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Chypre moderne et contemporaine

Language and society in late 19th and early 20th century Cyprus through the work of Vasilis Michaelides: turkisms and multilingual poetry

Stelios Irakleous
p. 337-365

Résumés

La poésie de Vasilis Michaelides fait écho à l’histoire linguistique de Chypre de la fin du xixe siècle. Le profil sociolinguistique de l’époque, qui ne survit que partiellement dans certaines publicités trilingues et des annonces administratives de la période coloniale, est reflété de manière vivante dans l’œuvre de Michaelides, en particulier dans ses poèmes trilingues. Le présent essai traite de l’utilisation des turcismes dans la poésie de Vasilis Michaelides et dans ses poèmes trilingues, qui peuvent être interprétés comme un reflet des conditions sociales uniques de son époque.

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Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 This article is a revised and extended version of previously published works (Irakleous 2008, Irakl (...)
  • 2 Regarding how cities and society transformed during the first decades of the British administration (...)
  • 3 On the British educational policy in Cyprus see Heraclidou 2017.

1The transition of power from the Ottomans to the British in 1878 marked one of Cypriot history’s most compelling and complex periods.1 Cyprus, an Ottoman province since 1571, underwent dramatic changes in all aspects of life as a result of the congress of Berlin, which made Cyprus a hybrid state: an Ottoman province under British administration. This shift brought significant social and linguistic changes.2 Turkish-speaking Muslims, cut off from their centre, lost their ruling status. Conversely, Greek-speaking Christians, who had experienced a prolonged living with Turkish being the language of the ruler and administration, with the arrival of the British remained under foreign rule but the language of the administration changed. In the late nineteenth century, large groups spoke Greek (including the variety called Cypriot Greek) and Turkish (including what is now called Cypriot Turkish), while smaller groups spoke Cypriot Arabic (also known as “Sanna” or “our language”) and Armenian. The addition of English to the public sphere further complicated the sociolinguistic profile of Cyprus.3 The work of Greek Cypriot poet Vasilis Michaelides offers a reflection of the unique social conditions of Cyprus, which was as this paper suggests, in many occasions a conscious literary technique.

  • 4 Regarding the events of the ninth of July 1821 see Michael 2013. See also Kolovos, Ilicak, Shariat- (...)

2Born in 1849, Michaelides belongs to the generation of Cypriots who straddled the Ottoman and British empires. Raised as an Ottoman reaya, he lived most of his life as a British subject and captured the imaginations of Cypriot Greeks with his poem “The Ninth of July in Nicosia Cyprus”, which commemorates Archbishop Kyprianos’ final hours, his arrest, and his execution by the Ottomans in 1821.4 Although he lacked formal schooling, Michaelides participated in and contributed to the creative world of a changing Cyprus. His rapid embrace of the printing press, which first arrived in Cyprus in 1878, is evidence of his passion for new ideas and technologies.

  • 5 Diavolos suffered from low subscription rates largely due to the poor literacy rates in Cyprus at t (...)
  • 6 On the issue see Sioki 2019.
  • 7 A turkism is defined as any word that enters a language from Turkish due to language contact, even (...)
  • 8 Code-switching is defined as the use of more than one language within the same sentence. For more i (...)

3Michaelides engaged himself in the novelty of printing through his collaborations with various newspapers for which he wrote poems verse advertisements and product announcements. He also acted as an editor of his own satirical newspaper Diavolos [The Devil] that he published in 1888 for a short period of time. Through Diavolos Michaelides documented elements of the sociolinguistic profile of Cyprus using poetry and prose in various forms of Greek, Turkish, and English to criticise, editorialise, and satirise significant political and social issues related to the British administration.5 Through his work, Vasilis Michaelides highlighted and documented a part of the island’s linguistic history that today survives apart from Michalides’ work, only in trilingual advertisements found in newspapers and administrative announcements of the colonial period.6 Confining Michaelides’ contribution to one national poem obscures how his work, especially his use of turkisms7 and code-switching,8 reflects Cypriot society during the crucial first decades of British administration.

Vasilis Michaelides and his time

  • 9 Kokkinoftas 2015, p. 37.
  • 10 Regarding the early life of Michaelides and the relevant literature see Katsouris 2002, pp. 97‑108; (...)
  • 11 Papaleontiou 2015, p. 230; Kokkinoftas 2015, p. 38.

4We know little about the formative education of a man often referred to as Cyprus’s national poet; the few existing records are vague or contradictory.9 Historians agree that Michaelides lacked formal schooling like many Cypriots of his generation. He confirms this in his poetry, frequently attributing his improper use of Greek or preference for the Cypriot Greek dialect to his rudimentary education.10 We know that he was approximately ten years old when his mother died, prompting his father to send him from Lefkonoiko in the Famagusta district to live with a maternal uncle, Chrysanthos Papakonomos, in Dali, a village outside Nicosia. Father Chrysanthos ran a small school adjacent to the church of Saints Andronikos and Athanasia.11 It is impossible to know if young Vasilis attended his uncle’s school, but it is tempting to assume that he benefited from this association somehow.

5Sometime later, between 1860 and 1870, the boy moved again, this time to join a paternal uncle, Father Kyprianos, at the Archbishopric in Nicosia, where Michaelides began studying to be a painter. When he moved to Nicosia, his uncle worked as a teacher at the Greek School adjacent to the Archbishopric. In 1865, Kyprianos was promoted to Principal. Three years later, when Michaelides was nineteen years old, Father Kyprianos was elected Metropolitan of Kition, prompting the two men to relocate to Larnaca, where Michaelides published his first poetry. After seven years in Larnaca, he left on a journey that took him to Italy and Greece, returning to Cyprus in the autumn of 1878, two months after the arrival of the British. Although we cannot establish a record of education and Michaelides would scarcely describe himself as a man of letters, his young life was certainly influenced by two educated relatives with whom he shared a home for at least fifteen years. These facts beg the question: what constituted an education in second half of nineteenth and early twentieth-century Cyprus?

  • 12 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 51.
  • 13 Persianis 2012, p. 71.
  • 14 Toffelson 1995, pp. 37‑88.

6Before the arrival of the British in 1878, educational standards in Cyprus languished due to the decline of the Ottoman Empire, poverty, and the agricultural nature of the island. In 1872, Theodoros Peristianis, the Vice-Consul of Greece, wrote a comprehensive report concerning social and political conditions in Cyprus. According to his report, fewer than one-third of Cypriots could read and write Greek, and only some could understand mainland Greek.12 Since Peristianis’ report surveyed mainly those Cypriots living in and around towns, we can assume that illiteracy rates were higher in rural areas. The poor state of education resulted from the scarcity of secular schools during the Ottoman period. Religious institutions, such as churches and mosques, operated faith-based schools with priests, monks, and imams using ecclesiastical texts for instruction.13 Missionary schools offered some opportunities, but these efforts were short-lived.14

  • 15 Samani 2018, pp. 209‑210. Regarding schools and communal contribution and aid, before and during th (...)
  • 16 Moutsis 2020, p. 377.

7For both Christians and Muslims, religious endowments, the Church of Cyprus and Evkaf, respectively, operated elementary schools, a situation that changed only after the arrival of the British, who funded both equally.15 Concerning the Muslim schools, there is information mentioning the opening of elementary religious schools (sibyan mektepleri) right after the conquest of Cyprus in 1571, with the numbers increasing after the Tanzimat reforms during the mid-nineteenth century. The new curriculum and methods of instruction were designed to move beyond religious education. The higher education institutes (medrese) were essentially religious establishments and remained so. Nevertheless, in most cases concerning elementary and middle schools, new subjects were not adequately taught, and religious schooling still prevailed.16

  • 17 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 57. Indicative of the control of the Church over education is the fact that in (...)

8Similarly, Christian schools remained rudimentary and mainly provided religious education. During the nineteenth century, literacy became relevant for the clergy because religion was the only subject of schooling, and their main purpose was to promote Christianity. Prayers and church sermons served as standard texts for elementary schools, while the alphabet was taught through simple poetry, where each letter was associated with a verse from the life of Christ. Secondary education, a privilege of the wealthy, was provided to those up to sixteen years old. This kind of further education could only be pursued in the cities where a handful of secondary institutes existed, namely Nicosia, Larnaca, and Limassol. These were the only children who received training in subjects other than religion, like mathematics, geography, history, and ancient Greek.17

  • 18 Persianis 1978, p. 157. For an overview of the teaching establishments found on the island during t (...)
  • 19 Persianis 1978, pp. 127, 201. Regarding the educational legislations of the British period see Pers (...)

9During Michaelides’ school-age years, 1854 to 1871, the educational system of Cyprus was hampered by a series of factors, including poverty, a limited number of secondary schools, a small number of university-educated locals, a shortage of teachers, and the use of ecclesiastical books in elementary schools.18 Peristianis’ 1872 report records eighty-three Christian-Greek schools and sixty‑five Muslim-Turkish schools, in their majority allelodidaktika, using the Lancastrian method of instruction.19 Perhaps the most damning factor was the poor qualifications of elementary teachers, who can be divided into three categories: 1) adults with only a functional level of literacy, 2) high school graduates from Nicosia, Larnaca, and Limassol without teaching credentials, 3) mainland Greeks graduated from schools in Athens, Smyrna, and Constantinople, with no sensitivity to the local context.

  • 20 Persianis 1978, pp. 36‑37, 42.

10Considering the poor state of Cypriot education, Vasilis Michaelides’ literacy must be viewed as a significant achievement. Despite this, he considered his mastery of language to be far below that of revered Greek poets. This self-criticism reflects the perception of Cypriot literature and education during his era. Ecclesiastical leaders, particularly those centred in the Archbishopric, where Michaelides spent many years, promoted the dream of political unification with Greece and closer social, cultural, and linguistic ties to the “motherland”. These sentiments materialised in 1812 with the foundation of a comprehensive school adjacent to the Archbishopric. Originally founded by Kyprianos to address the perceived degeneration of Greek, which he described as “barbarous”, and to teach Cypriot Greeks to “speak their language correctly”, the Pancyprian Gymnasium inculcated a system that valued Greek over Cypriot Greek. Despite the prevailing view of Cypriot Greek as a lesser language, Cypriots took pride in their local dialect, claiming it preserved elements from ancient Greek due to the island’s geographic isolation. However, this claim of purity was not entirely accurate.20

11Considering all the above, the notion that Vasilis Michaelides had limited literacy is a fallacy. The poet not only achieved literacy in an educational vacuum but also possibly spoke two additional languages: Turkish and English, which was as discussed later on, a reflection of the sociolinguistic profile in urban areas.

A new era and a (multi) complicated sociolinguistic profile

  • 21 Persianis 1978, pp. 20‑22. The Legislative Council is also commented by Vasilis Michaelides in his (...)
  • 22 Persianis 2007, p. 42.
  • 23 Persianis 2012, p. 75. Persianis also mentions that “every poor farmer hoped to educate his son so (...)
  • 24 Karoulla-Vrikki 2006, p. 348.

12When Michaelides returned to Cyprus in 1878, the island was undergoing significant social, economic, and political changes. The transition from Ottoman to British administration added English to the complex sociolinguistic profile. The introduction of the first printing press by Theodoulos Constantinides in the summer of 1878 facilitated the dissemination of English as the new administrative language. The British administration implemented various juridical and political reforms, such as establishing the Legislative Council in 1878.21 These reforms transformed society from largely rudimentary and medieval to efficient and modern.22 New bureaucratic systems spurred changes to the educational and sociolinguistic profile. Where middle- and lower-ranking positions had previously been dominated by Turkish officials, positions opened up for Cypriot Greeks. For example, the British administration broadened the police department to include Greek speakers. As literacy became a path to economic and social stability, secular organisations opened new schools, reducing the Church’s dominant role in education.23 English became the primary channel between the administration and local communities. For this reason, translation positions proliferated to accommodate the needs of residents to complete administrative tasks and for the English to publish all laws, public notices, circulars and the publications of the official Government Gazette, published in Greek, Turkish and English. Translation had become the indispensable tool for disseminating information.24

  • 25 Due to the uncertainty surrounding the island’s status, the British initially refrained from implem (...)

