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Dossier « Actes du PoCA 2021, Bâle, 9-11 décembre 2021 »

The issue of relics in late antique and early medieval Cyprus: some preliminary results through the example of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous

Matthias Metzger
p. 189-206

Résumés

Cet article présente quelques résultats préliminaires tirés d’une étude doctorale questionnant le culte des reliques dans les basiliques de Chypre. Cette étude doctorale a pour ambition d’identifier et de décrire l’expression du culte des reliques dans les églises de l’île, entre la fin du ive siècle et la reconquête byzantine de l’île en 965. Une courte introduction revient dans un premier temps sur la terminologie relative au culte des reliques, les problématiques considérées dans la thèse ainsi que la méthodologie employée. Dans un second temps certains aspects sont développés à travers l’exemple de la basilique du sommet de l’acropole à Amathonte. En effet, le site, fouillé par l’École française d’Athènes, n’a pas été publié de manière exhaustive mais présente pourtant des caractéristiques notables. En plus d’un fragment de reliquaire, plusieurs aménagements architecturaux notamment une annexe à abside richement décorée laissent envisager l’existence d’espaces destinés à l’exposition de reliques. La dimension comparatiste de la recherche, à l’échelle locale et régionale, ouvre le débat sur la fonction liturgique de ces annexes qui flanquent de nombreuses églises de Chypre.

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Texte intégral

This paper is part of a process that began in 2019 at the PoCA hosted by Humboldt University Berlin, during which I presented my doctoral research – then at its beginnings. It, therefore, seemed appropriate to me to outline, two years later, some preliminary results and reflections regarding my study in the same postgraduate student forum. I, therefore, thank the steering and organising committees for giving me the opportunity to present a paper here, and for the wonderful hosting. My PhD study is carried out under a joint supervision between Aix‑Marseille University in France and the University of Cyprus. Entitled “Relics in the basilicas of Cyprus (4th‑10th centuries) in the context of the eastern Mediterranean”, the research advisors are Andréas Nicolaïdès and Maria Parani.

  • 2 Maraval 2011, p. 183.
  • 3 For a recent and comprehensive study on the cult of relics in late antique/early Byzantine period, (...)
  • 4 On the reliquaries and their function, see for example Hahn 2010 or Klein 2015.
  • 5 Regarding the place of relics inside the church, see for example Yasin 2009 and Yasin 2015.
  • 6 For a recent study on this early Byzantine eulogiae see Ritter 2020.

1As Pierre Maraval suggested in his key work on pilgrimages, the word “relic” must be understood in its broadest sense.2 Indeed, a relic refers to any remains or memories of an event or a person considered to be sacred. Today, we most often understand relics as the body parts of a saint. However, along with the True Cross, the most important relic of Christianity is a place devoid of any bodily remains: the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. As in the case of the Nativity cave in Bethlehem, Constantine I (306‑337) chose to shelter and magnify these rupestrian structures, considered to be witnesses of the birth and death of Christ, offering them to the veneration of numerous pilgrims. The memorial buildings surrounding these sacred places were consequently designated as martyria, literally: witnesses.3 Two categories of relics then appeared: those in situ, such as holy places or tombs, and those that eventually became mobile, such as bodies, fragments of bodies, or contact objects, all placed in luxurious reliquaries attesting their identity and authenticity.4 The latter were spread throughout the Christian ecumene and could have been used to consecrate newly built churches but also displayed in order to attract the faithful in search of miraculous intercession.5 Contact rituals, especially in major pilgrimage centres, generated the creation blessings (eulogiae), material souvenirs which could take the form of pieces of cloth (brandea), tokens in the case of the monastery dedicated to St. Symeon the Stylitis in Northern Syria, or flasks (ampullae) containing a liquid, or a mixture blessed by contact with a relic brought back by pilgrims from their journeys.6 In this way Cyprus seems to have sheltered numerous holy relics.

  • 7 Regarding the early Christian period in Cyprus see Horster, Nicolaou, Rogge 2018.
  • 8 For more information about these centuries see Panayides-Jacob 2023.
  • 9 Regarding Cypriot reliquaries see Comte 2012 or Düchting, Watta 2015 about the political use of Bar (...)

