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Gendering the State of Emergency Regime in Turkey

Zeynep Kivilcim
p. 94-108

Résumé

Since the 20th of July 2016, Turkey has been under the state of emergency. Reiteration of the hegemonic relationship between power, masculinity and violence for the reassertion of political rule is the central feature of state of emergency regimes. In Turkey, we experience sharp and sudden shifts of power within the political and legal sphere, and these shifts impact on gender norms and gender policies.
This article aims to present t
he effects of the security state on women’s and LGBTI individuals’ life spaces, in order to gender Turkey’s state of emergency rule. It will discuss how the weakening of the separation of powers, and the granting of extreme powers to the executive, almost completely prevent any opportunities for advancing the women and LGBTI movements’ agenda through different modalities of the three branches of the state. The emergency measures ravage many of the women and LGBTI movement’s long-term struggles and achievements. The article will also discuss the government’s interventions in Kurdish municipalities and the closing down of women’s organizations, shelters and solidarity centers; such interventions meant the violent interruption of the institutional solidarity networks that had gained women’s trust with their long-term work. Moreover, public spaces are becoming extremely insecure for women and LGBTI individuals under the regime of the security state. The conservative and militarist individuals and groups that took over public spaces are supported by the sexist rhetoric of government officials. Encouraged by their new powers, conferred to them by the state of emergency regime, the police use extensive physical violence against women during gatherings and demonstrations. Sexual harassments and torture while under custody, against female and male detainees, are widespread.
The article aims to analyze the state of emergency as a mechanism that works against all kinds of anti-oppression solidarities and alliances. However, I also establish that despite all of the draconian governmental measures, and the rising sexist violence in all segments of society, women and LGBTI groups resist the state of emergency regime in solidarity.

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Texte intégral

1The state of emergency regime has been effective in Turkey as of the 20th of July 2016. After declaring the state of emergency, the Turkish Council of Ministers started to issue emergency decrees, with the force of law, granting almost unlimited discretionary powers to the executive and administrative authorities. The country is now governed almost exclusively by means of these decrees.

  • 1 Bystydzienski, J.M., Suchland, J. and Wanzo, R. Introduction to Feminist Formations Special Issue: (...)

2Political power is never gender-neutral but works through gendered and sexual production of spaces, bodies and discourses. Feminist critiques of political and legal power reveal the central function of gender and sexuality in the production and the maintaining of masculine discursive and material power. They question how states of emergency are produced and deployed for the masculine assemblages of state, nation and religion 1.

  • 2 Banu Gökarıksel, “Making Gender Dynamics Visible in the 2016 Coup Attempt in Turkey”,
  • 3 Zeynep Kurtuluş Korkman, “Castration, Sexual Violence, and Feminist Politics in Post-Coup Attempt T (...)

3The commentators point out that the architecture of Turkey’s state of emergency is bolstered by violent masculinities, where both the plotters of the 15th of July 2016 coup attempt, and their opponents, played a significant role in constructing and symbolizing normative masculinity and heterosexuality through the consolidation of masculinist power, and by using a rhetoric of national unity, violence, and militarism2. It is emphasized that the pro-government public gatherings in the squares of several cities after the coup attempt were discursively and symbolically reiterating the heteronormative boundaries of masculinist sexual violence3.

4Dominant gender roles and norms are habitually challenged in times of political and social ‘crisis’; gender norms are transformed according to the changing political climate. Sexist and conservative political discourses are intensive during state of emergency times. In Turkey, we experience sharp and sudden shifts of power within the political and legal sphere. The gender policies are restructured in line with the masculine discursive and material performance needed for the construction of the security state, as well as for the reinforcement of the shifted power relationships between the military, the state and the nation.

5This article aims to expose the effects of the security state on women and LGBTI individuals’ life spaces in Turkey. It will discuss how the weakening of the separation of powers impedes the women’s movement’s struggle for advancing its agenda within the state apparatus. The government intervened and destroyed the institutions in place for gender-sensitive local governance in Kurdish towns; it also closed down several regional and national women’s associations. The article will discuss the impact of these violent interventions on institutional women and LGBTI solidarity networks and the loss of the women’s movement’s long-term struggle’s achievements. It will deal with the demolishing of the non-institutionalized and horizontal solidarity networks under the state of emergency regime, the sexual harassments and torture of individuals under custody and finally women’s and LGBTI’s active and effective resistance against the new emergency regime in Turkey.