13Individual Cypriots’ language skills varied from person to person, family to family, and village to village. Secondary schools in Cypriot Greek communities taught katharevousa, a variety of Greek that was, according to Peristianis, incomprehensible to many Cypriots even though it was the official administrative language of the state. While some Cypriot Greeks spoke the more modern form of Greek, demotiki, all locals used the Cypriot Greek dialect daily. Similarly, the Cypriot Turkish community used Ottoman Turkish for official communication (again those who had mastered Ottoman Turkish) and Cypriot Turkish for daily conversation. In the early years of the British administration, English was not a mandatory subject in school.25

  • 26 Argyropoulou 1973, pp. 11‑12.
  • 27 For a detailed history of the Cypriot press, refer to Sofocleous 2018. For information on the dispu (...)
  • 28 On multi-script printing in Cyprus during the British period see Sioki 2019, pp. 207‑228.
  • 29 Sioki 2019, pp. 213‑214, provides valuable insights from research at Cyprus’ State Archives, reveal (...)

14Within years, the printing press became an indispensable tool for administration in this multilingual society. Until 1878, books, newspapers, and periodicals were imported, catering to a limited literate audience.26 The arrival of the first printing press marked the beginning of local printing, facilitating the publication of newspapers and periodicals and enhancing the administration’s communication with the public.27 Official documents were required to be printed in three languages, presenting a challenge as the material had to be simultaneously produced in three different scripts. 28These public announcements exposed people to the alphabets of other communities at a time when literacy rates were low, and newspapers were both expensive and accessible only to a small number of subscribers. The introduction of the press signalled the expansion of ideas and played a crucial role in transforming local society. Newspapers and periodicals became integral to daily life, fostering the emergence of a print culture. By 1880, commercial printers could print in all three languages and scripts, demonstrating the significant growth of local printing capabilities.29

  • 30 Persianis 1978, p. 23.
  • 31 Sioki 2019, pp. 221‑223.

15The use of multiple languages and scripts highlighted the underlying tensions between local communities regarding prestige and authority, as well as the internal language issues within ethnic groups since most people spoke local dialects. Although the state’s official language shifted from Ottoman Turkish to English, the fact that Cyprus remained part of the Ottoman Empire complicated the situation. In 1879, a notable incident occurred when the Commissioner of Limassol returned a letter written in Greek from the Bishop of Kition, requesting it be rewritten in what he assumed was the island’s official language, Turkish. This event highlights the confusion regarding the island’s status and led to accusations against the British for neglecting Greek.30 This power struggle and confusion naturally found space in printed documents, provoking complaints, and the matter was resolved as late as 1903 with a directive by the Colonial Secretary determining the order in which languages should appear. The texts were positioned in parallel rows reflecting power relations: the British were in charge, and the island was still considered under Ottoman sovereignty, so the Turkish language appeared second, followed by Greek.31

  • 32 Persianis 2007, p. 240.
  • 33 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 96.

16In this new era, newspapers played a crucial role in society, as their content included not only news but also literature, texts from public talks, discussions about moral, economic, or other issues, and announcements for events and upcoming book publications. Newspapers shaped public discourse, serving as the means for mass communication of the time. They often played the role of educators, modelling correct language use.32 The impact of newspapers on formulating political and other opinions was often underestimated in the first decades of British administration due to low literacy rates. But newspapers influenced all aspects of society since they were often read aloud in cafes.33

  • 34 Regarding travelogues see Persianis 2007, pp. 29‑40 and on the use of the demotiki p. 268.
  • 35 See Katsouris 2002, p. 111; Kokkinoftas 2015, pp. 41‑42.

17Upon his return to Cyprus in 1878, Vasilis Michaelides settled in Limassol, described by contemporary travelogues as progressive compared to Nicosia and Larnaca. For instance, Limassol adopted demotiki, considered a less sophisticated form of Greek, in its schools and newspapers, whereas teachers and journalists in Larnaca and Nicosia continued using katharevousa.34 Whether Michaelides moved to Limassol to get out from under his uncle’s shadow, to start fresh after leaving his art education, or simply due to the ample positions available to a literate man in the new British administration, we cannot know. In any case, he lived in Limassol until he died in 1917, working mainly for the municipal hospital as an orderly and pharmacy clerk.35

  • 36 Persianis 2007, p. 269.

18It is important to consider the progressive language culture of Limassol in relation to Vasilis Michaelides’ development as a poet. Intellectuals and literati spoke and wrote demotiki, a less fussy, more expressive variety of Greek than katharevousa, a variety more closely associated with ancient culture and Greek identity, and therefore favoured by newspapers, politicians, and high society. In the 1880s and 1890s, both forms of Greek were unfamiliar to most Cypriot Greeks, thus excluding them from public life.36

  • 37 Katsianounis 1996, p. 49.
  • 38 Persianis 1978, p. 26.

19Michaelides partly belonged to that majority, as he was unable to write in the language of high poetry, but he wrote in the language of the people. This included not only Greek but also Turkish (in the form of Cypriot Turkish) and English. He probably became acquainted with Cypriot Turkish through mingling with Turkish Cypriots in coffeehouses where he enjoyed a drink, and English through his work at the municipality. It is rather unlikely he had any relations with British people outside work since he was not part of the educated elite. Taking into consideration that by the end of Ottoman rule, cities although roughly divided into Turkish and Greek sectors, social distinctions were beginning to become noticeable by geographical boundaries. This was an evolution obvious in the most developed cities like Limassol and Larnaca, which were at the time the commercial and consular centres of the island. In the case of Limassol, a poorer area was expanding around the medieval castle and the port, just next to the upper class neighborhoods of two storey houses known as Maratheftoghitonia, by the church of Katholiki.37 On the other hand, the British remained largely detached from the local society. Even people who were able to communicate in English were unable to create social relations with the British and this applied also for local people who had studied in England and they faced social exclusion from the British in the island, despite their admiration for English culture.38

20However, Michaelides’ facility for language allowed him to develop fluency apart from his mother tongue, Cypriot Greek, in demotiki, in a second local dialect, Cypriot Turkish, and in the language of Cyprus’ government, English. We can attribute the social environment of Limassol, his habit of heavy drinking, and his work for the British administration for his acquisition of Cypriot Turkish and English.

  • 39 Pylarinos 2011, p. 100.

21Rather than treating Michaelides’ poetry as folklore, we should instead investigate its linguistic idiosyncracies as a conscious poetic technique. Greek literary discourse has overlooked this critical aspect of his work, focusing instead on his ability to use and mix katharevousa and demotiki. But Michaelides’ use of language reflects the unique social circumstances of Cyprus which is often overlooked. It has been observed thet he switches from Cypriot Greek, demotiki, and some forms of katharevousa, often mixes katharevousa with demotiki, uses archaic forms and sometimes employs the schooling type of katharevousa, and in other occasions the katharevousa used by the elite. Even when he tries to write in demotiki we often observe katharevousa and Cypriot Greek inputs.39 Beside all the aforenmentioned Michalides conciously brings to the sociolinguistic profile also Cypriot Turkish and English.

  • 40 Papaleontiou 2015, p. 229.
  • 41 Paraskevas 1988, pp. 299‑315.

22Lefteris Papaleontiou highlights an interesting incident that sheds light on how Michaelides’ contemporaries viewed his use of language. He recounts that in 1923, in Limassol, Demetris Lipertis spoke with Costas Pilavakis. Lipertis expressed his appreciation for Michaelides’ poetry but also voiced concerns about Michaelides using too many foreign words, particularly of Turkish origin. Unlike Michaelides, who used everyday language without trying to purge it of foreign elements, Lipertis made significant efforts to cleanse his poetry of such influences. The notable difference between the two poets is that Lipertis came from a different social background and was highly educated, having attended multiple universities and served as a teacher for many years.40 Interestingly, a study of Lipertis’ poetry reveals the use of Turkish words,41 likely unnoticed by Lipertis himself because they had become grammatically adapted and were an integral part of the dialect. This reveals that Lipertis disagreed not only with Michaelides’ use of dialect but also with the essence of his poetry and philosophy, which gave space and visibility to the dialect and the sociolinguistic profile of the island.

Turkisms in the work of Vasilis Michaelides

  • 42 Regarding turkisms resulting from language contact, see Hadjioannou 2000, Hakeri 2003, Yiangoullis (...)
  • 43 Kappler 2005; Kappler 2008a.

23Overcoming a shortage of sources, especially in the pre-nineteenth century period, linguists are increasingly exploring language contact between Cypriot Greek and Cypriot Turkish in the discourse of lexical studies and structural influences.42 Although Cypriot Greek has a rich body of sources, the study of turkisms as a stylistic technique remains understudied.43

  • 44 Kazazis 1972, p. 93; Kappler 1997, pp. 26‑38.
  • 45 Kappler 2008a, p. 265.
  • 46 The original 1905 text reads «ο ελληνικός λαός … δεν ενθυμείται ημέρας δυστυχείς ούτε όταν έρχεται (...)

24Linguists studying turkisms, especially in Balkan countries, have observed a common trend whereby efforts to suppress “foreign” linguistic elements led to the use of turkisms as slurs and pejorative terms. This phenomenon reflects the region’s sociopolitical tensions and cultural dynamics, where language is a tool for expressing identity, resistance, and prejudice.44 However, turkisms can become so integrated into a language that speakers use them without considering their foreign origin. These borrowed terms often have a strong expressive quality, making them difficult to replace with native words, especially in idiomatic expressions and everyday speech. This indicates that, despite initial resistance or negative connotations, these terms can become an indispensable part of the linguistic repertoire due to their unique ability to convey certain meanings or emotions.45 Manolis Triantafyllides’ timeless observation, first made in 1905, is a vivid example: “The Greek people do not recall days of sorrow when they become cheerful and celebrate, nor when they have fun and loll.”46 The aphorism relies on four widely used turkisms: “kefi”, “glento”, “hazi”, and “houzourevo.” Interlocutors, including Vasilis Michaelides, use these terms without awareness of their foreign origin or negative connotation.

  • 47 Kappler 2008a, pp. 265‑266.

25Some elements of the linguistic trends established in the Balkans also apply to Cypriot Greek, reaffirming observations made in other languages. Modern writers often use Turkish-origin words with no awareness of their foreign origins. These words have evolved stylistically, leading to their use in contexts ranging from irony and contempt to intimacy and appreciation. Furthermore, certain words are consciously chosen for their stylistic content, allowing authors to convey emotional tones that result in intimate nuances. Lastly, some words are used purely for stylistic purposes.47

  • 48 Papaleontiou 2006, p. 171.

26Vasilis Michaelides incorporated turkisms into his poetry to several ends, including adding irony, satire, and nuanced meanings or simply enhancing the style of his poems.48 The present research indicates that Michaelides possessed at least a functional knowledge of Turkish, which is evident from his language use beyond mere loanwords. Turkish was a common part of daily life, especially before 1878, and many Cypriot Greeks likely had some familiarity with it. This everyday exposure necessarily influenced everyday speech; however, Michaelides᾽ linguistic talents allowed him to go beyond stylistic use. In two specific instances, he code-switched, blending Greek, Turkish, and English for satirical purposes.