2The period under consideration in the thesis begins with the spread of Christianity on the island at the end of the 4th century, as evidenced by the numerous bishoprics attested in the written sources and the associated architectural programmes involving the construction of some of the largest basilicas in Christendom at the time.7 I have also chosen to include in my study the so‑called “Treaty Centuries”, which run from the second half of the 7th century until the Byzantine reconquest of 965. Indeed, beyond the destruction caused by the Arab military raids from 649 onwards, churches seem to have been rapidly rebuilt and memorial sites with important relics survived, such as St. Epiphanius and St. Barnabas in Salamis-Constantia, while others were newly built, e.g., St. Paraskevi in Geroskipou.8 Although the issue of the late antique and early medieval relics in Cyprus has been sporadically discussed, there are key issues which require further investigation and a more comprehensive study.9 What were the relics venerated in Cyprus during the period under consideration? In which architectural context? How were they displayed? Who had access to them? How were they venerated? And what was the place of this cult within the broader context of the eastern Mediterranean? This PhD research seeks to clarify the points above by collecting and comparing archaeological evidence (architectural and from the material culture such as reliquaries or eulogies) as well as written sources (i.e., hagiography, liturgical texts and pilgrims’ accounts). In this article I propose to discuss the case of the basilica on the top of the acropolis at Amathous as an example.

  • 10 Regarding this issue see Aupert 1996, p. 130.
  • 11 While only partially published, the basilica excavation at the acropolis has been the subject of se (...)

3This church is a basilica with three aisles ending in three projecting apses to the east, two narthexes to the west, and several annexes to the north and south. The site was occupied in antiquity by a temple dedicated to Aphrodite, which was probably converted into a church in late antiquity.10 The building stands in the north-east corner of a complex made up of numerous annexes surrounding the basilica to the north and west, as well as a vast courtyard, all surrounded by a wall (fig. 1). Monetary and ceramic discoveries indicate a period of use between the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th centuries, with abandonment after the Arab raids that hit the island between 649 and 653 (last coinage of Constantine IV [668‑685]). Excavated by the French School of Athens, it has unfortunately been only partially published.11 Moreover, the information about the presence of a specific cult associated with relics there is very limited. Nevertheless, thanks to the study of the published documentation, supplemented by a search in the archives of the French School and comparative material from elsewhere in Cyprus and the Levantine regions, it is possible to propose some hypotheses regarding the broader issues raised by the doctoral dissertation.

Figure 1 — Ground plan of the complex of the top of the acropolis of Amathous.

Figure 1 — Ground plan of the complex of the top of the acropolis of Amathous.

Petit, Pralong, Saulnier 1999, fig. 1, p. 503.

  • 12 Hermary et al. 1989, p. 868.
  • 13 Procopiou 2014.
  • 14 On the early Christian reliquaries see for example Comte 2012.
  • 15 Some of the reliquaries listed in the thesis bear traces of decoration but without any reliable ind (...)

4First, a fragment of a marble reliquary cover was discovered during excavations in the north‑west corner of the courtyard indicating the existence in this basilica of a cult dedicated to a relic.12 No further information or images are given in the only publication mentioning it or in the excavation notebooks. However, Annie Pralong, who oversaw the excavation with Jean‑Michel Saulnier, points out that the lid was similar to the one uncovered in the Campanopetra basilica in Salamis-Constantia dated to the end of the 5th century. Other examples of this type, with a gabled lid pierced by a hole, can be found elsewhere in Cyprus, like in the cruciform basilica of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn which has been dated to the early 7th century by Eleni Procopiou (fig. 2).13 This type of miniature sarcophagus was widespread in the eastern Mediterranean during late antiquity.14 However, the reliquary has not been found in situ and there are no traces of decoration. Unfortunately, this observation concerns most of the reliquaries discovered on the island, for which it is very difficult to identify either the type of relic or the saint who was associated with it.15 Most of the time, one must refer to written sources, especially hagiography.

Figure 2 — Reliquary cover with acroteria and pierced, found on the floor of the cruciform basilica of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn.

Figure 2 — Reliquary cover with acroteria and pierced, found on the floor of the cruciform basilica of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn.

Procopiou 2015, p. 195, fig. 13.

  • 16 Regarding this basilica see for example Procopiou 2013.
  • 17 Pralong, Saulnier 1996, p. 145; Papacostas 2015, p. 98; Procopiou 2015, p. 265.
  • 18 See Ritter 2019, pp. 49‑84 on the “Zypern Passage”.
  • 19 Wilkinson 2002, p. 79.
  • 20 Megaw 2006.
  • 21 On the Campanopetra see Roux 1998.
  • 22 On the oil-circulating reliquary see Roux 1998, Sodini 2000 and more recently Comte 2012.
  • 23 For Katalymata see Procopiou 2018. Regarding Pegeia see the recent publication of Bakirtzis 2020, a (...)
  • 24 Eleni Procopiou’s hypothesis linking the cruciform basilica of Akrotiri with the imported relics of (...)