1. Weakening of the Separation of Powers

6I don’t subscribe to the liberal idea that the separation of powers by itself brings and guarantees gender equality. But I think that an effective and independent functioning of the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary provides important opportunities for politically and legally advancing the women and LGBTI movements’ agenda, through different modalities of these three branches of power. During their long-term and organized struggle, women and LGBTI organizations have accumulated experience for carrying out very effective political and legal activism within the state system.

  • 4 Filiz Kerestecioğlu, “Report on Women’s Rights Violations in Turkey”, September 2017, p.10.

7Under the state of emergency regime the separation of power is weakening as the regime is legally and factually granting extreme powers to the executive. The country is governed almost exclusively by state of emergency decree-laws promulgated by the government. These decrees provide regulations on all kinds of matters including decisions about citizens on an individual basis. The Parliament is in factual desuetude, with 9 MPs imprisoned, 5 of which are women4. The judiciary in Turkey has always been criticized for its gender biased structure and rulings. However, the women’s movement was able to advance gender justice throughout this masculinist apparatus. After the coup attempt that followed the harsh and direct interventions targeting individual judges and prosecutors, as well as the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors, the judiciary seems to be under the effective control of the executive. There are also very serious concerns about the impartiality of the judges and prosecutors currently sitting in the courts.

  • 5 Ibid, p.6.
  • 6 EuroMedRights, “Turkey: Situation report on Violence against Women”, http://www.euromedrights.org/w (...)

83,400 judges and prosecutors were dismissed under the state of emergency. That amounts to nearly one-fifth of all Turkish judges and prosecutors. 864 of the dismissed judges and prosecutors were women (Kerestecioğlu 2017)5. With these dismissals, female representation within the judiciary became even weaker. International human rights NGOs warn that under the current state of emergency regime, many judges have been suspended, investigated or taken into custody, thus leading to an important disorganization of the judiciary; this also prevents the handling of cases relating to violence against women by trained and experienced judges on that matter6.

2. The demolition of the institutional frames for solidarity and the disruption of women’s financial autonomies and physical security

  • 7 i.e. Kongreya Jinen Azad (KJA), Ceren Kadın Derneği, SELİS Kadın Derneği, Adıyaman Kadın Yaşam Dern (...)

9The state of emergency measures ravaged many of the women movement’s long-term struggle’s achievements in the legal and political spheres. 11 women's associations were closed down under the state of emergency7. Turkey’s first and only female news agency, Jin News Agency (JINHA) was among the agencies closed by state of emergency decree-laws. and at least 30 female journalists were taken into custody; 16 of them are currently being detained and many women’s and human rights defenders are imprisoned.

  • 8 OHal’de Kadın Olmak, Bianet, 9 March 2017
  • 9 OHAL-KHK Rejimi İhraç Kurultayı”, KESK’in Sesi, 12 June 2017.
  • 10 Funda Şenol Cantek, “İhraçların Toplumsal Cinsiyet Boyutu”, KESK OHAL ve KHK Rejimi İhraç Kurultayı (...)
  • 11 Ibid, p.130.

10According to the Women Coalition’s numbers, one third of the 226 students whose overseas scholarships have been canceled are women. 860 of 4,811 academics who were dismissed from universities are women8. The figures compiled by the Confederation of Public Employees Trade Unions (KESK) show that women constituted at least 23% (25,523) of 110,971 public employees who were dismissed by state of emergency decree-laws9. The research conducted with the support of KESK by Funda Şenol Cantek and Ilkay Kara demonstrates that by way of these dismissals, the economic freedom of women who had struggled for years to gain their independence has been taken from their hands. In cases of unemployment, they are usually forced to live dependent on their parents or their spouse; in many cases they have to move to smaller towns, back to their parents’ houses10. As they are identified as “terrorist” and “traitor to the country” they also face symbolic and sometimes physical violence as well as social exclusion; the house becomes a place of confinement for these women who used to have an active working and social life before their dismissal11.

  • 12 Duygu Erol, “OHAL’in kadın hali: Cins kıyımı arttı, sivil ölüm çoğaldı (1)”, Gazete Sujin, 13 July (...)

