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Gagaku, Music of the Empire:
Tanabe Hisao and musical heritage as national identity

Seiko Suzuki
Translated by Karen Grimwade

Abstracts

At the beginning of the 20th century, Tanabe Hisao (1883‑1984), the first Japanese musicologist, elaborated a history of Japanese music in which Gagaku was presented as a original music not only of Japan, but also of all countries in Asia. This concept of Gagaku is consistent with the imperial and colonial ideology before World War II, and still remains up to the present day. It is for example the decision of the Ministry of Education of Japan to designate Gagaku performed by the Court musicians of the Music Department of the Imperial Household as an “Important Intangible Cultural Property” on May 12, 1955, that makes Japan forget the history of musical colonization in aid of more positive re-reading. Gagaku is then described as a cultural relic of the “Asian Continent”, a term substituted for that of the “Greater East Asia Co‑Prosperity Sphere” in the 1940s.

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Original release: Seiko Suzuki, « Le gagaku, musique de l’Empire : Tanabe Hisao et le patrimoine musical comme identité nationale », Cipango, 20, 2013, 95‑139, mis en ligne le 18 avril 2015. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/​cipango/​1999 ; DOI : 10.4000/cipango.1999

  • 1 Kanpō 官報 (Official Gazette), 12 May 1955. Japan was the first country in the world to adopt the de (...)
  • 2 For more information on the history of the creation of modern Japan’s heritage and canons in the f (...)
  • 3 正統に伝え、芸術的に演じ得るのは宮内庁楽部である; Bunkazai Hogo Iinkai 文化財保護委員会, “Gagaku,” List of Intangible Cultural Prop (...)

1At the beginning of the twentieth century Tanabe Hisao 田邊尚雄 (1883‑1984), an acoustician and musicologist, the first ethnomusicologist in Japan and first chairman of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Tōyō Ongaku Gakkai 東洋音楽学会), put forward an epoch‑making history of Japanese and Asian music. It presented gagaku as an original genre which, while undeniably part of Japan’s musical heritage, was also representative of a culture shared by all Asian countries. Tanabe’s theories were instrumental in the Ministry of Education’s decision to designate gagaku as an Important Intangible Cultural Property of Japan (jūyō mukei bunkazai 重要無形文化財) on 12 May 1955.1 His studies established gagaku as Japan’s oldest musical genre, one that had remained unchanged over the centuries, illustrating the permanence and immutability of the cultural identity of the Japanese people.2 Although a variety of private gagaku groups exists today, the Ministry of Education’s Committee for the Protection of Cultural Properties considers that only the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency “preserves an authentic gagaku for future generations and is able to stage artistic performances”.3 In other words, it is the continuity and invariability of this court institution that ensures the authenticity of gagaku. However, as the guardian of a cultural heritage that extends beyond Japan’s shores, gagaku was also presented by Tanabe as the most “universal” music. Here it is helpful to remember that Tanabe developed his definition of gagaku in a context of imperialism and Japanese colonialism, which, in the early 1940s, gave rise to the concept of a “Greater East Asian Music” (Daitōa ongaku 大東亜音楽), as Japan tried to establish itself as the heart of a unified bloc of Asian nations.

2It is precisely these postulates of immutability, identity, universality, and, ultimately, the concept of “cultural property” and “heritage”, that this article seeks to explore. To do so I propose to adopt a historical perspective to study the definition of gagaku as a specific musical repertoire, and analyse the process by which this music ascended to the rank of Important Intangible Cultural Property in Japan. Particular attention will be paid to Tanabe Hisao’s role in constructing this image.

Early modern gagaku

3The current label of gagaku thus refers strictly to the repertoire performed by the twenty‑five musicians from the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency’s Board of Ceremonies (Kunaichō Shikibushoku Gakubu 宮内庁式部職楽部). Generally speaking, this repertoire can be divided into three categories:

  • 1. Kokufū kabu 国風歌舞 (national-style [i.e. Japanese] vocal pieces and dances)
  • 2. Gairai gakubu 外来楽舞 (instrumental music and dances imported from overseas)
  • 3. Utaimono 歌物 (vocal pieces)4
  • 5 See for example Nihon Ongaku Daijiten 日本音楽大事典 [Dictionary of Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Heibonsha 平凡社 (...)
  • 6 Tanabe Hisao, Kikkawa Eishi 吉川英士 and Hiraide Hisao 平出久雄, “Nihon no gagaku,” 日本の雅楽 [Japanese Gagaku(...)