5Yet, even though some of the information provided about these relics and the sanctuaries that housed them is useful, this literature, most often of a legendary character, must be examined with caution. Moreover, ‘contemporary’ texts, dated prior to 965, are not particularly detailed on this subject, either in hagiography or in accounts of pilgrimages. In the case of the basilica on the acropolis of Amathous, no dedication or tradition is known, unlike the basilica outside the walls to the east of the city, which seems to correspond to the sanctuary associated with the 4th‑century bishop Tychon described in several texts.16 The excavators, along with other scholars such as Tassos Papacostas, suggest that the summit settlement and its numerous annexes could be a monastic establishment or a pilgrimage site.17 On this point Cyprus was a key stop on the routes to the Holy Land and Egypt.18 Yet, the travellers remain very vague about their journey on the island. For instance, the account of the anonymous pilgrim from Piacenza in the 6th century only mentions Epiphanius’ “resting place” in Salamis-Constantia and do not mention the relics of Barnabas even though it was invented at the end of the 5th century.19 Furthermore, the apostle’s uncorrupted body was exhibited in the eponymous basilica just a few kilometres to the west, or even in the Campanopetra next to capital’s cathedral, according to a hypothesis by Arthur Megaw that we share.20 Moreover, this gigantic complex of Campanopetra displayed several relics according to the reliquaries found there and dates back to the end of the 5th century.21 In addition to multiple small reliquaries, an oil-circulating reliquary was in place in the north apse and clearly demonstrating the existence of contact practices and the creation of eulogiae.22 This observation needs to be balanced by the absence of ampullae related to Cypriot shrines. Alongside the Salamis-Constantia basilicas one can also mention the site of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn a few kilometres west of Amathous on the Akrotiri peninsula, built around holy relics housed in funerary apses of a cruciform basilica or the site of Pegeia, with a large basilica displaying an ambo in Proconesian marble bearing an ex voto inscription and a richly decorated reliquary, also in Constantinopolitan marble.23 With the exception of St. Epiphanius, none of these shrines in prominent locations on the seashore and presumably dedicated to the pilgrimage economy appears in written sources.24

  • 25 One of these flasks bearing the figure of St. Menas, kept at the Cyprus Medieval Museum (Limassol C (...)
  • 26 Papacostas 2015, pp. 100‑103.
  • 27 Ibid., p. 109. On the Life of St. John see Festugière, Ryden 1974.

6At Amathous this phenomenon is highlighted by the finding of ampullae from the Egyptian sanctuary of St. Menas near Alexandria. Made of terracotta, they were produced in a variety of forms (with one or two handles) but with a very common iconography, namely the orating saint flanked by two camelids.25 Once again, contemporary sources contain no precise mention of the relics venerated at Amathous, apart Tychon. Papacostas points out, however, that the association between the cult of the saint and the sanctuary in the south-east of the town only dates to the 16th century.26 The example of the relics of John the Almsgiver, patriarch of Alexandria and native of Amathous, is revealing insofar as, according to his Vita, he was buried at his birthplace town in the church of St. Tychon, yet no other reference is made to him in subsequent centuries.27

  • 28 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 495; Nicolaou 2013, p. 158; Nicolaou 2018, p. 134.
  • 29 Nicolaou 2013, pp. 115‑121.
  • 30 Ibid., p. 115.
  • 31 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 496. See also Nicolaou 2018, p. 132.
  • 32 See for example Comte 2012.
  • 33 On the architectural arrangement see Comte 2019.
  • 34 The basilica of Marathovouno in the Mesaoria plain is one of the few examples that approach the Syr (...)
  • 35 On this issue see Michel 1999.

7Regarding the architectural layout of the cult of relics in Cyprus and the associated liturgy, the Amathous example discussed in this article is also revealing of the problems involved in this PhD research. As Athanasios Papageorghiou and more recently Doria Nicolaou have repeatedly demonstrated, Cypriot relics do not seem to have had a consecration function and, therefore, were not placed under the main altar.28 Nicolaou points out that data on altars before the 6th century is almost non-existent, probably because they were movable or made of perishable material.29 In the light of current knowledge, no recesses, called confessio, that could have housed them have been discovered in the bema area of Cypriot basilicas. The remains of the altar at the acropolis basilica of Amathous appears to confirm this opinion.30 On the other hand, several elements indicate that it was the lateral and annexed spaces of the basilicas of Cyprus that were privileged for housing relics. On this aspect Papageorghiou emphasises the proximity with Syrian practices and the existence of “martyrs’ chapel.”31 Indeed, in most of the churches of Syria, two rooms framed the central apse and one of them opened onto the nave by an arch, was generally used as a memorial chapel, where reliquaries would be displayed.32 The other one was closed by a door and reserved for the preparation of the Eucharist. We shall return to this point later. In Cyprus, the relics were most likely located within one of the lateral apses forming the characteristic three-apse articulation of the eastern end of island’s early Christian basilicas.33 Examples include St. Barnabas near Salamis-Constantia, the coastal basilica of Kourion in the south apse or the Campanopetra mentioned above for the north apse among others (fig. 3).34 These basilicas were dated from the 5th and 6th centuries and therefore predate the church at the top of the acropolis at Amathous under discussion here. The side apses of this latter were slightly elevated and had marble decorated structures (identified as bases or pedestals) set in an opus sectile floor. These masonry constructions are relatively massive and look more like foundations for plinths than tables. These richly ornamented spaces as well as the plinths could have accommodated the reliquary found during the excavation. This arrangement of relics in side apses was very common, at least until the 6th century, in churches in Palestine and Arabia.35