  • 49 Henceforth turkisms will appear in bold.
  • 50 For the needs of this research, I used the editions of Michaelides’ poems by Katsouris 2002 and Ioa (...)
  • 51 See for example PW 148:311.

27The general trend of the degradation of turkisms does not apply to the works of Vasilis Michaelides, where we observe only three instances. He uses χάλιν [halin], meaning “situation”, to describe an unpleasant or bad situation and χούιν [houin], originally meaning “habit”, to connote a bad habit, temper or imposition.49 These words have retained their significance and are used intentionally by Michaelides to convey specific meanings, demonstrating that their degradation, observed in other Balkan languages, did not occur in his work.50 In the third instance, Michaelides uses two terms for prison: χάψη [hapsi] and its Greek equivalent φυλακή [filaki].51

Μες τούντην χάψην ώσποσον, αφέντη, πκιον κανεί με,
έκαμεμ με δαμέσα δα η πλήξη πολοιφάιν (PW 146:241)

How much longer (will I be) in this prison master, enough is enough,
the boredom in here made me a residue

  • 52 Koulles could also mean “tower”.

28In the example from the poem “9th of July” we see the use of χάψη reflecting stylistic choice. Firstly, when the prisoner, an uneducated shepherd, speaks, he uses the term χάψη, and when the narrator speaks, he uses the term φυλακή. Secondly, Michaelides’ poetry emerged before stylistic degradation, an outcome of purism efforts as part of Greek language policies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This process requires a significant amount of time before it impacts everyday speech and in Cyprus’ case the purism efforts did not had the same effect as in Greece because it was under British rule. This did not prevent many individuals to embrace these efforts in their writings but as concerns Michaelides this was not the case. In other poems for example, Michaelides uses the words ταούλλιν [taoullin] and κουλλές [koulles] to mean “drum” and “cannonball” respectively.52

Έπαιξεν τζ’ η γη ταούλλιν τζ’ εχορέψασιν τα σπίθκια (PW 72:2)

The earth played the drum and the houses danced

Το λέειν τους σαν τον κουλλέν που ναν τζαι σιδερένιος (PW 52:127)

Their words are like an iron cannonball

29Today, the meaning of these terms has shifted. Ταούλλιν, for example, describes a person who has gained weight or metaphorically someone who has eaten too much, while κουλλές denotes an obstacle in the form of an object. Furthermore we see that Michaelides uses in his poems the terms χαβάς [havas] and πουρουτζής [pouroudjis] according to their original meanings, “weather, current of opinion” and “horn player”.

Καμιά φορά θυμώνουμε και τους τα στέλλω πίσω
μα εκείνα το χαβά τους (PW 226:9‑10)

There are times I get angry and I send it back to them,
but they could not care less.

Τζαι πουρουτζήν τον γείτον του να παίζει να τους πάρει (PW 73:33)

And his neighbour accompanying them while blowing the horn

30Today, χαβάς refers to someone’s mood, and πουρουτζής is the horn maker, not the player.

31All the aforementioned illustrate what previous studies has shown, namely that the change of use of turkisms needs either a considerable amount of time in order to be initiated, or a language purism efforts, neither applying to the case of Vasilis Michaelides. Therefore we shall proceed and see other uses of turkisms in his work.

Turkisms used for stylistic purposes

32The turkisms in the work of Michaelides are used intentionally (or not) in various ways. While their majority can be considered native, namely words that are grammatically adapted into Cypriot Greek, we also observe the use of turkisms that are considered to have expressive qualities or they can directly be connected or connect the reader to special environments or situations characterising their use as intentional.

  • 53 When translation is not provided, the reader can refer to the glossary of turkisms in the last page (...)
  • 54 Kazazis 1972, pp. 90‑91.

33Ottoman administration necessitated the introduction of terminology in several areas, especially bureaucracy and everyday life. Since Michaelides’ poetry often focuses on political matters, administrative turkisms abound including Μουσελλίμης [mousellimis], αγάς [agas], σουλτάνος [soultanos], μεμούρης [memouris], ναζίρης [naziris], βεζίρης [veziris], ασκερλής [askerlis], τζελλάτης [djellatis], δεφτέρι [defteri], νιζάμ [nizam], φερμάνι, [fermani] χάψη [hapsi], σαράγιο [saragio].53 Furthermore this category of turkisms tends to survive in spoken language.54 Similarly, he uses turkisms when referring to specific clothing items (τσερβές [tserves], κουρούκλα [kouroukla], φέσι [fesi], τσέπη [tsepi]) and household tools (καφάσιν [kafasin], καζάνι [kazani], κουλλές [koulles], τσάππα [tsappa]).

34In other cases, Michaelides employed turkisms for their expressive quality that are difficult to be replaced especially in idiomatic speech. For example:

Κόρες πελλολαωμένες, που σας όποια και αν γυρέψει,
για να πά’ να βασιλέψει, ούλλες θα μας ρεζιλέψει (PW 222:39‑42)

Girls crazy girls, if one of you makes an effort to rule,
she would make a fool of us.

Μια σιλυντρούνα ετσάλλετουν, μέσα στα ποστρασύδκια (PW 75:1‑2)

A lizard was moving hastily inside the leaves

35Apart from administrative terms we also come across turkisms that are so much a part of the native vocabulary of Cypriot Greek that Michaelides uses them extensively, including those poems he wrote in demotiki and katharevousa apart from Cypriot Greek. These words include χάζι [hazi], τεμπελιά [tembelia], κέφι [kefi], καυγάς [kavgas], καφενείο [kafeneio], κκελλέ [kkele], λεβέντης [leventis], μαραζώνω [marazono], ρεζιλεύω [rezilevo], τσάλλουμαι [tsalloumai] and conjunctions like οξά [oxa], αμμά [amma], and άντζακκι [andjakki]. These words are still in use until today in Cypriot Greek (and Greek in many cases), and with or without synonyms are part of this selected code. One example comes from his poem “The grievance of stomach”:

Αχ! Δεν ευρίσκω μιαν στιγμήν να αναπαυθώ τόσην τα δόντια τεμπελιάν;
Μου στέλλουν τα φαγιά σωστά και σκάζω στην δουλειάν (PW 226:4‑6)

Oh! I cannot find a moment to rest, why are the teeth so lazy?
They send me the food wholly, and I get very tired

36Such keywords underwent phonetic and morphological changes during the centuries-long coexistence with Greek; as a result, those Cypriot Greeks who had not received “proper schooling” and therefore did not use demotiki or katharevousa like Michaelides, treated these words as native vocabulary, not foreign terms. They were an essential part of everyday life.

37Turkisms are also found in Michaelides’ erotica (also referred to as “myllomena” in Cypriot Greek). Circulated privately among men, these poems never appeared in printed editions while the poet was alive. As such, they reflect his authentic idiom, which can be seen in the following examples:

Βαρκιάνος, τούρος, άφοος, γρυ να μου πει ποιος μπόρει
να κάμω χίσαμ μιαν τρυπώ θωρακοτόν παμπόριν (PW 73:13‑14)

Durable fearless guardian, who would dare to address to me a word,
If I make an attack, I can make a hole in an armoured steamer

Τζαι εν ετταναΐτιζα με κρίσημ με βασίλειον (PW 73:19)

And I would not consider neither judgement nor kingdom

Βάλλουν τον αμολόητον ομπρός παϊρακτάρην
Τζαι πουρουτζήν τον γείτον του να παίζει να τους πάρει (PW 73:32‑33)

The unmentionable is placed in front, holding the flag
and his neighbour accompanying them while blowing the horn

  • 55 See Kappler 2000.

38Vasilis Michaelides’ thematic choices support the use of everyday words and administrative vocabulary, indicating that his works often include common language and official terms. It was mentioned previously that Michaelides uses turkisms intentionally when he wishes to describe certain environments (e.g. religious). A study of Constantine Cavafy revealed that the Alexandria-born poet frequently used words of oriental origin to depict environments unfamiliar or exotic to him, thereby creating a distinct atmosphere.55 This technique is also present in Michaelides’ most famous poem, “The Ninth of July 1821 in Nicosia, Cyprus”, where specific words evoke a particular historical or cultural setting. Thus, both poets strategically use language to enhance their thematic elements—Michaelides grounds his poetry in relatable contexts, and Cavafy depicts distant or special environments.

39In order to support the aforementioned argument, we need to take a closer look at “The Ninth of July 1821 in Nicosia, Cyprus”. Vasilis Michaelides’ works contain 154 turkisms excluding names of Turkish origin and instances of Turkish language use. Most of these words are related to administration or administrative matters, with fewer concerning everyday life. “The Ninth of July”, a poem of 560 verses, contains 47 turkisms, namely nearly one third of the sum of turkisms that can be traced in Michaelides’ published and unpublished work. The use of turkisms in the poem aims in placing the reader in the heart of events, aligning with the historical events, setting, and characters depicted, thus aiding Michaelides in achieving his poetic objectives.

40Turkisms are found throughout the poem but are used more frequently when an Ottoman official, such as the Ottoman Governor of Cyprus, Musselim Aga, speaks, when the plot is set in a Turkish environment, or when a character is portrayed as uneducated. Conversely, he uses fewer turkisms when Archbishop Kyprianos and other Christian Orthodox clerics speak or when the scene shifts away from a Turkish context. An example is when Musselim Aga invites the Christian clerics to express his dissatisfaction:

Άκουσα πως εσείς οι τρεις τζαι ο μιλλέτ πασής σας
τζ’ οι προεστοί του τόπου σας τ’ αρκοντολόιν ούλλον,
ετάξετε εις τους Ρωμηούς το μάλιν της ζώης σας
να μεν αφήκετε Ρωμηόν εις το ντοβλέττιν δούλον. (PW 141:116‑120)

I have heard that you three and your leader,
your dignitaries and the masters of your land,
have promised to the Greeks (Rum) the wealth of your whole life,
so that (they rebel) and no Greek will be subject to the Ottoman state anymore

  • 56 Regarding the term millet in the Ottoman empire see Bruce 2001, p. 61. Regarding the Greek millet s (...)

41In this scene, the Ottoman Governor of Cyprus accuses the Christian clerics of aiding the rebellion in mainland Greece. He refers to the archbishop as μιλλέτ πασή [millet bashi], meaning the leader responsible for the Christian inhabitants of Cyprus. The term millet was used in the late Ottoman Empire to classify religious and ethnic groups.56 Michaelides could easily have used the Greek word Arhiepiskopos since it fits the metrics of the poem; instead, he chooses not to put a Greek and Christian term in the mouth of the Ottoman official. To the Ottoman state, the archbishop was the Millet Bashi or the Bash Biskopos. In the same passage, he uses μάλιν [malin] and ντοβλέττιν [dovlettin], adapted forms of mal and devlet, to refer to wealth and the Ottoman state. Michaelides employs the same strategy when Musselim Aga orders his soldiers to prepare the gallows (PW 142:124‑130) and again when Musselim Aga discusses the firman he has received from the Sultan to execute the archbishop and his officials (PW 142:133‑138). In these examples, Michaelides chose turkisms when writing dialogue spoken by Ottoman officials; in other instances, we find Michaelides relying on turkisms when describing Ottoman traditions.