4There are two basic occasions on which gagaku is performed: 1) ritual and secular ceremonies reserved for the imperial court, 2) public performances given in concert halls. Such is the definition of gagaku given in the dictionaries and encyclopaedias of Japanese music published over the past thirty years.5 In actual fact, these reference works all draw on the contemporary definition of gagaku that was developed by Tanabe, notably in an article on the subject published in the Dictionary of Music in 1955.6 And this definition has been generally accepted by the academic community ever since. Nevertheless, it would seem useful to remind ourselves what the term gagaku referred to before Tanabe’s time.

  • 7 François Picard, La Musique chinoise [Chinese Music] (Paris: Minerve, 1991), 46 and 80.
  • 8 Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu 論語), chapter 17, paragraph 18.
  • 9 Ibid., chapter 13, paragraph 3. See Véronique Alexandre‑Journeau, “Avant‑propos,” [Foreword] in Yu (...)
  • 10 Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu 論語), chapter 17, paragraph 18.
  • 11 On the history of ancient gagaku, see Ogi Mitsuo 荻美津夫, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron 日本古代音楽史論 [Studies (...)

5Ga-gaku literally means “refined” or “legitimate” (ga 雅) “music” (gaku 楽); in other words, music designed to be played during court rites.7 The term appeared for the first time in the Analects of Confucius.8 Indeed, Confucian thought upholds the idea that a monarch should rule through “ritual and music” (in Japanese, reigaku 礼楽) rather than through “punishment and coercion” (keisei 刑政).9 According to these ideas stressing the importance of rites and music as instruments of political morality, the ideal music was gagaku, the ritual music of the imperial court.10 In this way, gagaku did not refer to a particular genre of music but was the common name given to all ritual music played at court. It was used in this sense by successive Chinese dynasties and in countries that fell within the Chinese cultural sphere. The term thus designated a content that differed by region and by period.11

  • 12 Shoku nihon-gi 続日本紀 [Chronicles of Japan, Continued], in the section dated earth‑dog day (tsuchino (...)
  • 13 Ogi, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron, 16.
  • 14 Ibid., 76-77. These musical genres are detailed in a document by the Council of State dated month (...)

6In fifth-century Japan, cultural exchange with mainland China and the Three Kingdoms of Korea facilitated the introduction of various types of music from Asia. These were incorporated into court ritual and the rites conducted at Buddhist temples, giving them the hallmark of a refined and official music. The word gagaku is first known to have been used in Japan in 701, in a passage written about the Imperial Music Bureau (Gagaku-ryō 雅楽寮, literally the “Government Department of Gagaku”). This bureau was overseen by the Ministry of Ceremonies (Jibushō 治部省), itself part of the Council of State (Daijōkan太政官).12 Having been established by the Taihō Code (Taihōryō 大宝令), the Imperial Music Bureau was a school responsible for training the singers and dancers who would perform at court. Consequently, between the eighth century and the early tenth century, the term gagaku referred either to the Imperial Music Bureau itself or collectively to the musical styles institutionalised by the Taihō Code and performed by the bureau’s members.13 These included on the one hand “Japanese music” (yamatogaku 倭楽), or in any case, compositions seen as belonging to a musical heritage little influenced by the arts of mainland Asia, and on the other “Tang music” (tō‑gaku 唐楽), music from the Three Kingdoms of Korea—“Goguryeo music” (kōrai‑gaku 高麗楽), “Silla music” (shiragi‑gaku 新羅楽), “Baekje music” (kudaragaku 百済楽)—and music and dance known to have come from the Asian continent.14

  • 15 Francine Hérail, La Cour et l’Administration du Japon à l’époque de Heian [The Court and Governmen (...)
  • 16 Musical style that also included “Champa music” (rin’yū-gaku 林邑楽), named after the kingdom located (...)
  • 17 In addition to “Goguryeo music” proper, this included “Silla music,” “Baekje music,” and “Balhae m (...)
  • 18 Hérail, La Cour, 664.
  • 19 Ogi Mitsuo 荻美津夫, Heian-chō ongaku seidoshi 平安朝音楽制度史 [The History of Heian Japan’s Musical Institut (...)
  • 20 Ibid., 23.
  • 21 Ogi, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron, 17‑21.