Figure 3 — Reliquary found in situ on a pedestal in the north apse of the Campanopetra basilica in Salamis-Constantia.

Figure 3 — Reliquary found in situ on a pedestal in the north apse of the Campanopetra basilica in Salamis-Constantia.

M. Metzger.

  • 36 Pralong 1994, p. 432.

8Nevertheless, it would appear rather that one of the northern annexes, may have been the most appropriate location for a specific cult, perhaps around the reliquary in question. The northern nave is flanked by compartments, one of which has an apse to the east (numbers 10 and 11 on the fig. 1). This compartment, the walls of which were plastered, had two entrances, one into the eastern part of the north aisle and the other into another room to the southwest (number 8 on the fig. 1). The latter was surrounded by benches and accessible from the western part of the north aisle facilitating circulation. The eastern part of the apsidal room is slightly higher than the ground and richly decorated with two opus sectile panels, which are of a higher quality than the one in the naos and re‑used champlevé panels (fig. 4). According to the archaeologists, the circular recess inside the cul‑de‑four was the focal point and may have accommodated a table or an altar.36 It is, therefore, legitimate to identify this carefully crafted and enhanced room as a commemorative chapel, with perhaps a reliquary set in the circular recess or enthroned on a pedestal. This annexe communicates with the naos through double doors and would therefore appear to function with the north nave and, especially, the apse, which has an imposing base reminding the base of the Campanopetra reliquary mentioned above (fig. 5). Moreover, unlike the central and southern naves, this northern part of the acropolis basilica (including the lateral nave) was paved with gypsum slabs suggesting substantial circulation.

Figure 4 — Zenithal view of the eastern part of the Annex 10 of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.

Figure 4 — Zenithal view of the eastern part of the Annex 10 of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.

Philippe Collet / EFA.

Figure 5 — The eastern end of the north apse of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.

Figure 5 — The eastern end of the north apse of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.

On the left of the image, on the foreground, is the access to the parecclesion and on the background is the pedestal.

Hermary et al. 1986, p. 889 fig. 16.

  • 37 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 496. For more information on these churches see Megaw 1948 and more recently (...)
  • 38 Papageorghiou 1996, pp. 84‑88.
  • 39 Usener 1907, p. 154. For the translation see Procopiou 2013, p. 257.

9This assumption is based on the existence in several basilicas of Cyprus of annexed apsidal rooms possibly associated with the cult of relics. Once again, we shall refer to Papageorghiou, who identified as “martyrs’ chapel” the additional nave at the Panagia Sykhada at Afentrika and the Panagia Chrysiotissa in the town of Urania both on the Karpas peninsula dated in their first phase of the 5th century.37 The additional nave against the south wall of the coastal basilica southwest of Amathous (a few hundred meters below the church in question in this article) could also fall into this category.38 Let’s take a new a closer look at the Campanopetra basilica in Salamis-Constantia. This imposing basilica is similarly flanked to the north by an apsidal room close to the reliquary set in the northern apse (fig. 6). This room was very richly decorated, with traces of marble panels covering the walls and an opus sectile floor. It is connected to the west with another annex with benches and therefore with the eastern end of the north aisle. The excavator proposed that it might have been a baptistery, despite the absence of a basin in situ, but this hypothesis has now been rejected. The discovery of several reliquary fragments in the immediate vicinity of this room leads us to suggest that it was a commemorative parecclesion. The presence of storage compartments, also covered in marble, might also indicate another function, an issue which will be further discussed in the following part of this article. As regards textual sources, the case of the relics of Bishop Tychon of Amathous, mentioned above, provides another element in this favour. John the Almsgiver, who wrote his Vita in the 7th century, states that the bishop’s body “was buried in a holy shrine, standing near the church, to the construction of which a site had been reserved on the left.”39

Figure 6 — Ground plan of the Campanopetra in Salamis-Constantia.

Figure 6 — Ground plan of the Campanopetra in Salamis-Constantia.