42According to the narration, the Ottoman officials paused the execution for prayer. In this case, Michaelides uses several turkisms to describe the ritual, avoiding making use of the Greek equivalent:

Τζ’ ακούστην εις τον μιναρέν ο χότζας να φωνάζει
τζ’ επάψασιν την συντυσιάν, τζ’ αφήκαν το δεφτέριν
τζ’ εσηκωθήκαν ούλλοι τους τζ’ επήαν στο ναμάζι (PW 147:298‑300)

And when the hodja’s voice was heard for the minaret,
they stopped talking and let down the notepad,
and they all stood up and went to prayer

43Michaelides peppered the dialogue of poor Cypriot Greeks with turkisms. In «Ρωμιός και Τζον Πουλλής, Τζονής και Κακουλλής» [Romios kai John Poullis, Johnis kai Kakoulis], for example, poor Cypriot Greek farmers consistently use Turkish in their everyday speech. Similarly, in “The Ninth of July,” Dimitris, a poor shepherd, cries out against his fate using the turkisms μάλιν [malin], χαλάλιν [halalin] and χαρράμιν [harramin]. The low status of Dimitris is further emphasised when the Musellim Aga uses the term mistarkos to denigrate the unhappy man.

Είντα μας περιπαίζεις, βρε, είμαστον μισταρκοί σου; (PW 146:277)

Why do you lie and sneer at us, do you take us for your mistarkoi?

  • 57 Regarding mistarkoi in Cypriot society see Katsiaounis 1996, pp. 29‑39.

44The term mistarkoi was used to denote a person who made a living in chiftliks, namely large agricultural estates owned by rich landlords. The status of mistarkoi in the local society was so insignificant that is said that they were not allowed to entry coffee shops and wealthy men would brag of employing a mistarkos with only job to remove the boots from their feet.57 In this way, Michaelides uses the term to mark the Musellimis’ denigration towards Dimitris, signifying his low status.

45Michaelides chose words carefully. Archbishop Kyprianos uses turkisms sparingly and only when addressing an Ottoman official. Tension grows until Kyprianos refuses to be intimidated by Musellim Aga’s threats. Michaelides constructed a unique phrase, “υλάντρον καβάτζιν”, composed of a Greek word and a turkism to express the archbishop’s courageous resistance:

Σφάξε μας ούλλους τζιαι ας γινεί το γαίμαν μας αυλάτζιν,
Αμμά ξερε πως ύλαντρον όντας κοπεί καβάτζιν,
τριγύρω του πετάσσουντε 300 παραπούλια (PW 144:191‑194)

Slaughter every one of us and turn our blood into a river, but know this,
when you cut down a lofty poplar, three hundred shoots will spring up around it.

46A simple translation of the phrase υλάντρον καβάτζιν [ylantron kavadjin] as “lofty poplar” fails to explain what Michaelides created with this phrase. If the use of this rare and unknown to the wide public word was intentional, we cannot know but it is surely very interesting.

  • 58 Regarding the conscious choice of turkisms in poetry see Kappler 2008a, pp. 93‑96.

47Here Michaelides introduces the phrase ylantron kavadjin with the second part being a word of Turkish origin, which I assume considered difficult to be replaced with another due to its expressiveness.58 The other half of the phrase, although not of Turkish origin has also great interest.

  • 59 Ioannou 2017, p. 895.
  • 60 Schuchardt 1912.
  • 61 Kappler 2022, p. 44.
  • 62 Regarding this issue see the analysis in Ioannou 2017, pp. 895‑899.

48The word ylantron appears only once in the work of Vasilis Michaelides and, until recently, was a subject of controversy among scholars studying his work, often carrying ideological connotations.59 In a recent study, Matthias Kappler applied Hugo Schuchardt’s theory “Wörter und Sachen” (words and things)60 to explain arabisms in Cypriot Greek and Cypriot Turkish. The theory suggests that names and words are inseparable from their context; otherwise, they lose meaning. Although the meaning might remain, the history of the words is closely tied to those who used them. Therefore, every word has a unique history. When approaching from a semantic and pragmatic point of view, we should strive to connect it to the speaker’s history.61 The word ylantron, although not a turkism, bears this inseparable connection to Michaelides, whose contemporaries questioned its use and meaning at the time of publication. For example, the Greek newspaper Salpinx defined the term as “young and lofty poplar” in a column, likely written by Michaelides himself, published on January 1, 1902.62 The fact that the term stirred debate already from 1902 until recently, its scarcity of use in Michaelides’ work (and others) but the popularity it gained, supports its consideration as parts of “Wörter und Sachen”.

49Michaelides’ use of turkisms to signify a Turkish environment or character is evident in poems other than “The Ninth of July”. For example, he uses this technique in «Χιώτισσα» [Chiotissa] “Woman of Chios” (PW 162‑169) and «Ρωμιός και Τζον Πουλλής, Τζονής και Κακουλλής» [Romios kai John Poullis, Johnis kai Kakoulis] (PW 196‑216). It is thus clear that the use of turkisms served to designate a special environment, or place the reader in it, for example the social conditions of the period.

  • 63 Papaleontiou, Ioannou 2012, p. 16.

50However, Michaelides did not restrict turkisms to this purpose; in other instances, he chose words of Turkish to convey irony and satire. This is evident in his poem, «Ανεράδα» [Anerada] “Nereid” (PW 124‑128) and in his published personal correspondence, where he uses the turkism παράδες [parades] in an ironic tone, illustrating a degrading of the word whenever he refers to money.63

  • 64 The original texts reads as: “ἐμμὲτρως ὁμιλοῦσα, χωρίς νὰ ἔχει γλωσσικά κομψεύματα και λοῦσα. ‘Σ τα (...)

51Michaelides’ command of Turkish is evident in his use of Turkish words throughout the six issues of Diavolos, a bi‑weekly newspaper devoted to versed editorials. The short-lived Limassol paper announced the following across its title page; “a newspaper that communicates in verse without embellishment or decorative language. (Only) every two weeks, each one should seek to see it, it’s rather lazy the pen of Vasilis Michaelides”.64 One telling example of his satirical use of Turkish appears in the first issue, dated January 18, 1888. In a poem attacking the British administration regarding the restrictions on press freedom, he uses the word νιζάμ [nizam] to refer to the law, hinting at the complicated judicial situation where Ottoman rules still applied on an island governed by the British.

Ο τύπος είν’ ελεύθερος αλλά χαλινωμένος
Και με τα άρθρα του νιζάμ σφιγκτά σφιγκτά δεμμένος (PW 258)

The press is considered to be free, but it is constrained
and bound by the articles of the law

52When the British arrived in 1878, Cypriot Greeks enthusiastically greeted the change in administration, expecting to experience an expansion of freedoms. As Michaelides’ poem indicates, Cypriot Greeks expressed disappointment in the rigid press rules that persisted long into the British period. By using the Turkism νιζάμ, Michaelides deftly criticises the previous Ottoman laws and illiberal British policies. Although only six issues exist, Michaelides’ newspaper Diavolos is an essential document of the poet’s satirical talents and pointed use of Turkish and English language for political purposes. In this newspaper and in Salpinx, he produced a series of trilingual poems that demand close linguistic scrutiny.

The trilingual poems

  • 65 Ioannou 2008, pp. 10‑11. The same phenomenon is attested also to a lesser degree in PW 295‑297 in a (...)

53An important example of code-switching appears in the poem «Συμβουλή εις το δημαρχείον διά γλώσσης ‘Νέας Βολαπύκ’» [Simvouli eis to Dimarcheion dia Neas Glossas Volapük] “Advice for the Municipality in the new language Volapük” (ΑΝ9‑10), which Michaelides published in Salpinx, a Limassol-based newspaper that likely inspired his own foray into publishing. Although unsigned, the poem has been attributed to Michaelides based on style.65 Published on November 14, 1887, only two months before the first issue of Diavolos, the poem criticises British plans to address pervasive water shortages in Limassol, citing high costs and poor administration. It comments the installation of pipes, the creation of a reservoir for fresh water in the city and the cost of the project. This project was the first one made by the British as concern the water supply of Limassol and took more than ten years to be completed (it was delivered on 1899), instead of the three or five months mentioned in the poem by Michaelides. Of course we do not know if this timetable was something announced by the British or what it was assumed by the locals and discussed in coffee shops. The task was to transport fresh water to the city from a water source named Mavromata on the mountainous area above Limassol near Alassa. The water was to be transported through a network of pipes to a reservoir, which although not in use, still stands todays and it is known as Havouza.

  • 66 On the matter of artificial languages see Garvía 2015.

54The term “Volapük” in the poem’s title immediately signifies the poet’s deep understanding of language and talent for sophisticated linguistic playfulness. A precursor to Esperanto, Volapük was created in 1878-1880 by Johann Martin Schleyer, a Roman Catholic German priest, to serve as an international language. For a brief period, Volapük found passionate users who published in the newly minted language.66 Michaelides’ use of the term Volapük to define the language of his poem indicates an awareness that the linguistic landscape of Cyprus felt a lot like Volapük or needed a Volapük of its own. We can assume therefore that the use of English, Greek and Turkish by non-native speakers was not limited to everyday standard phrases. Like Schleyer, Michaelides creates a new language in his trilingual poems, carefully deploying English, Greek, and Turkish terms to best express an idea. His familiarity with the three languages demonstrates the high frequency and level of use of the languages in the public sphere during the early years of the British administration.

55A few months later, Michaelides again makes use of his “Volapük” in a poem published in Diavolos on February 17, 1888. In «Ο Ερμής συνομιλεί με της Κύπρου την Βουλή» [O Ermis sinomilei me tis Kiprou ti Vouli] “Hermes has a conversation with the Cypriot Parliament” (PW 291), the Olympian god Hermes chats with a member of the Parliament of Cyprus.

  • 67 As early as 1881, Cypriots called for the creation of a constitution. See Persianis 2007, p. 55; Ka (...)

56The poem, which satirises a serious problem in Cyprus, namely the British refusal to expand constitutional rights to the island, citing a lack of education and limited sophistication of its inhabitants,67 demonstrates Michaelides’ command of Cypriot Turkish, which he acquired in the public realm. In verse 19, Michaelides uses the term αΐπ‑ναν [a(yı)p] “shame” with the ending nan “with” instead of the Standard Turkish ile. Similarly, in verse 23, we see the same phenomenon in εμπρί ινάν [embri inan] “by his order”. In verse 11, “You are bir leech da yapıştı, stin fleva tin megali” [You are a leech stuck on the big vein], he uses the conjunction da [and], which appears also in verses 7 and 11. Finally, the spelling of the word şeher “city” instead of the Standard Turkish form şehir in verse 5 of the first poem codifies a distinctly Cypriot Turkish pronunciation of the term.

  • 68 Weinreich 1970, p. 14. Weinreich mentions that the phonetic change arises from the way the interloc (...)

57Michaelides made phonetic changes to words because he learned vernacular Cypriot Turkish, not Standard Turkish. Therefore, the enunciations show how he perceives what he hears. For example, we read stafourla instead of estağfurullah and djiomeleri for çömlekleri. Phonetic changes due to language contact are common when dealing with lexical borrowing between languages.68 On a syntactical level, there is some weakness in verse 25 of “Hermes” where we see “seni sormam” [I am not asking about you] instead of “sana sorarım” [I am asking you], which seems to be a better fit for the context of the poem. Nevertheless, Michaelides’ use of Turkish as a code proves that he had a wide knowledge of it.

Conclusion

58In this paper an effort was made to study the work of Vasilis Michaelides beyond the nationalistic narrative and the value of his work as a poet in the scene of Greek literature. The main objective was the language and techniques he used in his writings through the study of turkisms and analyse the findings in relation to the context of his time.