11The state of emergency is a regime of increased violence against women perpetrated both in private and public spaces. The police abuse the powers conferred to them by the state of emergency and use excessive violence during women’s gatherings and demonstrations. In Turkey, where 5 women are murdered every day, female killings continue at the same violent speed under the state of emergency. 328 women were murdered in 2016 and 208 in the first 6 months of 201712.

  • 13 See i.e. “Woman assaulted on crowded bus 'for wearing shorts during Ramadan”, http://www.independen (...)
  • 14 Woman Harassed by Security Staff Faces Prosecution for ‘Insulting Public Officer’, 7 October 2017, (...)

12The conservative and militarist individuals and groups that took over public spaces are encouraged by the sexist rhetoric of the government officials; women are verbally harassed and sometimes physically attacked on the streets, at their work place, on public transport and in parks on the pretext that their clothes or their behaviors are not appreciated by these aggressive individuals, or by public officers13. In cases where women resist or complain against their aggressors, they are intimidated and face physical as well as legal ‘counter-measures’14.

  • 15 Interview with Yalçın Koçak, Lawyer for Pink Life Association, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, March 20 (...)
  • 16 Interview with Yıldız Tar, Editor of Kaos-GL online newspaper, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, March 20 (...)

13Lawyers and LGBTI activists point out that phobic assaults have increased all over the country under the state of emergency, and that the “security concept” put in place causes great difficulties and insecurity for trans sex-workers15. In some cities, they are practically imprisoned in their homes due to police pressure16.

3. Local governance and democracy demolished by means of interventions in Kurdish towns’ municipalities

  • 17 Women’s Human Rights Violations in Turkey, Report by Filiz Kerestecioglu (Peoples’ Democratic Party (...)
  • 18 Ibid.

14Under the state of emergency regime of governance by decree-laws, the trustees appointed by the government are demolishing local democracy: the government has dismissed, taken into custody and in some cases put in detention the co-mayors from 85 local authorities, replacing them with appointees from the AKP17. 81 of the dismissed co-mayors belong to the AKP’s leading opposition parties, the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) and its component, the Democratic Regions Party (DBP)18.

15Mass-layoffs and the detention of municipality workers, again a majority of whom are Kurdish, followed alongside the occupation of municipality buildings by the Turkish constabulary forces. Amongst the seized municipalities are the main Kurdish cities of Diyarbakir, Van, Mardin, Siirt and Dersim.

  • 19 OHal’de Kadın Olmak, Bianet, 9.3.2017
  • 20 Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi Belediyeler Birliği (GABB), “Yerel Yönetimlerde Kadın ve Kayyım Rapor (...)

16According to the Women Coalition’s numbers, 35 female co-mayors have been arrested under the state of emergency19. The achievements of women's participation in local administrations are being demolished by the activities of the government appointed trustees. The municipalities taken over by these trustees, have been converted into high security buildings. Municipality premises have become militarized spaces in which the public in general and women in particular avoid entering20.

  • 21 i.e. Nusaybin Sakine Cansız Kadın Akademisi, Hakkari Binevş Kadın Danışma Merkezi, Erciş Buka Baran (...)
  • 22 Funda Şenol Cantek, op.cit, p.131.

17In Kurdish cities and towns, several women’s centers, workshops, academies as well as shelters and hot lines for assisting female victims of violence have been shut down21. The trustees also confiscated some of the archives of the women counseling centers. These archives include private information given by women who applied to the centers for support and counseling. They have also closed the women’s policy departments in the municipalities that they took over. These cities and towns have been the most affected by these security operations and large-scale destructions during the last two years. The closure of women's shelters and centers has put women in a more difficult and weaker position both materially and emotionally22.

18The activities of Diyarbakir Metropolitan Municipality Alo Violence Line First Step Station, which was the first and only in the context of local administrations, were suspended. In Diyarbakır different women's associations as well as the women's counseling centers of Jin, Amida, Selis and Meya belonging to Sur, Silvan Ergani and Çınar municipalities were closed down. Several women working in the municipalities of Kurdish cities and towns were dismissed through decree-laws or by other means.

  • 23 As the 19th Assembly on Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers took place between October 15-17, A (...)
  • 24 Concluding Declaration of the 19th Assembly of Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, 17 October (...)
  • 25 Concluding Declaration of the 19th Assembly of Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, 17 October (...)