7During the Heian period (794‑1182) gagaku prospered within Japan’s imperial culture, not only as a ceremonial music but also as a form of entertainment. The emperor himself was a member of the gagaku musical ensemble. In order to satisfy the demand for gagaku performances and oversee musical entertainment, new departments were created and placed under the control of the Chamberlain’s Office (Kurōdodokoro 蔵人所). They included the Bureau of Song (Ō‑utadokoro 大歌所) and the Music Office (Gakusho 楽 所).15 From the ninth century onwards the Bureau of Song was responsible for performing the “Japanese” vocal pieces and dances that had previously been the responsibility of the Imperial Music Bureau. Henceforth, the Imperial Music Bureau mainly performed “foreign” music, which was reorganised into two divisions—“Tang music”16 and “Goguryeo music”17—during the ninth century. However, in the tenth century the Music Office was established and took over the role of performing this “foreign” music from the Imperial Music Bureau. Links between the Imperial Music Bureau, the Bureau of Song and the Music Office appear to have been virtually nil,18 although their members were all high‑ranking dignitaries and court officials.19 These members also included a few families of low-ranking officials, the Ōno 多 and Koma 狛 families for example, who held positions within the Music Office. Some of these families performed kagura, a genre considered at the time to be specific to Japan. Formalized in 1002 during the reign of Emperor Ichijō and henceforth performed regularly before the Inner Sanctum of the Imperial Palace (Naishidokoro 内侍所), this musical ritual, which was intended to be entertainment for the gods, was one of the most important rites at the imperial court. Following the decline of the Taihō system and the ossification of the Imperial Music Bureau in the twelfth century,20 the term gagaku began to refer more narrowly to “Tang music” and “Goguryeo music”.21

  • 22 Nishiyama Matsunosuke 西山松之助, Iemoto no kenkyū 家元の研究 [Studies on the Iemoto or Family System within (...)

8Although gagaku briefly withstood the arrival of a new military ruling class in the fourteenth century, the Ōnin civil war in the late fifteenth century saw the hereditary guilds of gagaku musicians forced to leave the ruined imperial capital, leading gagaku to virtually disappear. At the end of the sixteenth century the emperor summoned the hereditary guilds that had survived at the temples of Kōfuku-ji 興福寺 in Nara and Shitennō‑ji 四天王寺in Osaka to gather at the imperial court in Kyoto and perform at official ceremonies. This led to the reconstruction of the Music Office in the three cities of Kyoto, Nara and Osaka.22

  • 23 For more information on the gagaku studies carried out during the Edo period, see Ōtsuki Kunio 大築邦 (...)
  • 24 On the institutionalisation of gagaku during the Edo period, see Ogawa Tomoko 小川朝子, “Kinsei no bak (...)

9The Tokugawa shogunate is known to have encouraged Neo-Confucian studies during the Edo period, and significantly, Confucianism attaches considerable importance to gagaku.23 At the same time, the shogunate preserved the arts and culture of the court in the imperial capital, though within the limits of the laws it had enacted. It provided financial patronage to the hereditary guilds of gagaku musicians and summoned some of them to move to Edo, the administrative capital, and perform rites at the mausoleum of Tokugawa Ieyasu (Tōshōgū 東照宮) in Nikkō and at Momijiyama, located within the precincts of Edo Castle.24 These hereditary guilds primarily performed “Tang music” and “Goguryeo music”.

  • 25 On the revival and reorganisation of gagaku during the Edo period, see Hiraide Hisao 平出久 雄, “Edo j (...)
  • 26 Matsudaira Sadanobu, “Zokugaku mondō 俗楽問答” [Dialogue on Popular Music; 1829] in Rakuō-kō isho 楽翁公遺 (...)