59Going beyond the analysis of turkisms, probably the most significant value of Michaelides’ work can be pinpointed in the encapsulation of the linguistic landscape of the island. Cyprus was at the end of 19th century already a multilingual island to which the arrival of British added one more language that bore the prestige of being the language of administration, therefore could not be neglected or absent from the public space. Michaelides is a unique case study, since he used in his works many varieties of Greek language but also Turkish and English, in an effort to comment and criticise every day matters and the administration, and of course for writing poetry. Through his work he highlighted and documented a part of the island’s linguistic history that is often neglected, therefore we need to address him not only as a poet of Greek literature but also as concern to the other roles he engaged him self in.

Appendix69

  • 69 The presentation of the trilingual poems appears with the original text in first line, a transcript (...)

60Συμβουλή εις το δημαρχείον διά γλώσσης «Νέας Βολαπύκ»
Simvouli eis to Dimarcheion dia “Neas Volapük”
Advice for the Municipality in the “new Volapük”

Πιρ θέιγκγιου κιουζέλ κιουζέλ διά το Δημαρχείον,
Bir thank you güzel güzel dia to Dimarcheion
A nice thank you for the Municipality

σιού μαυρομμάτανιν σουγιού που ινττέντ του πριγκ το κρύον.
şu mavromata-nın suyu pou intent to bring to kryon.
that intends to bring the cool water from Mavromata

Σαπάχ σιερφλέρ χαΐρ ολσούν κουτ μόρνιγκ, καλημέρα,
Sabah şer[e]fler hayr olsun good morning kalimera,
I wish a nice and honoured morning, goodmorning,

Πελετιέ οβ Λίμασσολ, του δήμου μας πατέρα.
Belediye of Lımassol tou dimou mas patera.
Municipality of Limassol, father of our borough.

Όλλ δι σιεχέρ οβ Λίμασσολ πλένττι ευχαριστήσεις,
All the şeher of Limassol plenty efcharistiseis,
On behalf of Limassol, give thanks to all the cities,

πικόζ θα φέρεις ουζακτάν βότερ να την ποτίσεις.
because tha fereis uzaktan water na tin potiseis.
because you will give her to drink, water you will bring from a distant place

Πεντέν τα θέιγκγιου βέρι μάτς, γενναίον Δημαρχείον,
Benden da thank you very much, gennaion Dimarcheion,
Many thanks from me as well, brave Municipality,

φορ άφτερ θρι ορ μπέσι αΐ, ιτσιέριμ, νερόν κρύον.
for after three or beş ay içerim neron kryon.
for the cold water I will drink after three or five months.

Σιού μαυρομμάτανιν σουγιού ο κόσμος το παινεύει·
Şu mavromata-nın suyu o kosmos to painevei;
This water from Mavromata is praised by people;

ις ολλ ουέις βέρι κκολτ, χεμ τσιοκ, και δεν στερεύει.
is always very cold, hem çok, kai den sterevei.
is always very cold, extremely cold and never dries up.

Λέγουν ακόμα κέμκαλι πακτίκ τα τσιοκ αλάτιρ,
Legoun akoma chem[ı]cally baktık da çok aladır,
Also they say: it was chemically checked and it is exquisite,

πατ, άι θιγκ πως γιακκισιήρ πρωτού δουλειάν ν’ αρχίσεις,
but i thınk pos yakışır protou doyleian n’archiseis,
but I think it would be proper, before you start the project,

ντορτ τταραφτάν εν βέρι ουέλ να το ξαναμετρήσεις,
dört taraftan and very well na to ksanametriseis,
to calculate every once more very carefully

πικόζ κκεστί δι κόβαρμαν τα κανταριάτικά σου,
because kesti the coverman ta kantariatika sou,
because the governor will decide the final cost

εντ γιου αρ νοτ αδέλφιν μου άρτικ στα πρωτινά σου.
and you are not adelfin mou artık sta protina sou.
and you my brother are not, what you used to be.

Σενίν νιέτ ις βέρι κουτ, λάκκιμ πολλά κοστίζει,
Senin niyet is very good lakım polla kostizei,
Your intention is very good, but very costly,

χίαρ δι παγκ σιακκά ετμές πεντάρα δεν χαρίζει.
here the bank şaka etmez pentara den charizei.
here the bank does not play games, wants every dime.

Χέψι πενίμ που λακκιρτί, νομίζω ις ολλ ράιτ,
Hepsi benim bu lakırdı, nomizo is alright,
What I mentioned, is I think correct

βε κετζιενίς χαΐρ ολσούν, καληνυκτώ, κουτ νάιτ.
ve geceniz hayr olsun, kalinikto, good night.
I wish you goodnight, goodnight from me, goodnight.

Ο Ερμής συνομιλεί με της Κύπρου την Βουλή
O Ermis sinomilei me tis Kiprou tin Vouli
Hermes has a conversation with the Cypriot Parliament

Hermes: Βουλή, καλημέρα!
Vouli, kalimera!
Parliament good morning

Parliament: Ω, χουάτ έι σερπράις!
Oh, what a surprise!
Oh, what a surprise!

  • 70 Cf. bağışlarım.
  • 71 Literally: “I give to you”.

Hermes: Σανά παασλάρημ του λάβλυ μπλακ άις!
Sana baaşlarım70, two lovely black eyes!
Cast the bad eye71, two lovely black eyes!

Ζευς άουαρ φάδερ γιολλατί πενί σ’αυτήν την νήσο,
Zeus our father yolladı beni s’aftin tin niso,
Our father Zeus sent me to this island,

σε σε κι ιν γιου αρλάνκουετς μαζί σου να μιλήσω.
se se kai in your language mazi sou na miliso.
to have a talk with you in your language.

Πικόζ εκείνος ήκουσεν πως τζιοκ αλίρσιν μάνι
Because ekeinos ikousen pos çok alırsın money
Because he heard that you took a lot of money

βε φρομ δι χάνκερ το νησί κοντεύει να ποθάνει.
ve from the hunger to nisi kontevei na pothanei.
and the island is nearly dead due to hunger.

Δι Σάυπρους τα χρήματα χέψι σανά βερίορ,
The Cyprus ta chrimata hepsi sana veriyor,
Cyprus gives all of its money to you,

εντ χέψι, φίλη μου, φρομ γιου φραντζίλαρα κιτίορ.
and hepsi, fili mou, from you Fransı(z)lara gidiyor.
and all of them from you, my friend, go to the French.

Γιατί η Κύπρος φορ δι φρέντς να έχει τόσην ζάλη;
Giati i Kypros for the French na echei tosin zali?
Why should Cyprus be so concerned with the French?

Γιου αρ πιρ λίτσι τα γιαππουστού, στην φλέβα την μεγάλη.
You are bir leech da yapıştı, stin fleva tin megali.
You are a leech stuck on the big vein.

Βε χεπ διπλατ οβ Σάυπρους σταλιά σταλιά ττοπλάρσιν
Ve hep the blood of Cyprus stalia stalia toplarsın
And you are collecting all of Cyprus’ blood drop by drop

κι η σύμβασίς σου πρέσες γιου το φραντζιζά κουσάρσιν.
ki i symvasis sou presses you to Fransız’a koşarsın.
And your contract forces you to run to the French.

Διζ γύαρ, πάνω στο νησί πιρ τσιοκ φουκαρελίκτηρ
This year, pano sto nisi bir çok fukareliktir
This year the island suffered from great poverty

εντ γιου να γδέρνης τον φτωχό πεγιούκ μασκαραλίκτηρ.
and you na gdernis ton ftocho beyük maskaralıktır.
And you stripping of the poor is impermissible.

Δι πλάνκετς βε τζιομελερί κάθε φτωχού σαττάρσιν
The blankets ve çöm[l]e[k]leri kathe ftochou satarsın
You are selling the blankets and the shirts of every poor guy

εντ ίβεν δικλόδζ οπού φορεί το μιριί ττοπλάρσιν.
and even the clothes opou forei to miri toplarsın.
and even the clothes they wear are collected as tax.

Ευρώπα, φορ δις πράγματα Βουλή ιβ λάβει γνώσεις,
Evropa for these pragmata Vouli if lavei gnoseis,
If Europe is notified about this situation Parliament,

σενίν αϊπνάν το πρόσωπο χουέρ να πα να χώσεις;
senin a[y]ıpnan to prosopo where na pa na choseis?
‘Where would you hide your face to avoid shame?

Parliament: Ερμή εφέντη στάφουρλα, άι αμ χόππιγκ φέτος,
Ermi efendi [e]stağfur[u]llah, Ι am hoping fetos,
Lord Hermes, lord is my witness, I hope this year,

πως θα περάσει δ’ άιλλαν εις όλα της ανέτως.
pos tha perasei the island eis ola tis anetos.
that the island will have a more comfortable year.

Σνόου εντ ρέιν τσιοκ γιαπτί και εφέτος εισοδίαν,
Snow and rain çok yaptı kai efetos eisodian,
There was a lot of rain and snow, a good crops year,

Ζευς εφέντη εμπρί ινάν θα έχωμεν πλουσίαν.
Zeus efendi embri inan tha echomen plousian.
By order of Zeus will have a rich (year).

Εντ ολλ δι Σάυπρους ζευκίν εφέτος θα την εύρω.
And all the Cyprus zengin efetos tha tin evro.
And this year I will face a rich Cyprus.

Γι’ αυτό εγώ σενί σορμάμ άι γουίλ να ξεύρω,
Gi’ afto ego seni sormam Ι will na ksevro,
Therefore I do not ask about you, I wish only to know,

ιβ γιου ιντέντ οβ Σάυπρους τον φόρο να ’λαττώσσεις
if you intend of Cyprus ton foro na lattoseis
if you intend to reduce Cyprus’ tax

βε χεπ Σάυπρους μεν τζανή παρηγοριάν να δώσεις.
ve hep Cyprus men tzani parigorian na doseis.
and give comfort, if possible, to all Cyprus.

Parliament: Άι ιντέντ Μίστερ Ερμή ιν Λόντον γιασατσάιμ
I intend mister Ermi in London yaşacayım
I intend mister Hermes to live in London

εντ άι χοπ κιουζέλ κιουζέλ πιρ ένσερ αλατζάιμ.
and I hope güzel güzel bir answer alacayım.
and my big hope is to receive an answer.

Εντ άρτικ πια πουκάμισα λαβέζια εντ γαϊδούργια
And artık pia poukamisa lavezia and gaidourgia
And enough is enough with the shirts, the chauldrons and the donkeys

  • 72 Literally: “If I sell”.

σατάρσαμ είθε να με δεις και να πουλώ κουλλούρια.
satarsam eithe na me deis kai na poulo koullouria.
Seel me out72 and you may see me selling pretzels.

Hermes: Ολλ ράϊτ φίλη μου Βουλή γκουτ αφτερ νουν κατσάρημ
Allright fili mou Vouli good afternoon kaçarım
Alright Parliament my friend, good afternoon I am leaving

και πάλιν άι χοπ σανα πιρ βίζιτα γιαππάρημ.
kai palin I hope sana bir vizita yaparım.
and I hope to visit you again.

Parliament: Ογούρ ολά Ερμή πει μ’ εγιάν και με χαρά.
Oğur ola Ermi pei m’egian kai me chara.
Good luck Hermes, health and joy.

Glossary

61The turkisms are presented in alphabetical order.

62Abbreviations: Andr. (Andriotis 1995), Yiang. (Yiangoullis 2005), Yiann. (Yiannoulelis 1982), Karatz. (Karatza-Tuncay 2000), Kr. (Kriaras 1986-2006), Louk. (Loukas 2002), R.P. (Papangelou 2001), Chlor. (Chloros 1899), Hadjio. (Hadjioannou 2000), Redh. (Redhouse 2000), Steing. (Steingass 1998); ven. (Venetian), gre. (Greek), it. (Italian), turk. (Turkish), CT (Cypriot Turkish), pers. (Persian).