19Some of the women’s associations that have now been closed down had been working for several years in the region. The closure meant violently interrupting institutional solidarity networks that had gained women’s trust through their long-term work in Kurdish cities. The Assembly on Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, including 31 women and LGBTI organizations23 from all over Turkey, denounced in their November 2016 declaration the problems about sustaining an established cooperation between women NGOs and the concerned authorities, and the difficulties that are caused by the staffs’ changing of duties and the closure of women’s counseling centers under the councils appointed the trustees as part of the national state of emergency measures24. Women and LGBTI NGOs warn that “as local governments are an important platform in women’s struggles, the anti-democratic proceedings of councils ran by a state guardian and the national state of emergency measures have led to the loss of gains made by the women’s movement, and narrowed the field of struggle”25.

4. Torture, ill Treatment, Sexual violence during interrogations, police custody and detention

  • 26 OHAL’de 50’ye yakın cezaevi açıldı, yüzlercesi de ‘yolda’”, Gazete Karınca, 4 October 2017, http:/ (...)
  • 27 There are a total of 384 prisons in Turkey. According to the Ministry of Justice, there are a total (...)

20Since July 2016, fifty new prisons have opened in Turkey. The General Directorate of Prisons and Detention Centers declared that they will continue to build prisons and that they plan to open 174 new ones in the next five years26. Yet, despite the opening of the new buildings, overcrowding has worsened in recent years due to the spectacular increase in the numbers of under the state of emergency27. There are many problems caused by prison overcrowding and the fact that very young children are staying with their detained mothers in prisons that are lacking appropriate physical conditions, facilities, equipment and food supply.

  • 28 For the news about torture and ill treatment of female detainees in different prisons see i.e. “Ela (...)

21Lawyers and human rights NGOs report alarming cases of torture and ill treatment of detainees, including women, in different Turkish prisons. Tarsus, Elazığ, Şakran and Bayburt are the most notorious prisons, characterized by beatings, sexual harassment and systematic life-threatening brutalities against female detainees28.

  • 29 Preliminary observations and recommendations of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture an (...)

22The United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatments or punishments warns in his Preliminary observations and recommendations that “Torture and other forms of ill-treatment seem to have been widespread in the days and weeks following the failed coup, particularly at the time of apprehension and during initial detention in police or gendarmerie lock-ups as well as in unofficial detention locations”. The Special Rapporteur has also received credible reports pointing to the inadequacy of the judicial response to such allegations, with many interlocutors reporting that complaints submitted to the authorities were not effectively followed up. The special rapporteur indicates that he received a number of allegations by inmates of occasional brutality and degrading treatment in their current place of detention, in particular of male guards or soldiers manhandling or sexually harassing female detainees during transfers and denying them privacy during medical examinations, or cases of both visitors and inmates being subjected to disrespectfully conducted naked searches on the occasion of open visits29.

  • 30 HRW, A Blank Check: Turkey’s Post-Coup Suspension of Safeguards Against Torture and Civil Society
  • 31 HRW, “In Custody Police Torture and Abductions in Turkey”, 12 October 2017.

23Based on interviews with more than forty lawyers, human rights activists, former detainees, medical personnel and forensic specialists, Human Rights Watch reports that the weakening of safeguards against abuse has negatively affected police detention conditions. It details cases of alleged abuse while in police detention since the coup attempt and during the state of emergency, including sexual abuse and rape threats30. The organization reported recently that people accused of being linked to terrorism are at risk of torture in police custody. There has been a spate of reported cases of people being abducted and held in secret detention places, with evidence pointing to the involvement of state authorities31.

  • 32 EuroMedRights, op.cit.

24EuroMedRights reports in the same line that there is more concern for impunity protecting the perpetrators of sexual violence, both during arrest and while in custody, in the current state of emergency context where the judiciary and counter powers are being utterly weakened32.

4. Repression of non-institutionalized solidarity networks and the impressive resistance of the women and LGBTI movements

  • 33 http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/25750/the-turkish-state-of-emergency-and-lgbt+-kurds

25There is a strong alliance among LGBTs of different ethnicities within leftist politics in Turkey, including in the Kurdish cities. But the state of emergency, as a mechanism, works against all kinds of anti-oppression solidarities and alliances. The mechanism disseminates fear and criminalizes acts of solidarity33.