M. Metzger from Roux 1998, plan IV.

  • 40 Examples include the second phase of the episcopal basilica of Soloi, the basilicas of Agia Trias a (...)
  • 41 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 497.
  • 42 On the function of these annexed chapels, see for example Babić, Grabar 1969.
  • 43 Regarding these regions see for example Donceel-Voûte 1988, pp. 528‑534.
  • 44 Except for the episcopal basilica of Kourion (Megaw 2007, pp. 167‑168).
  • 45 On the churches of these regions see for example Patrich 2006a, pp. 381‑387 or more recently Michel (...)

10Some other basilicas in Cyprus have adjoining parecclesia.40 Papageorghiou identifies a Constantinopolitan inspiration, without however providing any details on their function.41 Indeed, in most cases, and therefore the one from the Amathous acropolis, there is no archaeological undeniable evidence, (i.e., a reliquary or loculus in situ) to support a definitive identification of these apsidal annexes as chapels dedicated to a specific cult. This issue, incidentally, raises the question of the liturgy practised in the church of Cyprus. These parecclesia are frequently found in the Christian East and, according to several scholars, may had various functions including room related to the preparation of the Eucharist and therefore a commemorative place around relics.42 For editorial reasons we will essentially focus on the neighbouring Levantine regions as a comparison.43 Although Athanasios Papageorghiou rightly stresses the Syrian character of the veneration of relics in annexed spaces, there is almost no similar arrangement in Cyprus, where the central apse is flanked by side rooms.44 The apses were open to the aisles and several churches annexed apsidal rooms rather suggests an analogy with the churches found in the regions of Palestine and Arabia.45

  • 46 Patrich 2006b, pp. 345‑346. See also Ovadiah 2005.
  • 47 For an overview on the Syrian churches see Khoury, Riba 2013.
  • 48 Ibid., p. 66.
  • 49 Patrich 2006b, pp. 346‑353.
  • 50 Ibid., pp. 357‑358.
  • 51 Ovadiah 2005, pp. 369‑370.
  • 52 Ibid., p. 373.
  • 53 Patrich 2006b, p. 357.
  • 54 For an overview on the Great Entrance and its architectural setting see in particular Taft 1978, pp (...)

11According to a study by Joseph Patrich, this architectural layout appears in the second part of the 5th century.46 Indeed, before the eastern part of the churches of these regions were similar to the Syrian arrangement with closed room called pastophoria.47 While, as mentioned above, one of these rooms was a relic chapel the other one was closed by a door and reserved for the preparation of the Eucharist according to the Apostolic Constitutions.48 Then, toward the end of the 5th and beginning of the 6th century, these rooms were transformed into spaces open onto the naves with the simultaneous addition of annexed rooms. Patrich assumes in this transformation a liturgical evolution of the transfer of the gifts, the Great Entrance.49 Originally prepared in one of the pastophoria like in Syria, the prothesis was then moved to annexed rooms.50 This development is particularly evident in the churches of the Negev desert in Palaestina Tertia as in the case of the northern church of Shivta. There, the transformation of the side rooms, the remains of which can be seen on the plan, into apses is attested by a mosaic in the south chapel dated to 517 (fig. 7).51 The lateral spaces flanking the apse, no longer used for this original purpose, were transformed (in this example) into apses dedicated to the cult of relics (fig. 8). Nevertheless, according to Asher Ovadiah the hypothesis associating these transformations only with the development of the cult of relics, developed notably by Avraham Negev, is no longer considered valid.52 In the light of these architectural factors and several liturgical texts including the Testamentum Domini, a text of the mid‑5th century, Patrich connected this transformation with a change in the display of the oblations to the altar from pastophoria to annexed chapels. He assumed that this transformation related to a reorientation of these regions of Palestine and Arabia, from Antioch towards the newly created patriarchate of Jerusalem, where the Great Entrance ritual was practiced.53 The Great Entrance was also part of the Great Church liturgy in Constantinople from the 6th century. There the procession came from an adjoining building, the skeuophylakion.54

Figure 7 — Ground plan of the second phase (6th century) of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).

Figure 7 — Ground plan of the second phase (6th century) of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).

M. Metzger from Ovadiah 2005, p. 369, fig. 19.

Figure 8 — Photograph of the semi-circular niche from the north apse of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).

Figure 8 — Photograph of the semi-circular niche from the north apse of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).

In the foreground, the remains of a loculus for a reliquary.

M. Metzger.

  • 55 Patrich 2006b, p. 361.