63αγάς agas: άρχοντας, φεουδάρχης, αγάς (Karatz.10) < ağa “lord” (Redh.18) PW 138, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 153, 155, 156, 157, 160, 166.

αμάν aman: έλεος, βοήθεια (Yiang.35) < aman “oh!, mercy” (Redh.55) PW 253.

αμμά amma: αλλά (Yiang.36) < ama “but, yet, still” (Redh.55) PW 144, 239.

αμμάγκου ammagkou: τουλάχιστον < ama “but, yet, still” (Redh.55) όμως, τουλάχιστον + ven. manco, ούτε καν, τουλάχιστον, “not even, at least” (Yiang.292, Hadjio.104) PW 140.

αμπάρι ambari: κύτος πλοίου (R.P. 48 ) < ambar “storehouse, storeroom” (Redh.55) UW 15.

άντζακκι andjakki: μόλις, μόνο, με δυσκολία (Yiang.51) < ancak “only, merely, hardly” (Redh.61) PW 206.

αρναούτης arnaoutis: αλβανός στρατιώτης (R.P. 107) < arnavut “Albanian” (Redh.74) PW 162.

ασίκης / ασιήκης ashikis: Λεβέντης, αξιαγάπητος (Yiang.77) < aşık “lover, in love” (Redh.86) PW 305.

ασικλίκην ashiklikin: λεβεντιά < aşıklık “noun of aşık” (Redh.86) PW 305.

ασκεριές askeries: φόρος για εξαγορά στρατιωτικής θητείας (Yiang.78) < askeriye cf. bedel‑i nakdi‑i askeri “sum paid for exemption from military service” (Redh.146) PW 214.

ασκερλής askerlis: στρατιώτης (Yiang.78) < *askerli cf. asker “army” (Redh.82). * It is reproduced as a Turkish word but it does not exist. PW 142, 166.

ασκέριν askerin: στρατός (Yiang.78) < asker “army” (Redh.82) PW 248, 257, 258.

ασκοσσούν askossoun: μπράβο σου (Yiang.78) < aşkolsun “εύγε, μπράβο” (in irony) (Karatz.47) PW 297.

Βάλλαχι / βάλλαχι πίλλαχι vallahi, vallahi billahi: μα το Θεό (Yiang.91) < vallah, vallahi “for God’s sake” (Redh.1217) billah, billahi “by God!” (Redh.178) PW 296, 297.

Βαπόρι / παμπόρι vapori / pambori: πλοίο, ατμόπλοιο < vapor, “steamer, stemship” (Redh.1218) PW 73, 185, 196, 197, 198, 199, 235, 282.

βεζύρης veziris: υπουργός (Karatz.799) < vezir “minister” (Redh.1228) PW 153.

βεκκίλης vekkilis: πληρεξούσιος, αντιπρόσωπος (Yiang.96) < vekil “representative, debuty” (Redh.1224) PW 158.

βερούτι verouti: Βηρυτός < Beyrut “Beirut” (Redh.167) PW 167, 77.

γαϊτάνι gaitani: κλωστή από μετάξι < kaytan “cotton or silk cord” (Redh.626) PW 302.

γειρτίζω geirtizo: φοβάμαι, υποχωρώ (Yiang.127) < yıl‑dı, past tense of verb yıl‑ “to be afraid” (Redh.1257) PW 255.

γινάτι ginati: πείσμα (R.P.211) < inat “obstinacy” (Redh.535) PW 255.

γλεντώ glento: διασκεδάζω (R.P.216, γλεντίζω) < eỳlen‑di, past tense of verb eỳlen‑ “to have a good time” (Redh.328) PW 199, 214.

γρόσι grosi: νόμισμα εποχής < kuruş, guruş “piaster” (Redh.689) PW 196, 197, 198, 285.

δεφτέριν defterin: κατάστιχο, κώδικας (Yiang.140) < defter “copybook, notebook” (Redh.278) PW 56, 147, UW 17, 20.

διβάνιν divavin: Υψηλή Πύλη < Divan “counsil of state” (Redh.304) PW 142, 156.

Εφέντης / εφέντιμ / εφένδιμ efentis, efentim, efendim: κύριος, αφεντικό (μου) (Yiang.164) < efendi “gentleman, master” (Redh.326, efendi + ‑im, poss. 1st sg.) PW 152, 196, 198.

ζόρι zori: βία, καταναγκασμός (R.P. 328) < zor “hard, difficult” (Redh.1289) PW 253.

ιγγιλίζος ingilizos: Άγγλος < ingiliz “English, Englishman” (Redh.538) PW 296.

ισλάμης islamis: μουσουλμάνος < Islam, müslüman “Islam, muslim” (Redh.550) PW 79, 142.

καβάτζιν kavadjin: λεύκη (Yiang.180) < kavak “poplar” (Redh.620) PW 144, 163, 216.

καζάνι kazani: λέβητας (R.P. 360) < kazan “cauldron” (Redh.627) PW 313.

καλέμιν kalemin: γραφίδα, μολύβι < kalem “pencil, pen, reed” (Redh.586) PW 206.

Καραμανιά Karamania: Περιοχή στην Μικρά Ασία < Karaman “former principality in Asia Minor” (Redh.603) PW 157.

καραμουτσομένος karamoutsomenos: σκυθρωπός (Hadjio.72 καραμουτσώννω, Yiang.199 καραμουτσιάζω) < turk. kara “black” (Redh.600) + ven. muso “face” (Yiann.64, Andr.216) PW 142.

καράριν kararin: απόφαση, όριο (Yiang.199) < karar “decision” (Redh.604) PW 47.

κατίνπαρμακ katinparmak: γυναικεία δάκτυλα (traditional sweet) < kadın parmak, PW 197.

κατταρκαστός kattarkastos: σε σειρά (Yiang.215, κατταρκάζω) < participle of κατταρκάζω ‘kattarkazo’ < katar “in rows” (Redh.617) PW 73.

καυγάς kavgas: φιλονικία (Yiang.180) < kavga “quarrel, fight” (Redh.621) PW 100, 281, 313.

καφάσιν kafasin: τελάρο, προστατευτικό διχτυωτό κιγκλίδωμα για παράθυρο (Yiang.217) < kafes “wooden latticework over windows” (Redh.579) PW 166, 168.

καφενείο kafeneio: χώρος που σερβίρουν καφέ, καφεπωλείο < kahvehane, kahvene “coffe shop” (Redh.582) PW 117, 118, 231, UW 29.

καφές kafes: καφές < kahve “coffe” (Redh.582) PW 117.

κελεψές kelepses: χειροπέδη (Yiang.218) < kelepçe “handcuff” (Redh.633) PW 107, UW 12.

κετσιντίζω ketsindizo: συντηρούμαι, ανατρέφω (Yiang.220) < geçin‑di, past tense of verb geçin‑ “to get along with, to live on”(Redh.391) PW 214.

κέφι kefi: διάθεση (Yiang.225) < keyf “pleasure, joy” (Redh.647) PW 219, 226.

κιουλσαπά gulsapa: ρόδο του πρωινού < gül “rose, flower” (Redh.419) + sabah “morning” (Redh.967) PW 165, 167.

κκελλέ kkele: κεφάλι (Yiang.224) < kelle “head” (Redh.634) PW 253.

κκεφάτος kkefatos: ορεξάτος (Yiang.225, κέφι) < keyf “pleasure, joy” (Redh.647) + it. Suffix ‑ato, PW 253.

κονάτζιν konadjin: μέγαρο (Yiang.234) < konak “mansion, residence” (Redh.673) PW 216.

κοράνιο koranio: το ιερό μοουσουλμανικό βιβλίο < Kur’an “the Holy Quran” (Redh.686) PW 98.

κουλλές koulles: αγγείο χωρίς χέρια, μπάλα κανονιού, πύργος (Yiang.248) < kulle “large jar, tower” (Redh.684), gülle “canon ball” (Redh.421) PW 51.

κούτζουλα koudjoula: με δυσκολία (Yiang.261) < CT. gücüla, cf. güç “hardly” (Redh.418) PW 21.

κουρούκλα/κουρούκλιν kouroukla/kourouklin: είδος κεφαλόδεσμου (Yiang.257) < kuyruklu “tailed, having a tail” (Redh.692) PW 48.

κουτουρού koutourou: στην τύχη (Yiang.261) < götürü “by the job, by contract” (Redh.410) PW 253.

κώλιν kolin: αστυνομικό περίπολο (Yiang.232) < kol “patrol” (Redh.671) PW 150, 157.

λιμάνι limani: λιμάνι < liman “harbor” (Redh.711) PW 198.

λεβέντης leventis: όμορφος νεαρός < levend “independent, adventurer, handsome strong youth” (Redh.709) PW 334.

λεβεντιά leventia: ομορφιά νεαρού < levend “independent, adventurer, handsome strong youth” (Redh.709) PW 238.

Λόντρα Lontra: Λονδίνο < Londra “London” (Redh.713) PW 308.

μάλιν malin: βιός, περιουσία (Yiang.297) < mal “property, possession, wealth” (Redh.727) PW 53, 141, 145.

μαραζωμένος marazomenos: λυπημένος (Yiang.301) < participle of μαραζώνω < maraz “worry, pain” (Redh.732) PW 152.

μασκαραλίκι maskaraliki: γελοιότητα < maskaralık “buffoonery, shame” (Redh.735) PW 48, 301.

μαχαλλάς mahallas: γειτονιά < mahalle “street, district” (Redh.720) PW 162.

μεζές mezes: φαγητά που συνοδεύουν αλκοόλ < meze “savory tidbits that accompany drinking” (Redh.771) PW 199.

μεμούρης memouris: υπάλληλος, επιθεωρητής (Yiang.309) < memur “official” (Redh.753) PW 206, 219, 220.

μερκάζι merkazi: κλητήριο έγγραφο (Yiang.310, μερκέζι) < merkez “administrative center” (Redh.759) UW 12.

μετζιλίσιν medjilisin: συμβούλιο, συνεδρίαση (Yiang.313) < meclis “counsil, meeting” (Redh.743) PW 137, 138.

Μιλλέτ Πασής Millet Pashis: αργήγος εθνικής ομάδας επί Οθωμανικής αυτοκρατορίας, εννοείται ο αρχιεπίσκοπος της Κύπρου (Yiang.315, 384) < millet “nation, religious community” (Redh.777) + baş “head, start” (Redh.135) PW 141, 142.

μιναρές minares: μιναρές < minaret “minaret” (Redh.777) PW 147, 160, 128.

μιρίν mirin: φόρος (Yiang.316) < miri “belonging to the state, government tax or duty” (Redh.779) PW 296.

Μισίριν Misirin: Αίγυπτος (Yiang.317) < Mısır “Egypt” (Redh.773) PW 157.

Μουεζίνης Mouezinis: ιερωμένος που καλεί τους μουσουλμάνους σε προσευχή < müezzin “one who calls Muslims to prayer” (Redh.813) PW 180.

Μουσελλίμης/Μουσελλίμ Αγάς Mousellimis/Mousellim Agas: Οθωμανικός τίτλος του κυβερνήτη της Κύπρου (Yiang.328, it refers to the governor of Cyprus Küçük Mehmet) < Müsellim “administrative official under the vali” (Redh.829) PW 138, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160.

μουσουλμάνος mousoulmanos: πιστός του Ισλάμ < müslüman (Redh.830) PW 81, 82, 90, 322.