10During the second half of the Edo period, as part of the move to restore imperial ceremony to the court, a succession of emperors requested that certain long-extinct genres of “Japanese” vocal music and dance be revived. These included azuma‑asobi 東遊 (entertainment from the eastern provinces), yamatomai 倭舞 (dance from the Yamato region), and kumemai 久米舞 (dance of the Kume clan),25 which would become the gagaku of the Meiji era. The majority of the compositions known as gagaku during the modern period are thus revivals from the Edo period. Nevertheless, this evolution was not without its opponents: Matsudaira Sadanobu, third lord of the Shirakawa Domain, mounted a resistance against the hereditary guilds in 1829 and sought to restore the original meaning of gagaku as a “legitimate” or “ritual” music. He believed that the term gagaku could refer only to kagura and azuma‑asobi, the only legitimate genres of ritual court music (due to being “specifically Japanese”).26

Gagaku as “national music” during the Meiji period

  • 27 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 47‑51.
  • 28 Ibid., 42‑71. On the invention of imperial traditions, see Takagi Hiroshi 高木博志, Kindai tennōsei no(...)
  • 29 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 195‑196.
  • 30 Emperor Meiji’s attendance at a performance was a prerequisite for asserting the status of an art (...)
  • 31 Ongaku ryakuge 音楽略解 [Brief Notes on Music], 1878. This book can be viewed at the Archives and Maus (...)

11With the Meiji Restoration of 1868, the emperor and the seat of national government left Kyoto and moved permanently to Tokyo—the eastern capital—in May 1869. On 7 November 1869, the imperial government began to summon musicians from the three gagaku hereditary guilds in Kyoto, Nara and Osaka to the new capital in Tokyo.27 There, they were primarily required to perform kagura—the most important form of dance at the imperial court—, other “Japanese” vocal and dance pieces (revivals from the Edo period), “Tang music” and “Goguryeo music”. Together these repertoires formed part of the imperial rites and ceremonies that were restored at the new court in Tokyo.28 In a move intended to revive the Imperial Music Bureau of the eighth‑century imperial court, a Music Department (Gagaku‑kyoku 雅楽局) was established within the Council of State in November 1870. In 1871 the reform of Japan’s administrative organisations saw the Music Department become a Music Section (Gagaku‑ka 雅楽課), which was subsequently placed under the responsibility of the Imperial Household Ministry in 1889.29 In contrast to Japan’s other traditional performing arts, gagaku was the only music performed before the emperor and institutionalised once again by the Government of Japan, and this no sooner had it been reformed.30 Thus, gagaku found itself defined administratively, just as it had been in the eighth century, as any music performed by the Music Section of the imperial court, regardless of whether this consisted of “music specific to our country” (wagakuni koyū no gaku 我邦固有ノ楽) or “music originating from Goguryeo or the Tang Dynasty” (tō kōrai den no gaku 唐高麗伝ノ楽).31

  • 32 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 35.
  • 33 Established in 1879, this institute was subsequently renamed the Tokyo Music School (Tōkyō Ongaku (...)

12Another important point to note is that beginning in 1874, gagaku musicians were also obliged to perform Western music at certain imperial ceremonies that had been inspired by the West.32 Music thereby provided a means for Japan to affirm its modernity and also reflected its desire to rival—if not surpass—Western levels of cultural development. Accordingly, musicians from the Music Section established the first Western orchestra in Japan. A certain number of them also carried out research on Japanese music and taught Western music at the Ministry of Education’s Music Research Institute (Ongaku Torishirabe Gakari 音楽取調掛).33

  • 34 Anne‑Marie Thiesse, La Création des identités nationales: Europe xviiiexxe siècle [The Creation o (...)
  • 35 See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism ( (...)
  • 36 See the earlier section in this paper on the Confucian view of ritual and music.
  • 37 Okunaka Yasuto 奥中康人, Kokka to Ongaku 国家と音楽 [Music and the State] (Tokyo: Shūnjūsha 春秋社, 2008), 48‑ (...)
  • 38 Dajōkan nisshi 太政官日誌 [Official Gazette of the Council of State], no. 75, 5th year of Meiji (1872), (...)