  • 34 Interview with the respresentative of KeSKeSoR Amed LGBTI Initivative, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, (...)

26The state of emergency regime leads LGBTI individuals and NGOs to fear and despair. Queer voices face extreme difficulties to render their issues relevant and their voices heard in the particular conjecture of the state of emergency in which the heteronormative political power has been solidified. Existing homophobia and transphobia has escalated. The fact that all opposition is criminalized by the government affects LGBTI activism very negatively. Due to bans on meetings and demonstrations in public spaces, their conditions for united struggle is extremely limited34.

27Despite all draconian governmental measures and the rising sexist violence in all segments of the society, women and LGBTI resist the state of emergency regime in solidarity. Despite all impediments, the solidarity efforts under the repressive conditions itself remain inspirational. Women and LGBTI groups are the ones who held their ground under the new regime. They also hold onto the streets as spaces of struggle against the ever-strengthening masculine culture that defines Turkey’s political landscape. The traditional women marches on the 8th of March or on the 25th of November continue despite police violence, the treats of aggressive pro-governmental groups and the fact that the governors refuse to grant official permission for these marches. These demonstrations are almost the only mass demonstrations that have survived the state of emergency in Turkey.

  • 35 Sexual Abuse Law Draft Withdrawn”, Bianet, 22 November 2016,

28Women’s and LGBTI groups also form the strongest opposition against governmental regulatory actions in the field of gender politics. Considering that the parliament is bypassed by the government, and stays in desuetude while the country is governed almost exclusively by decree-laws, this resistance is even more precious. Activists from women and LGBTI organizations organize campaigns for addressing new drafts promoting unfavorable regulations for women. Even under the very restrictive circumstances of the state of emergency where every act of dissidence is criminalized, women groups were successful in organizing marches against the draft law proposing impunity for the perpetrator if he gets married with the victim in sexual abuse crimes. The government has been obliged to withdraw the draft in question in November 2016 because of the large-scale demonstrations that took place35.

Conclusion

29During a state of emergency, political and legal power circulate through gendered and sexual reconstruction of life spaces. In Turkey, under the state of emergency regime, the measures taken by the government and public authorities demolish and ravage women and LGBTI movement’s long-term struggles and achievements both on national and local levels. The state of emergency, as a mechanism, works against all kinds of anti-oppression solidarities and alliances. However, despite all of the draconian governmental measures and the rising sexist violence in all segments of the society, women and LGBTI groups resist the state of emergency regime in solidarity. They form the strongest and most effective opposition against governmental regulatory actions in the field of gender politics.

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Bibliographie

Bystydzienski, J.M., Suchland, J. and Wanzo, R., 2013. Introduction to Feminist Formations Special Issue: Feminists Interrogate States of Emergency. Feminist Formations25(2), pp.vii-xiii.

Banu Gökarıksel, “Making Gender Dynamics Visible in the 2016 Coup Attempt in Turkey”,Journal of Middle East Women's Studies (2017) 13(1): 173-174.

Zeynep Kurtuluş Korkman, “Castration, Sexual Violence, and Feminist Politics in Post-Coup Attempt Turkey”, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 13:1, March 2017, p. 181-182.

EuroMedRights, “Turkey: Situation report on Violence against Women”, http://www.euromedrights.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Factsheet-2017-VAW-Turkey-EN.pdf

Funda Şenol Cantek, “İhraçların Toplumsal Cinsiyet Boyutu”, KESK OHAL ve KHK Rejimi İhraç Kurultayı, 1-2 April 2017, Ankara.

Concluding Declaration of the 19th Assembly of Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, 17 October 2016.

Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi Belediyeler Birliği (GABB), Yerel Yönetimlerde Kadın ve Kayyım Raporu, 7 November 2016

Duygu Erol, “OHAL’in kadın hali: Cins kıyımı arttı, sivil ölüm çoğaldı (1)”, Gazete Sujin, 13.07.2017, https://www.gazetesujin.net/tr/2017/07/ohalin-kadin-hali-cins-kiyimi-artti/

Women’s Human Rights Violations in Turkey, Report by Filiz Kerestecioglu (Peoples’ Democratic Party Group Deputy Chairperson and member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe), September 2017.