Μπαϊρακτάρης/παιρακτάρης mpairaktaris/pairaktaris: σημαιοφόρος (Yiang.372) < bayraktar “standard bearer” (Redh.143) PW 73, 181.

μπέης mbeis: κύριος < bey “gentleman, sir, master” (Redh.164) PW 165, 166, 167, 257.

ναζίρης naziris: φοροεισπράκτορας (Yiang.336) < nazır “minister of state” (Redh.871) PW 206.

ναμάζι namazi: μουσουλμανική προσευχή < namaz “ritual worship, prayer” (Redh.865) PW 147.

ναργιλές nargiles: πίπα νερού, ναργιλές < nargile “water-pipe” (Redh.867) PW 201.

νεφέσιν nefesin: ανάσα, αναπνοή (Yiang.340) < nefes “breath” (Redh.874) PW 261.

νιζάμ nizam: νόμος, κανονισμός, εντολή (Yiang.341) < nizam “order, regularity, law, regulation” (Redh.890) PW 285.

νοτάς notas: δωμάτιο (Yiang.343) < oda “room” (Redh.897) PW 141.

ντοβλέττιν dovlettin: η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, κράτος (Yiang.337) < devlet “state, government” (Redh.291) PW 141.

Οσμανλής Osmanlis: Οθωμανός-Τούρκος < Osmanlı “Ottoman” (Redh.903) PW 127, 128, 179, 212.

οκά oka: μονάδα μέτρησης βάρους < okka “oke, a weight of 400 dirhems” (Redh.898) PW 302.

οξά oksa: άλλως, ή, διαφορετικά (Yiang.365) < yoksa “if not, otherwise, or else” (Redh.1259) PW 59.

παζάρι pazari: αγορά, διαπραγμάτευση (Yiang.371) < pazar “market, bargaining” (Redh.922) UW 29, 30.

παλτάς paltas: τσεκούρι < balta “ax, hatchet, battle ax” (Redh.128) PW 328.

παναΰριν panairin: συνάθροιση, αγορά ένεκα εορτής (Yiang.375) < panayr “fair, market” (Redh.916) PW 142, 146, 158.

παουρίζω paourizo: φωνάζω τσιρίζω < bagır‑dı, past tense of verb bagır‑ “to shout, yell, cry out” (Redh.120) PW 21.

παράς/ππαράς paras/pparas: χρήματα (Yiang.436) < para “money” (Redh.917) PW 21, 184, 197, 199, 206, 207, 216, 277, 278, 280, 288, 312.

παρούτι parouti: πυρίτιδα, μπαρούτι (Yiang.381) < barut “gunpowder” (Redh.132) PW 78, 229, 278, UW 21.

πασαπόρτι pasaporti: διαβατήριο, ταξιδιωτικό έγγραφο < pasaport < it. passaporto “passport” (Redh.920, Chlor.415, Kr.1072, Andr.269) PW 77, 196, 198.

πασαπορτλής pasaportlis: ο έχων διαβατήριο < pasaportlu < passaport + suffix ‑lu < it. passaporto “passport” (Redh.920, Chlor.415, Kr.1072, Andr.269) PW 77.

πασάς pasas: όνομα, αξιωματούχος (Yiang.436) < paşa “the highest title of military and civil officials” (Redh.920) PW 242.

Πασσ-πίσκοπος Pass-piskopos: Αρχι-επίσκοπος (Yiang.384) < baş “head, start” (Redh.135 + gre. επίσκοπος ‘bishop’) PW 142, 156.

πελάς pelas: πρόβλημα (Yiang.390) < bela “trouble, misfortune” (Redh.151) PW 199, 218.

πελλετώ/κρυφοπελλετώ pelleto/kryfopelleto: κοιτάζω, κρυφοκοιτάζω (Yiang.390) belle‑di, past tense of verb belle‑ “to observe” (Redh.153 + κρυφός [krifos] ‘hidden’) PW 168, 56.

περτές pertes: σκλάβος αιχμάλωτος < berde “captive, slave, servant” (Redh.158) PW 90.

ποξάς poksas: δέμα από υφάσματα ή φορέματα (Yiang.419) < bohça “bundle in a wrapper” (Redh.189) PW 148.

πόσικος posikos: σκάρτος, άχρηστος (Yiang.422) < boş “empty, not in use, useless” (Redh.191) PW 203.

πουρουτζής pouroudjis: αυτός που βαράει κόρνα (Yiang.433) < borucu “maker of horns” (Redh.191) PW 73.

ππαλιά ppalia: κοψίμo από γιαταγάνι, πάλα < pala “scimitar” (Redh.915) PW 164.

ππουσουλάς ppousoulas: πυξίδα, θήκη (Yiang.438) < pusula “compass” (Redh.941) UW 29.

ρακή raki: οινοπνευματώδες ποτό < rakı “raki, arrack” (Redh.947) PW 198.

ρεζιλεύω rezilevo: γελοιοποιώ, εξευτελίζω (Yiang.450) < rezil “vile, disputable, disgraced, scoundrel” (Redh.957) PW 222.

ρεζιλίκι reziliki: καταισχύνη, ντροπή (Yiang.451) < rezilik “disreputableness, scandal, infamy” (Redh.958) UW 29.

σακκάτης sakkatis: ελαττωματικός, ανάπηρος, ακρωτηριασμένος (Yiang.460) < sakat “damaged, disable, defective” (Redh.976, Mp.75) PW 255.

σαράγιο saragio: μέγαρο, ανάκτορο (Yiang.464) < saray “palace, mansion, government house” (Redh.985) PW 137, 141, 142, 153, 155, 158.

σικκιλτίζω sikkiltizo: καταπιέζω (Yiang.476) < sıkıl‑dı, past tense of verb sıkıl‑, passive of sık‑, “to squezze, to press” (Redh.1011) PW 296.

σοκάκι sokaki: στενός δρόμος, σοκάκι (Yiang.488) < sokak “street” (Redh.1026) UW 9.

Σουλτάνος/σουλτάν Soultanos/soultan: αυτοκράτορας, άρχων της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας < sultan “ruler, sovereign, sultan” (Redh.1035) PW 81, 82, 87, 90, 250, 322.

Σταμπούλ Stamboul: Κωνσταντινούπολη < İstanbul “Istanbul, Constantinople” (Redh.551) PW 82.

ταμπουράς tambouras: μουσικό όργανο (Yiang.518) < tambura “any string instrument played by plucking” (Redh.1093) PW 218, 219, 221.

ταούλλιν taoullin: τύμπανο (Yiang.518) < davul “large instrument made of a large and rather wide wooden hoop covered on both sides with donkey hide” (Redh.275) PW 72.

τεμπελιά tembelia: οκνηρότητα (Yiang.560, τεμπέλης) < tembel “lazy, lazy man” (Redh.1135) PW 226.

τζαμή/τζαμί/τσαμί djami/tsami: μουσουλμανικό τέμενος (Yiang.525) < cami “mosque” (Redh.213) PW 128, 153, 181.

τζελλάτης djellatis: δήμιος (Yiang.527) < cellad “excecutioner, very cruel person” (Redh.220) PW 142, 144, 146, 153, 155, 158, 160.

τζέπη/τσέπη djepi/tsepi: τζέπη (Yiang.527) < cep “pocket” (Redh.222) PW 117, 207, 234, 314, UW 29.

τουβάρι touvari: τοίχος (Yiang. 535) < duvar “wall” (Redh. 315) UW 15.

τουφέκι toufeki: όπλο, καραμπίνα < tüfek “gun, riffle” (Redh.1190) PW 43, 191, 278.

τσάλλουμαι tsalloumai: κινούμαι συνεχώς και γρήγορα < çal‑ “to move continuously and energetically” (Redh.237) PW 75.

τσάντα tsanta: τσάντα (Yiang.547) < çanta “bag, case” (Redh.239) PW 232.

τσάππα tsappa: σκαπάνη < çapa “hoe” (Redh.240) PW 164.

τσερβές tserves: μαντήλι κεντημένο με χρωματιστή κλωστή (Yiang.549) < çevre “surroundings, circumference” (Redh.250) PW 48.

τσιπούκι tsimbouki: καπνοσύριγγα (Yiang.552) < çubuk “rod, bar” (Redh.262) PW 201.

τταϊνιτίζω ttainitizo: ακούω, λαμβάνω υπόψη (Yiang.521) deyne‑di < past tense of verb deyne < cf. dinle‑ “to listen, to pay attention” (Redh.301) PW 73.

ττεμενάς ttemenas: ανατολίτικος χαιρετισμός (Γιαγκ,560) < temena “oriental salut” (Redh.1135) PW 257.

ττέλι tteli: σύρμα (Yiang.560) < tel “wire, string” (Redh.1130) PW 48.

φάκκα fakka: παγίδα (Yiang.565) < fak “trap” (Redh.358) PW 166.

φερμάνι fermani: σουλτανικό διάταγμα, διαταγή (Yiang.569) < ferman “firman, imperial edict” (Redh.367) PW 138, 142, 168.

φέσιν fesin: μάλλινο καπέλλο < fes “the dye madder-root” (Redh.386) PW 261.

φουκαράς foukaras: φτωχός, δυστυχής (Yiang.575) < fukara, fikara “poor, beggar” (Redh.370) PW 198, 199.

Φράντζα Frantza: Γαλλία < França “France” (Redh.378) PW 281, 329.

χαβάς havas: καιρός, αδιαφορία, διάθεση (Yiang.582) < hava “air, weather, atmosphere” (Redh.463) PW 226, 335.

χάζιν hazin: τέρψη, ευχαρίστηση (Yiang.582) < haz “pleasure, delight” (Redh.468) PW 253.

χαριζεύκω hazirefko: ετοιμάζω (Yiang.582) < hazır “ready, prepared” (Redh. 469) PW 196.

χαζίριν hazirin: έτοιμος, ετοιμότητα (Yiang.582) < hazır “ready, prepared” (Redh. 469) PW 142, 143, 146, 153, 155, 158.

χαϊριέδες hairiedes: υλικά αγαθά < hayriye “gold coin in 1830 and 1831 on the occasion of the anniversaries of Sultan Mehmet II’s to the throne” (Redh.467) PW 234.

χαΐριν hairin: προκοπή (Yiang.583) < hayır “good, goodness” (Redh.466) PW 157, 311.

χάιτε/άιτε haite/aite: εμπρός, άντε (Yiang.591, χάτες) < haydi “hurry up, go on, now then” (Redh.466) PW 148, 281, 297.

χάκκιν hakkin: δίκαιο (Yiang.583) < hak “the right, justice, equity” (Redh.435) PW 156.

χαλάλιν halalin: ευχή προς αίσια χρήση κάποιου αντικειμένου ή αίσια κατάληξη (Yiang.583) < helal “canonically lawful, legitimate” (Redh.471) PW 145.

χάλιν halin: κατάντια, κατάσταση (Yiang. 584) < hal “state, condition, situation” (Redh.438) PW 103, 152.

χανδακώνω handakono: ρίχνω σε χαντάκι (Yiang.586) < hendek “ditch, trench” (Redh.474) PW 38.

χανούμγκατη hanoumkati: κυρία υψηλής τάξης (Yiang.586) < hanım kadın “good housewife” (Redh.447) PW 166.

χανούμισσα hanoumissa: Οθωμανίδα κυρία (Yiang.586) < hanım “lady, woman, Mrs.” (Redh.447) PW 166, 176.

χαπάριν haparin: νέο, είδηση (Yiang.587) < haber “news, information, message” (Redh.429) PW 156, 157.

χαρέμι haremi: γυναικωνίτης Οθωμανών, Οθωμανίδες γυναίκες (Yiang.588) < harem “women’s apartments, harem” (Redh.451) PW 137.