13The fate of gagaku during the Meiji period was heavily influenced by the concept of “national music” (kokugaku 国楽), which played a central role in the “creation of national identities in Europe”.34 In Europe, musical nationalism, which already existed in the late eighteenth century, truly emerged in the mid‑nineteenth century during the formation of the nation-states.35 In Japan, “national music” often played a similar role to ritual music in Confucian thought.36 Indeed, during this period national music and ritual music shared the same edifying and moral character.37 They came together for the first time on September 12, 1872, at the opening ceremony for Japan’s first railway line. Two pieces of “Tang music” were played by the Music Section as the national flag was raised before Emperor Meiji: Manzairaku 万歳楽 at Shimbashi Station and Keiun‑raku 慶雲楽 at Yokohama Station. Gagaku was thus truly considered a “national music”.38

  • 39 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 42‑71.
  • 40 Ibid., 79‑83.
  • 41 Gagaku‑roku 雅楽録 [Official Register of Japanese Imperial Court Music], no. 10, 11th year of Meiji ( (...)
  • 42 Nihon gagaku gaiben 日本雅楽概弁 [A Summary of Japanese Gagaku], 1878. These nine volumes of handwritten (...)
  • 43 Gagaku-roku, no. 22, 11th year of Meiji (1878).

14The move to restore imperial rule to Japan and create a State Shintō also led palace rituals—and thus the music performed at them—to be redefined.39 The most dominant among these genres was kagura, a ritual music and dance rooted in Japanese myth and thus seen as having divine origins, and the number of kagura performances increased spectacularly.40 In parallel, Japan’s participation at the Exposition Universelle de Paris in 1878 obliged the court’s gagaku musicians to define themselves as performers of “Japanese music”.41 This is an important point to make because their attendance at the world fair led them to write scores as well as a presentation of their art, in what was one of the first summary texts on gagaku.42 In it they explained that kagura was considered to be the most elevated form of gagaku due to it being “specifically Japanese”. What is more, an official document recommended that if musical instruments were to be displayed, those used to perform kagura should be placed at the front.43

  • 44 Sondra Wieland Howe, “Music Teaching in the Boston Public Schools, 1864‑1879,” Journal of Research(...)

15However, more than the musicians themselves, the discourse on “national music” was primarily shaped by officials at the new government’s Ministry of Education, such as Megata Tanetarō 目賀田種太郎 (1853‑1926) and Isawa Shūji 伊沢修二 (1851‑1917). Their concept of “national music” was inspired by the elementary school curriculum used in the United States, developed in Boston in 1838 based on the theories of the Swiss educator Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746‑1827). In fact, given the political context of nation building in a country with a growing immigrant population, the main objective of music instruction in the United States at that time was to teach non-English-speaking children authentic language and pronunciation through song, which was part of the “national music” curriculum.44 Building a modern nation through “national music” was exactly what Megata and Isawa hoped to achieve, and they were duly sent to Boston to study the city’s primary school education system by the Japanese Ministry of Education in 1875.

  • 45 Megata Tanetarō, “Waga kōgaku ni shōka no ka o okosubeki shikata ni tsuite watakushi no mikomi” 我公 (...)

16Despite this, Megata and Isawa were far from placing gagaku at the heart of their reflections. Upon their return from the United States they suggested creating a “national music” repertoire that drew on a wide variety of sources:45

National music must consist of national songs and melodies that can be sung or played by any member of the Japanese people, whether they be an aristocrat or a commoner, with no distinction made between the sophisticated and the common. For this we must draw on high quality musical works—past and present—that are peculiar to our country, but also, if necessary, on European works.

国学(=楽)トハ我国古今固有ノ詞歌曲調ノ善良ナルモノヲ尚研究シ、其ノ足ラザルハ西洋ニ取リ、貴賤ニ関ハラズ又雅俗ノ別ナク誰ニテモ何レノ節ニテモ日本ノ国民トシテ歌フベキ国歌、奏ヅベキ国調ヲ興スヲ言フ

  • 46 See Okunaka, Kokka to Ongaku, 149‑151.
  • 47 Ongaku torishirabe seiseki shinpō sho 音楽取調成績申報書 [Activity Report of the Music Research Institute] (...)

