According to Heemskerk and Duijves (2013, p. 100-101), the difficulties hindering the regulation of the gold mining sector in Suriname are, among other things, the inadequate legal system; corruption, and nepotism within the institutional framework; and a general lack of national law enforcement in the interior –in other words, an inadequate mining code is not the only factor contributing to an unsafe and irresponsible sector. They also point out that the Geology and Mining Department, which has become an example of the chronic and widespread deterioration, underfunding, and mismanagement of public services in Suriname. Heemskerk and Duijves (2013, p. 89) find that special interests prevent the development of a transparent mining policy and that the government of Suriname has largely followed a laissez-faire policy toward small-scale mining –as long as the various interest groups were not creating too much fuss, these miners could do as they pleased. These obstacles hindering adequate regulation, particularly in the small-scale gold mining sector, are also mentioned in a report of the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metal, and Sustainable Development, IGF (2017).

Traditional leadership in Suriname

18Indigenous people and Maroons comprise the main tribal groups of Suriname (Apapoe, 2020). The habitat of these traditional groups is mainly located in Suriname’s interior. As mentioned previously this study is focused on Maroon's traditional leadership and society. Suriname has six maroon groups, who have their settlements in the interior of the country. Failing to stop the Maroon guerilla on the plantations, which were organized by escaped enslaved to obtain food and help others to escape slavery, the colonial government was forced to sign peace treaties with several Maroon groups. The first peace treaty was signed with the Ndyuka Maroons in 1760, followed by treaties with the Saamaka Maroons in 1762 and the Matawai Maroons in 1767. As a result of the peace treaties, the Maroons enjoyed a level of legally recognized autonomy, which limited their freedom of movement within the country, but ensured they would not be re-enslaved (de Groot, 2009, Moomou, 2013). Due to the limitations imposed by the peace treaties, Maroons have lived in relatively closed communities, enabling them to develop their authority and society. Nevertheless, over the years Maroons have migrated from their original traditional areas to other parts of the country or even abroad. Pull factors for the migration flows of the Maroons are employment (Landveld, 2005); forced migration due to the building of the hydroelectric dam in the district of Brokopono in the 1960s (Hoop, 19) and the interior war from 1986-1992 (De Vries, 2005).

20One of the vital decision-making institutions in Maroon society is the kuutu (village meeting) (Libretto,1990). The kuutu (meeting) can be arranged at the village, Lo, or tribal level (the so-called Gaankuutu). Village or Lo meetings are held to discuss issues regarding the village or Lo, ranging from family matters to decisions about more formal subjects (natural resources, etc.) (Libretto, 1990, p. 42). These meetings can cover various issues affecting the tribes, such as the adaptation of new laws and rules, land rights, the logging and gold mining sector, and the relationship with modern governance institutions. Some issues, like land rights, go beyond the traditional leadership, and therefore gaankuutu’s can be held with other tribal and indigenous groups, and sometimes state authorities are also invited to take part, as we have seen in the Mama Ndyuka gold mining case, which will be presented later in this article. According to Scholtens et al. (1992), a kuutu takes an idealistic or aesthetic shape, is focused on consensus, and should not give rise to discord or disputes. During these meetings, parties can pull back for consultation in a “go a së” to discuss the topic in a smaller group, returning to the kuutu to share their findings or decisions. Previously, these meetings could last for days (Scholtens et al., 1992), allowing those who disagree to argue their viewpoints. After their views are shared, the decision can be considered again and after the final decision has been made, those who disagree are supposed to help with its implementation.

Maroons and small-scale gold mining

21The interior is not only home to the traditional societies of Suriname but also to large deposits of natural resources, including gold, which are located in their habitat, making their living area of great economic interest for the Surinamese government actors, non-government actors, and investors. Traditional societies, whose livelihood is historically based on agriculture, now rely on small-scale gold mining as their main means of subsistence, a sector that is illegal, informal, chaotic, and leading to social economic problems, environmental damage, and health issues on top of being conflict sensitive. Disputes in this small-scale gold mining sector are mainly rooted in the ambiguity about which governance structure, traditional leadership or the state government, has authority over the land rights and therefore can decide how to govern this sector.