χαρράμιν harramin: άδικο, παράνομο (Yiang.589) < haram “forbidden by religion, unlawful illegitimate” (Redh.449) PW 145.

χασάπης hasapis: κρεοπώλης (Yiang.205) < kasap “butcher” (Redh.613) PW 229.

χατζή(ς) hadji(s): προσκυνητής της Μέκκας ή της Ιερουσαλήμ (Yiang.591) < haci “one who has performed the pilgrimage in Mecca, Christian pilgrim to Jerusalem” (Redh.431) PW 48, 168.

χάψη hapsi: φυλακή (Yiang.591) < hapis “confinement, imprisonment” (Redh.448) PW 22, 146, 196.

χαψωμένος hapsomenos: φυλακισμένος (Yiang.591 χαψώννω) < participle of χαψώνω < hapis “confinement, imprisonment” (Redh.448) PW 145.

χίσα hisa: έφοδος (Yiang.593) < hisa “to hoist, to hoist wawy” (Redh.486) PW 73.

χότζας hodjas: μουσουλμάνος δάσκαλος (Yiang.595) < hoca “teacher, Muslim teacher, hodja” (Redh.488) PW 147.

χούιν houin: κακή συνήθεια, ιδιοτροπία (Yiang.595) < huy “habit, temper, imposition” (Redh.495) PW 216.

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Notes

1 This article is a revised and extended version of previously published works (Irakleous 2008, Irakleous 2011, and Irakleous 2015). Special thanks go to Matthias Kappler and Lefteris Papaleontiou for their assistance in various aspects of these papers. I would also like to thank the University of Groningen’s Research Centre for Historical Studies for the opportunity to present parts of this revised paper in a plenary lecture on May 10th, 2023.

Hill 1952, pp. 269‑270. See also Katsiaounis 1996; Michael, Anastassiades, Verdeil 2015.

2 Regarding how cities and society transformed during the first decades of the British administration in Cyprus, see Persianis 2007.

3 On the British educational policy in Cyprus see Heraclidou 2017.

4 Regarding the events of the ninth of July 1821 see Michael 2013. See also Kolovos, Ilicak, Shariat-Panahi 2021, pp. 227‑229. The latter study includes a recently discovered document, in which the actions taken by the Ottoman governor during the aforementioned date and days to follow are described and reported to Sultan Mahmud II, followed by a petition for more actions. In a second document we see the Sultan’s response.

5 Diavolos suffered from low subscription rates largely due to the poor literacy rates in Cyprus at the time. This was a common problem since reading and therefore buying audience was very limited, not allowing one to support living through writing. See Persianis 2007, p. 222. Regarding the versed advertisements of Vasilis Michaelides see Ioannou 2015.

6 On the issue see Sioki 2019.

7 A turkism is defined as any word that enters a language from Turkish due to language contact, even if the word originally derives from another language (e.g., Greek, Arabic, Persian) and has been phonetically assimilated into Turkish. The term was first attested in nineteenth-century Istanbul and was used in scientific literature on Balkan studies, particularly by scholars of Kr. Sandfeld’s generation (Linguistique Βalkanique, Paris 1930: see Kappler 2002, p. 22). Many words considered turkisms entered Cypriot Greek directly from Arabic, without Turkish mediation, though this study does not explore that question in detail. Notably, nearly a third of these turkisms are of Arabic origin, though only some migrated directly to Cypriot Greek without Ottoman influence. For further information on this subject, see Kappler 2022, pp. 43‑72. Additionally, for more on Arabic and Turkish loanwords in Cypriot Greek, refer to Varella 2006, pp. 123‑142.

8 Code-switching is defined as the use of more than one language within the same sentence. For more information on code-switching, see Winford 2003, p. 101.

9 Kokkinoftas 2015, p. 37.

10 Regarding the early life of Michaelides and the relevant literature see Katsouris 2002, pp. 97‑108; Kokkinoftas 2015, pp. 35‑38.

11 Papaleontiou 2015, p. 230; Kokkinoftas 2015, p. 38.

12 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 51.

13 Persianis 2012, p. 71.

14 Toffelson 1995, pp. 37‑88.

15 Samani 2018, pp. 209‑210. Regarding schools and communal contribution and aid, before and during the British administration, see Katsiaounis 1996, p. 92.

16 Moutsis 2020, p. 377.

17 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 57. Indicative of the control of the Church over education is the fact that in spite of its diminishing control over the schools and teachers during the British period the schools were never laicised, see Persianis 1978, p. 43.

18 Persianis 1978, p. 157. For an overview of the teaching establishments found on the island during the late Ottoman period see Moutsis 2020, pp. 373‑382. The division into Greek and Turkish school continued throughout the whole period of British administration: see Persianis 1978, p. 65.

19 Persianis 1978, pp. 127, 201. Regarding the educational legislations of the British period see Persianis, Polyviou 1992.

20 Persianis 1978, pp. 36‑37, 42.

21 Persianis 1978, pp. 20‑22. The Legislative Council is also commented by Vasilis Michaelides in his one of his trilingual poems discussed in the present paper.

22 Persianis 2007, p. 42.

23 Persianis 2012, p. 75. Persianis also mentions that “every poor farmer hoped to educate his son so that he could get a ‘white collar job’ and avoid the life of a farmer” (p. 49). Such organisations were the Greek Brotherhood of Egypt which was contributing annually to the cause of education: see Persianis 1978, p. 47. The Brotherhood was also actively involved in the importation of the first printing machine from Egypt. On the Brotherhood and their various activities see Kokkinoftas 2007, pp. 301‑327. Regarding how Cypriots entered positions in lower British administrations see Katsiaounis 1996, pp. 80‑81, 40‑41.

24 Karoulla-Vrikki 2006, p. 348.

25 Due to the uncertainty surrounding the island’s status, the British initially refrained from implementing an anglicisation policy during the early stages of their administration, unlike their approach in India and Hong Kong: see Hadjiioannou, Tsiplakou, Kappler 2011, p. 20. Regarding the education system during the first decades of the British administration see also Heraclidou 2017, pp. 7‑36.

26 Argyropoulou 1973, pp. 11‑12.

27 For a detailed history of the Cypriot press, refer to Sofocleous 2018. For information on the dispute over the permission to import the first printing machine, see Irakleous 2020. Turkish Cypriots utilised Greek Cypriot presses for a period before establishing their own. For further details on Turkish Cypriot printing, consult Yikik 2020, pp. 351‑356.

28 On multi-script printing in Cyprus during the British period see Sioki 2019, pp. 207‑228.

29 Sioki 2019, pp. 213‑214, provides valuable insights from research at Cyprus’ State Archives, revealing sample pages of type specimens produced by an Armenian printer who moved to Cyprus in the early nineteenth century. These samples illustrate a diverse print market requiring specimens in five languages and four scripts. The presence of English, Greek, Armenian, Turkish, and French highlights the linguistic diversity of the society, though not all languages spoken on the island were represented, such as the Cypriot Arabic spoken by the Maronites: Sioki 2019, pp. 209‑210.

30 Persianis 1978, p. 23.

31 Sioki 2019, pp. 221‑223.

32 Persianis 2007, p. 240.

33 Katsiaounis 1996, p. 96.

34 Regarding travelogues see Persianis 2007, pp. 29‑40 and on the use of the demotiki p. 268.

35 See Katsouris 2002, p. 111; Kokkinoftas 2015, pp. 41‑42.

36 Persianis 2007, p. 269.

37 Katsianounis 1996, p. 49.

38 Persianis 1978, p. 26.

39 Pylarinos 2011, p. 100.

40 Papaleontiou 2015, p. 229.

41 Paraskevas 1988, pp. 299‑315.

42 Regarding turkisms resulting from language contact, see Hadjioannou 2000, Hakeri 2003, Yiangoullis 2005, Kabataş 2007. Regarding structural influences, see Kappler 2008b; Güven, Gıhanlıoglu 2009; Gulle 2011; Tsiplakou, Kappler 2015; Kappler, Tsiplakou 2018a; Kappler, Tsiplakou 2018b. A forthcoming edition prepared by the author of a notebook found in 2022 written in Greek and Turkish (in years 1799-1837) by the renowned painter Michalis Hadjimichael offers an important opportunity to study the interaction between the two primary linguistic varieties.

43 Kappler 2005; Kappler 2008a.

44 Kazazis 1972, p. 93; Kappler 1997, pp. 26‑38.

45 Kappler 2008a, p. 265.

46 The original 1905 text reads «ο ελληνικός λαός … δεν ενθυμείται ημέρας δυστυχείς ούτε όταν έρχεται στο κέφι και γλεντά ούτε όταν κάνει χάζι και χουζουρεύει…»: Triantafyllides 1963, p. 61.

47 Kappler 2008a, pp. 265‑266.

48 Papaleontiou 2006, p. 171.

49 Henceforth turkisms will appear in bold.

50 For the needs of this research, I used the editions of Michaelides’ poems by Katsouris 2002 and Ioannou 2008. Henceforth the abbreviations PW (published work) and UW (unpublished work) will be used respectively.

51 See for example PW 148:311.

52 Koulles could also mean “tower”.

53 When translation is not provided, the reader can refer to the glossary of turkisms in the last pages of this paper.

54 Kazazis 1972, pp. 90‑91.

55 See Kappler 2000.

56 Regarding the term millet in the Ottoman empire see Bruce 2001, p. 61. Regarding the Greek millet see Konortas 1999, pp. 169‑180.

57 Regarding mistarkoi in Cypriot society see Katsiaounis 1996, pp. 29‑39.

58 Regarding the conscious choice of turkisms in poetry see Kappler 2008a, pp. 93‑96.

59 Ioannou 2017, p. 895.

60 Schuchardt 1912.

61 Kappler 2022, p. 44.

62 Regarding this issue see the analysis in Ioannou 2017, pp. 895‑899.

63 Papaleontiou, Ioannou 2012, p. 16.

64 The original texts reads as: “ἐμμὲτρως ὁμιλοῦσα, χωρίς νὰ ἔχει γλωσσικά κομψεύματα και λοῦσα. ‘Σ ταῖς δεκαπέντε νά ζητῆ καθένας να το ἴδη. Ἡ πέννα εἷναι ὀκνηρὰ τοῦ Β. Μιχαηλίδη”. Katsouris 2002, p. 287.

65 Ioannou 2008, pp. 10‑11. The same phenomenon is attested also to a lesser degree in PW 295‑297 in an effort to depict the Turkish Cypriot’s speech.

66 On the matter of artificial languages see Garvía 2015.

67 As early as 1881, Cypriots called for the creation of a constitution. See Persianis 2007, p. 55; Katsiaounis 1996, p. 75.

68 Weinreich 1970, p. 14. Weinreich mentions that the phonetic change arises from the way the interlocutor perceives the sounds and reproduces them in his own language.

69 The presentation of the trilingual poems appears with the original text in first line, a transcription in second and English translation in the last row. Greek language appears in plain letters, English in italics and Turkish in bold.

70 Cf. bağışlarım.

71 Literally: “I give to you”.

72 Literally: “If I sell”.

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Stelios Irakleous, « Language and society in late 19th and early 20th century Cyprus through the work of Vasilis Michaelides: turkisms and multilingual poetry »Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes, 55 | 2025, 337-365.

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Stelios Irakleous, « Language and society in late 19th and early 20th century Cyprus through the work of Vasilis Michaelides: turkisms and multilingual poetry »Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes [En ligne], 55 | 2025, mis en ligne le 12 octobre 2025, consulté le 12 février 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cchyp/2142 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/151c5

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