Preliminary observations and recommendations of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, Mr. Nils Melzer on the Official visit to Turkey – 27 November to 2 December,Ankara, 2 December 2016, http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=20976&LangID=E

Human Rights Watch, A Blank Check: Turkey’s Post-Coup Suspension of Safeguards Against Torture and Civil Society, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/turkey1016_web.pdf

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Notes

1 Bystydzienski, J.M., Suchland, J. and Wanzo, R. Introduction to Feminist Formations Special Issue: Feminists Interrogate States of Emergency”. Feminist Formations25(2), 2013, pp.vii-xiii.

2 Banu Gökarıksel, “Making Gender Dynamics Visible in the 2016 Coup Attempt in Turkey”,

Journal of Middle East Women's Studies (2017) 13(1): 173-174.

3 Zeynep Kurtuluş Korkman, “Castration, Sexual Violence, and Feminist Politics in Post-Coup Attempt Turkey”, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 13:1, March 2017, p. 182

4 Filiz Kerestecioğlu, “Report on Women’s Rights Violations in Turkey”, September 2017, p.10.

5 Ibid, p.6.

6 EuroMedRights, “Turkey: Situation report on Violence against Women”, http://www.euromedrights.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Factsheet-2017-VAW-Turkey-EN.pdf

7 i.e. Kongreya Jinen Azad (KJA), Ceren Kadın Derneği, SELİS Kadın Derneği, Adıyaman Kadın Yaşam Derneği, ANKA Kadın Araştırma Derneği, Bursa Panayır Kadın Dayanışma Derneği, Gökkuşağı Kadın Derneği, Muş Kadın Çatısı Derneği, Van Kadın Derneği, Muş Kadın Derneği (MUKA-DER), Hopa Kadın Girişimcileri Derneği

8 OHal’de Kadın Olmak, Bianet, 9 March 2017

9 OHAL-KHK Rejimi İhraç Kurultayı”, KESK’in Sesi, 12 June 2017.

10 Funda Şenol Cantek, “İhraçların Toplumsal Cinsiyet Boyutu”, KESK OHAL ve KHK Rejimi İhraç Kurultayı, 1-2 April 2017, Ankara, p.125.

11 Ibid, p.130.

12 Duygu Erol, “OHAL’in kadın hali: Cins kıyımı arttı, sivil ölüm çoğaldı (1)”, Gazete Sujin, 13 July 2017, https://www.gazetesujin.net/tr/2017/07/ohalin-kadin-hali-cins-kiyimi-artti/

13 See i.e. “Woman assaulted on crowded bus 'for wearing shorts during Ramadan”, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/ramadan-woman-assaulted-shorts-bus-istanbul-turkey-islam-muslims-a7804251.html, Turkey’s attacks on women wearing shortshttp://www.macleans.ca/news/world/turkeys-attacks-on-women-wearing-shorts/,

14 Woman Harassed by Security Staff Faces Prosecution for ‘Insulting Public Officer’, 7 October 2017, http://bianet.org/english/women/190400-woman-harassed-by-security-staff-faces-prosecution-for-insulting-public-officer

15 Interview with Yalçın Koçak, Lawyer for Pink Life Association, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, March 2017.

16 Interview with Yıldız Tar, Editor of Kaos-GL online newspaper, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, March 2017.

17 Women’s Human Rights Violations in Turkey, Report by Filiz Kerestecioglu (Peoples’ Democratic Party Group Deputy Chairperson and member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe), September 2017, p.5.

18 Ibid.

19 OHal’de Kadın Olmak, Bianet, 9.3.2017

20 Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi Belediyeler Birliği (GABB), “Yerel Yönetimlerde Kadın ve Kayyım Raporu”, 7 November 2016