22Historically, gold mining has not been a sector in which the Ndyuka authority has been engaged. In the early days, small-scale gold mining was undertaken infrequently and temporarily, when cash was needed. Individual Ndyuka have been involved in gold mining from its beginning, but they did not usually work in the mines themselves; instead, they provided the essential service of transporting supplies and workers. Ndyuka traders, who had a monopoly on the river cargo transport industry, were powerful figures in the gold mining sector because they were the only ones able to navigate the rivers. A well-organized strike by these Maroon cargo traders in 1921 to protest against low wages, which the colonial governments had refused to adjust, had a huge impact on the country’s economy (Scholtens, 1994, Moomou, 2009, 2013). During the strike, the Ndyuka, supported by other Maroons, stopped all cargo transport on the Marowijne River for more than three months (Scholtens, 1994). As a result, dozens of gold and balata companies in East Suriname and the western part of French Guiana were suddenly cut off from the outside world, and Surinamese military posts in the interior could no longer be supplied (van Wetering and Thoden van Velzen, 2013). The strike was organized with the knowledge of the Ndyuka Gaanman Amakiti and the Aluku Gaanman, Awensai (Scholtens, 1994, p. 76, Moomou, 2009, p. 155, 168, 366-368, 2020). Therefore, the colonial government held these paramount chiefs responsible for the economic damage this three-month long strike had for the colony. This strike of the cargo traders was taken seriously by the government and seen as a serious form of subversion. On this basis, various measures were taken by the colonial rulers to prevent another strike of this order. The measures were meant to limit the power of Gaaman Amakiti (van Wetering and Thoden van Velzen, 2013; Scholtens 1994, p. 78-79). The measures imposed by the colonial administration towards the traditional leaders and the traders were accepted without resistance by the Maroons

23Today, by contrast, gold mining has become the primary source of subsistence of many Maroon households in eastern Suriname (Heemskerk and Van der Kooye, 2002, p. 7). The increasing interest and involvement of Ndyuka governance actors in the gold sector is directly related to the expansion of the mining of this metal in their habitat. A study by Heemskerk in 2009 showed that 90 percent of the families living in villages along the Tapanahony, Lawa, and Marowijne rivers and in the Brokopondo region are financially dependent, in part or entirely, on small-scale gold mining. Today, the traditional authority is involved in gold mining activities, determines who gets permission to mine, and even bans miners without such permission from their area.

24The increasing gold mining activities have also effects on the ruling of traditional leaders in the residential areas. The 'invasion of new people', working in this sector, has also implications for traditional norms and values. For example, the late Gaanman Gazon banned all Brazilian gold miners, after a Ndyuka man was killed and his body was left in a boat at the dock of the residential area of the Ndyuka leader. Also, the increasing violence (often cruel) and drug use of the maroon men who work in the goldfields are against the customs of the traditions. This is a concern for traditional leaders because this behavior is also visible in the villages and often these Maroon gold miners do not respect the elderly, while this is a value that is of eminent importance in these societies.

25However, maybe one of the major challenges in governing the small-scale gold mining sector is the role of the traditional Maroon leaders. Some of the leaders are using their mandate to allow fellow lineage members, but also outsiders, to practice gold mining activities in their habitat, often without the knowledge of their fellow tribe members. Moreover, these leaders are receiving a part of the revenues from the gold mining activities which they use to their benefit. This often leads to disputes between these leaders and the villagers. This creates discord within the villages because traditional leaders are violating traditional values and norms and keeping the benefits of gold mining for themselves.