12Therefore, the annexed apsidal rooms of the Cypriot basilicas could have been a chapel reserved for the storage and preparation as part of the Great Entrance ritual. Consequently, despite the evidence in favour of identifying a shrine dedicated to a relic, the hypothesis suggesting that the northern annex of the basilica on the acropolis of Amathous, and other similar cases in Cyprus, were prothesis chapels cannot be rejected. It should be added that in some cases, these auxiliary chapels might combine functions, as in the case of the Basilica of Sion in Jerusalem, where the relics of Stephen the protomartyr were kept with the treasure.55 Thus, the precious reliquary of Amathus could have been stored in a such chapel combining functions and exhibited during special events (on the pedestals of the side apses for example).

  • 56 Michail 2013, p. 146.
  • 57 Ibid., p. 152.
  • 58 Nicolaou does, nevertheless, identifies this extension exclusively in coastal churches open to the (...)
  • 59 Procopiou 2015, pp. 199‑200.

13As a comparison, if we consider the example of the baptismal liturgy, the processional arrangement of the baptisteries with an apse for the pre-baptismal anointment was closely related to the baptismal layout of the Antiochene Church with some regional trend as highlighted by Rania Michail.56 However, at the beginning of the 6th century, the architectural arrangement of the island baptisteries changed. Michail suggests a moving towards a liturgy practised in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, arguing that Cyprus’ administrative status changed, falling under the direct jurisdiction of Constantinople, and that the religious conflicts with Antioch led to the definitive autocephaly of the island at the end of the 5th century.57 Another liturgical change during the 6th century can also be seen in the monumentalisation of the central altar (with a ciborium) of the Cypriot basilica, the appearance of several ambos inspired by or directly imported from Constantinople and the widening of the chancel barriers delimiting the bema towards the end of the side aisles.58 In the 7th century cruciform basilica of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn Procopiou points out several elements suggesting the practice of the Saint Mark liturgy as in Alexandria.59

Conclusion

  • 60 On the use of the term “staging post” see Christodoulou 2008, p. 54.

14The basilica of the summit of the acropolis at Amathous is thus a revealing illustration of some issues raised by the thesis study on the cult of relics in the basilicas of late antique Cyprus. This is the case with the identification of cults and venerated relics. Despite the presence of a fragment of a reliquary cover, typical of those found on the island and in the eastern Mediterranean, no epigraphic inscription provides decisive information about the dedication of this church. Similarly, no mention can be found in the written sources as for most of the island’s sanctuaries. None of the travellers who frequently travelled through Cyprus and describing their visits on the island mention the sanctuaries of Amathous. However, the harbour city has been a step on the pilgrim’s itineraries, as evidenced by several ampullae discovered there and bearing the effigy of St. Menas which is venerated in his sanctuary near Alexandria. Though the written sources are relatively silent, archaeology provides evidence of the existence of major complexes housing relics linked to the pilgrimage economy such as the shrines of the Campanopetra in Salamis-Constantia, Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn or the basilica A of Pegeia. Therefore, more than a “staging post” as proposed by Giorgos Christodoulou, which might imply a more local devotion to relics, Cyprus must have been a major landmark in the pilgrimage circuits of the eastern Mediterranean.60

15From an architectural point of view, the absence of any traces of a confessio for a reliquary under the altar of the basilica on the acropolis is a characteristic of the practices found in other basilicas on the island. In most of the cases the relics were exhibited in lateral spaces such as in the side apses. This feature reveals similarities with near eastern traditions, particularly the “martyrs’ chapels” framing the main apse in the churches of northern Syria. In the basilica on the acropolis of Amathous, the pedestals of the lateral apses could have been supported a reliquary like in the northern apse of the Campanopetra. Annexed nave or rooms could also be used as commemorative chapels and display relics like in the churches of Urania in the Karpas peninsula or the coastal basilica of Amathous. In the Campanopetra in Salamis-Constantia, an annexed room with an apse flanked the eastern end of the north aisle, the apse of which present a pedestal with a reliquary, could be identified as a commemorative parecclesion. Such a piece with an apse runs along the north wall on the acropolis basilica of Amathous. The focal point inside the apse was richly decorated with opus sectile and reused champlevé panels. The excavators argue that this space would have housed a table or pedestal. Here we propose to identify a “martyr’s chapel” housing the reliquary found in the atrium as it would have been done for the relics of the 4th‑century bishop Tychon, in the same city of Amathous, whose relics were housed in an adjoining sanctuary to the left of the church according to his 7th‑century Vita.