21 i.e. Nusaybin Sakine Cansız Kadın Akademisi, Hakkari Binevş Kadın Danışma Merkezi, Erciş Buka Barane Kadın Atölyesi, Cizre Sitiya Zin Kadın danışmanlık Merkezi, Silvan Meya Kadın Merkezi, Mazıdağ Rewşen Kadın Merkezi, Derik Peljin Kadın Merkezi, Dargeçit Çiçek Kadın Merkezi, Sur Amida Kadın danışmanlık Merkezi, Van Rojin Yaşam Merkezine bağlı kadın sığınma evi, Van Belediyesi Kadın Yönelik Şiddetle Mücadele Birimi, Van Belediyesi Alo Violence Line, Çınar Jinwar Kadın Merkezi, Şırnak Zahide Kadın Danışmanlık Merkezi, Siirt Berfin Kadın Danışma Merkezi El Sanatları Atölyesi, Batman Selis Kadın Merkezi , Batman Selis Kadın Merkezi Kadın Atölyesi, Ergani Selis Kadın Merkezi

22 Funda Şenol Cantek, op.cit, p.131.

23 As the 19th Assembly on Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers took place between October 15-17, Adıyaman Association of Women and Life, Diyarbakır Ceren Women’s Association, Rainbow Women’s Association, Muş Women’s Roof Association, Muş Women’s Association, Diyarbakır Selis Women’s Association and Van Women's Association had all contributed to and signed the concluding manifesto. However, the Statutory Decree on Certain Precautions as Part of the State of Emergency (KHK/677) put an end to these foundations’ work. Since the concluding manifesto is traditionally published on November 25, these signatures of these components of the Assembly could not be included in the final text.

24 Concluding Declaration of the 19th Assembly of Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, 17 October 2016.

25 Concluding Declaration of the 19th Assembly of Women’s Shelters and Solidarity Centers, 17 October 2016.

26 OHAL’de 50’ye yakın cezaevi açıldı, yüzlercesi de ‘yolda’”, Gazete Karınca, 4 October 2017, http://gazetekarinca.com/2017/10/ohalde-50ye-yakin-cezaevi-acildi-yuzlercesi-de-yolda/

27 There are a total of 384 prisons in Turkey. According to the Ministry of Justice, there are a total of 229,790 people in prisons with a capacity of 207,399 (“Cezaevlerinde 22.000 kapasite fazlası mahkum var”, Sputnik news, 24 October 2017, https://sptnkne.ws/fKCg)

28 For the news about torture and ill treatment of female detainees in different prisons see i.e. “Elazığ, Tarsus ve Van cezaevlerinde tutuklular üzerinde ağır hak ihlalleri yaşanıyor”, 19 August 2017, http://www.demokrathaber.org/guncel/elazig-cezaevi-nde-sungerli-odada-24-saat-iskence-ve-h88399.html, “Tarsus’taki işkencelere AİHS hatırlatması: Temel haklar çiğnenemez”, 21 Temmuz 2017, https://www.gazetesujin.net/tr/2017/07/tarsustaki-iskencelere-aihs-hatirlatmasi/, “Bir kadın tutukludan işkence mektubu”, 8 August 2017,

http://aktifhaber.com/m/iskence/bir-kadin-tutukludan-iskence-mektubu-h101875.html

29 Preliminary observations and recommendations of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, Mr. Nils Melzer on the Official visit to Turkey – 27 November to 2 December, Ankara, 2 December 2016.

30 HRW, A Blank Check: Turkey’s Post-Coup Suspension of Safeguards Against Torture and Civil Society

https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/turkey1016_web.pdf

31 HRW, “In Custody Police Torture and Abductions in Turkey”, 12 October 2017.

32 EuroMedRights, op.cit.

33 http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/25750/the-turkish-state-of-emergency-and-lgbt+-kurds

34 Interview with the respresentative of KeSKeSoR Amed LGBTI Initivative, LGBTI News Turkey, KAOS GL, March 2017.

35 Sexual Abuse Law Draft Withdrawn”, Bianet, 22 November 2016,

http://bianet.org/english/women/180958-sexual-abuse-law-draft-withdrawn, Turkey withdraws child rape bill after street protests, BBC News, 22 November 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-38061785

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Zeynep Kivilcim, « Gendering the State of Emergency Regime in Turkey  », Les cahiers du CEDREF, 22 | 2018, 94-108.

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Zeynep Kivilcim, « Gendering the State of Emergency Regime in Turkey  », Les cahiers du CEDREF [En ligne], 22 | 2018, mis en ligne le 15 octobre 2018, consulté le 15 novembre 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cedref/1122

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Zeynep Kivilcim

Visiting Professor, University of Gottingen

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