26In the Mama Ndyuka case, this led to major problems. In 2009, the late Gaanman Matodja Gazon punished six of his traditional leaders for allowing outsiders to mine gold in the Mama Ndyuka area without informing the Gaanman. These leaders and the investor agreed that the traditional leaders would receive a monthly payment of 300 grams of gold (approximately US $7.500) per set of gold mining machines. Normally, the traditional leaders of a certain Lo can make their own decision without the interference of others. However, in this case, the Mama Ndyuka area is culturally very important for the Ndyuka and this area can only be entered with the permission of the Gaanman. The Mama Ndyuka is a creek area on the upper reaches of the Ndyukakiiki. It is considered the first tribal area of the Ndyuka. In 1757, enslaved people fled the plantations of the Tempatikreek and settled in the Mama Ndyuka where they founded several villages, including Bongo Doti, the seat of Fabi Labi Beyman, the first Ndyuka paramount chief. The Mama Ndyuka area is the area where the shrines of the ancestors are located (Thoden van Velzen en van Wetering, 2004).

29It was during this kuutu that the paramount chief said that he would resign, because his kabitens, those who knew better and should have set a good example, had betrayed him and the Ndyuka society. The Gaanman argued that as a result of this kind of behavior he could no longer trust anyone, and the Ndyuka would lose their faith in their traditional leadership. Gaanmans are appointed for life and rarely resign. To avoid a huge problem for the Ndyuka, those who attended the meeting begged the Gaanman to stay in office, which he finally accepted.

30This case clearly shows that when both state actors and traditional leaders are willing to discuss issues regarding small-scale gold mining in the Maroon traditional habitat, it is possible to find joint solutions. Although there are rumors that after the Gaanman Gazon died, the gold mining activities continued, the Mama Ndyuka case is proof of how to cooperate when conflicts arise.

Discussion and conclusion

31The study shows that regulating the small-scale gold mining sector is challenging and Suriname is no exception. The sector is plagued by several stakeholders, political interference, and conflicts of interest on the part of those responsible for formulating and implementing sound policies to regulate the sector. However, this study was aimed at answering the question, what challenges is traditional leadership facing in the governance of the small-scale gold mining sector?

32For traditional leaders, it is a challenge to manage this sector. Firstly, according to national legislation, they have no control over their area of residence and, for these reasons, they are not allowed to interfere with gold mining policy. Secondly, traditional leadership has to ensure that their land rights are legally enshrined by the Surinamese government. Thirdly, it also appears that many Maroon men and women find employment in this sector and therefore, because of the chaotic situation, can earn their money without too much interference (tax payments are almost null). Furthermore, some traditional leaders are themselves involved in the sector and they also earn their income in doing so. In addition, the economic interests of various stakeholders in this sector appear to be of great importance and traditional leaders are not always able to act against influential people, sometimes even politicians. Thus, the regulation of the industry is very complicated and this is apparent from a large number of activities and measures that have already been taken without the desired result, so far. Based on the resources studied, we see that more is needed than just technical, health, environmental, and economic measures. We have seen in the Mama Ndyuka case that being motivated to discuss issues the small-scale gold mining sector is facing, can be the starting point for solutions. It is also important to just move beyond this sector and look at the role traditional leadership is playing in the overall governance of their society. This means that looking at their role and position in the state governance structure is of major importance. Since their role is not legally defined in the country's law, their authority is also not acknowledged formally, and therefore sometimes traditional leadership is ignored in decision-making regarding their habitat tribal habitat. Formal recognition of traditional leadership in national government systems goes beyond the regulation of the small-scale gold mining sector. With the increasing attention to traditional leadership and society’s role in governing extractive industries, defining their role in the overall state apparatus will be of major importance. Nevertheless, a well-formulated policy program for the regulation of the small-scale gold mining sector in which all those involved are aware of their tasks and responsibilities and are also intensively involved will be of great importance. The regulation of this sector can only be successful if investments are made in making stakeholders aware of their economic role and of the necessity to counteract negative effects on the inhabitants of the interior. Political will is the key to the effective regulation of this sector. In addition, traditional leaders will have to take responsibility and set an example themselves to ultimately play a significant role in governing the small-scale gold mining sector.