16Nevertheless, in most of the cases where the annex chapels are found on the island, like in Soloi, Agia Trias, Pegeia and therefore the Campanopetra and Amathous, the material is insufficient to provide definitive evidence regarding the function of these parecclesia as shrines for the cult of martyrs and their relics. This issue raises the question of the liturgy practised in Cyprus since in other regions of the eastern Roman empire these chapels could also have been used as prothesis chapels or treasuries in line with Eucharistic liturgy. In this sense, the layout of the sanctuary in the Cypriot basilicas, with no pastophoria as in Syria, seems more similar to the pattern of the sanctuaries of Palestinian-Arabian churches. This aspect, particularly evident in the basilicas of the Negev, is related to an architectural evolution in the second half of the 5th century, where church plans abandoned pastophoria in favour of open apses, sometimes housing relics, and annex chapels for prothesis. This development seems to be correlated with the Great Entrance ritual practiced in the patriarchate of Jerusalem from the second half of the 5th century and attested in Constantinople toward the 6th century. By contrast, the basilicas of Cyprus seem to have had apses housing relics since the end of the 4th century, without a room reserved for the prothesis near the apse.

17On this point regarding liturgy, several scholars have already outlined the different orientations of the Cyprus Church. For instance, the baptismal rite would have been originally linked to the liturgy of Antioch, but architectural developments show a move towards Jerusalem during the 5th century. Moreover, churches of the 6th century feature many elements linked to Constantinople. These elements seem to be confirmed by the political and religious context of the island. In the 7th century, the period in which the basilica of Amathous in question was built, finds at Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn seem to attest a link with Alexandrian liturgy demonstrating the multiplicity of practices in late antique Cyprus. However, in the absence of clear data on the liturgy practised in Cyprus, it still seems difficult to clearly define the orientation of the Church of Cyprus towards a particular sphere of influence. Michail and Nicolaou in line with Papageorghiou have also rightly emphasised the local adaptations of certain practices, particularly regarding the ecclesiastical history of Cyprus and its insular nature. This assertion would also appear to be consistent regarding the cult of relics.

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Notes

2 Maraval 2011, p. 183.

3 For a recent and comprehensive study on the cult of relics in late antique/early Byzantine period, see Wiśniewski 2019.

4 On the reliquaries and their function, see for example Hahn 2010 or Klein 2015.

5 Regarding the place of relics inside the church, see for example Yasin 2009 and Yasin 2015.

6 For a recent study on this early Byzantine eulogiae see Ritter 2020.

7 Regarding the early Christian period in Cyprus see Horster, Nicolaou, Rogge 2018.

8 For more information about these centuries see Panayides-Jacob 2023.

9 Regarding Cypriot reliquaries see Comte 2012 or Düchting, Watta 2015 about the political use of Barnabas’ relics.

10 Regarding this issue see Aupert 1996, p. 130.

11 While only partially published, the basilica excavation at the acropolis has been the subject of several reports in the Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, see for example Hermary et al. 1986, pp. 884‑899. The most comprehensive contribution was published by Pralong 1994. See also Pralong, Saulnier 1996, pp. 132‑145.

12 Hermary et al. 1989, p. 868.

13 Procopiou 2014.

14 On the early Christian reliquaries see for example Comte 2012.

15 Some of the reliquaries listed in the thesis bear traces of decoration but without any reliable indications as to their provenance. These include the reliquary from Basilica A in Pegeia (unpublished) and the small copper reliquary preserved in the Medieval Museum of Limassol (see Zachariou-Kaila 2012).

16 Regarding this basilica see for example Procopiou 2013.

17 Pralong, Saulnier 1996, p. 145; Papacostas 2015, p. 98; Procopiou 2015, p. 265.

18 See Ritter 2019, pp. 49‑84 on the “Zypern Passage”.

19 Wilkinson 2002, p. 79.

20 Megaw 2006.

21 On the Campanopetra see Roux 1998.

22 On the oil-circulating reliquary see Roux 1998, Sodini 2000 and more recently Comte 2012.

23 For Katalymata see Procopiou 2018. Regarding Pegeia see the recent publication of Bakirtzis 2020, and also Michaelides 2001 for the ambon. The reliquary is unpublished.

24 Eleni Procopiou’s hypothesis linking the cruciform basilica of Akrotiri with the imported relics of Stephen the Protomartyr, the Lord’s brother James and other important saints from the provinces invaded by the Persians is based, in our view, on insufficient textual evidence.

25 One of these flasks bearing the figure of St. Menas, kept at the Cyprus Medieval Museum (Limassol Castle), was published by Hadjichristophi 2012, p. 53. Additional lead ampoules bearing, also on display at Cyprus Medieval Museum, are believed to have come from the Holy Land as suggested by the museum catalogue. See also Karageorghis 1985, p. 48.

26 Papacostas 2015, pp. 100‑103.

27 Ibid., p. 109. On the Life of St. John see Festugière, Ryden 1974.

28 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 495; Nicolaou 2013, p. 158; Nicolaou 2018, p. 134.

29 Nicolaou 2013, pp. 115‑121.

30 Ibid., p. 115.

31 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 496. See also Nicolaou 2018, p. 132.

32 See for example Comte 2012.

33 On the architectural arrangement see Comte 2019.

34 The basilica of Marathovouno in the Mesaoria plain is one of the few examples that approach the Syrian chevet with a single apse and the extremity of the south side nave separated from the rest of the naos and identified by Papageorghiou as a martyr’s chapel (Papageorghiou 1963).

35 On this issue see Michel 1999.

36 Pralong 1994, p. 432.

37 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 496. For more information on these churches see Megaw 1948 and more recently Stewart 2010, pp. 164‑173.

38 Papageorghiou 1996, pp. 84‑88.

39 Usener 1907, p. 154. For the translation see Procopiou 2013, p. 257.

40 Examples include the second phase of the episcopal basilica of Soloi, the basilicas of Agia Trias and Agios Philon on the Karpas peninsula, the basilica A’ of Pegeia, the extra-muros basilica of Kourion among others examples.

41 Papageorghiou 1986, p. 497.

42 On the function of these annexed chapels, see for example Babić, Grabar 1969.

43 Regarding these regions see for example Donceel-Voûte 1988, pp. 528‑534.

44 Except for the episcopal basilica of Kourion (Megaw 2007, pp. 167‑168).

45 On the churches of these regions see for example Patrich 2006a, pp. 381‑387 or more recently Michel 2019.

46 Patrich 2006b, pp. 345‑346. See also Ovadiah 2005.

47 For an overview on the Syrian churches see Khoury, Riba 2013.

48 Ibid., p. 66.

49 Patrich 2006b, pp. 346‑353.

50 Ibid., pp. 357‑358.

51 Ovadiah 2005, pp. 369‑370.

52 Ibid., p. 373.

53 Patrich 2006b, p. 357.

54 For an overview on the Great Entrance and its architectural setting see in particular Taft 1978, pp. 178‑203 and more recently Taft 2001, chap. VII.

55 Patrich 2006b, p. 361.

56 Michail 2013, p. 146.

57 Ibid., p. 152.

58 Nicolaou does, nevertheless, identifies this extension exclusively in coastal churches open to the Mediterranean sea: Nicolaou 2018, p. 134. On these changes see also Nicolaou 2013.

59 Procopiou 2015, pp. 199‑200.

60 On the use of the term “staging post” see Christodoulou 2008, p. 54.

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Table des illustrations

Titre Figure 1 — Ground plan of the complex of the top of the acropolis of Amathous.
Crédits Petit, Pralong, Saulnier 1999, fig. 1, p. 503.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 583k
Titre Figure 2 — Reliquary cover with acroteria and pierced, found on the floor of the cruciform basilica of Katalymata Tôn Plakotôn.
Crédits Procopiou 2015, p. 195, fig. 13.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 383k
Titre Figure 3 — Reliquary found in situ on a pedestal in the north apse of the Campanopetra basilica in Salamis-Constantia.
Crédits M. Metzger.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 558k
Titre Figure 4 — Zenithal view of the eastern part of the Annex 10 of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.
Crédits Philippe Collet / EFA.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 312k
Titre Figure 5 — The eastern end of the north apse of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous.
Légende On the left of the image, on the foreground, is the access to the parecclesion and on the background is the pedestal.
Crédits Hermary et al. 1986, p. 889 fig. 16.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 234k
Titre Figure 6 — Ground plan of the Campanopetra in Salamis-Constantia.
Crédits M. Metzger from Roux 1998, plan IV.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-6.png
Fichier image/png, 373k
Titre Figure 7 — Ground plan of the second phase (6th century) of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).
Crédits M. Metzger from Ovadiah 2005, p. 369, fig. 19.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-7.png
Fichier image/png, 61k
Titre Figure 8 — Photograph of the semi-circular niche from the north apse of the northern church of Shivta (Palaestina Tertia).
Légende In the foreground, the remains of a loculus for a reliquary.
Crédits M. Metzger.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/docannexe/image/1495/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 515k
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Matthias Metzger, « The issue of relics in late antique and early medieval Cyprus: some preliminary results through the example of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous »Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes, 54 | 2024, 189-206.

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Matthias Metzger, « The issue of relics in late antique and early medieval Cyprus: some preliminary results through the example of the basilica on the acropolis at Amathous »Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes [En ligne], 54 | 2024, mis en ligne le 30 octobre 2024, consulté le 14 mars 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/1495 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/12ls4

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Matthias Metzger

Aix Marseille Univ, CNRS, LA3M, Aix-en-Provence & University of Cyprus

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