17In short, the authors saw “national music” as referring to a repertoire that had to be defined by the Japanese people of the time and not to a refined gagaku from the country’s imperial past; nor for that matter to popular or European music. Instead this “national music” had to be created by taking the best elements from each of these genres. This ideal is visible in the three volumes of the Collection of Primary School Songs (Shōgaku shōka shū 小学唱歌集), published between 1881 and 1884 by the Ministry of Education’s Music Research Institute. Note that this collection was published to teach children the heptachord, the seven-note scale used in the West. It drew on exercises taken from the Primary of First National Music Reader written by the Boston music educator Luther Whiting Mason (1828‑1896), who was invited to Japan by Isawa, the then director of the Music Research Institute.46 In fact, the activity report produced by this institute stressed the similarity between the heptachord used in gagaku (a “specifically Japanese” music) and that used in ancient Greek music (a “European music”).47 This illustrates the educational role expected to be played by the repertoire of a musical genre involved in the emergence of a new nation.

  • 48 “Kokugaku seitei to gagaku kyōkai” 国楽制定と雅楽協会 [The Gagaku Association and the Establishment of a Na (...)

18Furthermore, despite the Music Section’s desire to establish its art as a “national music”, the definition of gagaku as a music originating in China and Korea (which was the generally-accepted definition until the Edo period) largely survived. This is the case, for example, in the Nihon jisho genkai 日本辞書言海, a famous dictionary compiled in 1879 by Ōtsuki Fumihiko 大槻文彦, whose definition was used in almost all Meiji‑period dictionaries. The idea of gagaku being a national music also attracted staunch opposition. An anonymous article entitled “The Gagaku Association and the Establishment of a National Music,” published in the literary journal of Tokyo Imperial University, gave three damning reasons why gagaku should not be Japan’s “national music”:48 first, it was a musical genre imported from overseas and enjoyed only by high society; second, it was only performed in cities; and third, it was far from having been the only musical genre in Japan’s history, the Japanese people having taken an interest in many others. As we can see then, the idea that gagaku was a “national music” was not universally accepted; some wanted the concept of “national music” to be based on more than gagaku’s long history.

19Particular attention must be paid to what could be described as a Romantic logic characterised by a high regard for the notions of people and tradition: namely, that no music not performed by the entire nation could be considered a national music. This line of thought, which consisted in idealising a lost past supposedly belonging to the entire national community, mirrored the beliefs held by those who took an interest in “folk songs” during this era.

  • 49 See Philip von Bohlman, “Landscape-Region-Nation-Reich: German Folk Song in the Nexus of National (...)
  • 50 In his article entitled “Girisha no min’yō 希臘の民謡 (Greek Folk Songs), Shigarami zōshi しらがみ草紙, vol.  (...)
  • 51 Shinada Yoshikazu 品田悦一, Man’yōshū no hatsumei: Kokumin kokka to bunka sōchi to shite no koten 万葉集の (...)

20In fact, within Japan there was a literary movement inspired by German Romanticism which aimed to collect popular songs from around the country and compose new ones. Supporters of this movement wanted to strengthen national identity using songs that were bound up in the local, regional identity.49 The Japanese term min’yō 民謡 (folk song), coined by Mori Ōgai to translate the German word Volkslied,50 was definitively adopted after being employed by Ueda Bin 上田敏 (1874‑1916), a poet, translator and scholar of English literature.51 The interest shown in folk songs by these two individuals underlines the importance of min’yō as a subject of reflection for the intellectuals driving Japanese modernity.

  • 52 He worked under the supervision of Haga Yaichi 芳賀矢一 (1867‑1927), who studied philology in Germany. (...)
  • 53 Shida Yoshihide, “Nihon min’yō gairon” 日本民謡概論 [An Introduction to Japanese Folk Songs], Teikoku bu (...)

21At the beginning of the twentieth century, having defeated “Great Russia” in the Russo‑Japanese War (1904‑1905), Japan began to reassess its belief in the primacy of “Western‑style” modernisation and set about searching for a specifically Japanese modernity. In this context, in a continuation of the discourse on national music, the debate on folk songs spread to early twentieth‑century musical thought. Folk songs also became an important subject in the National Literature department at Tokyo Imperial University, where Shida Yoshihide 志田義秀 (1876‑1946), a student of Japanese literature,52 published a series of articles promoting them as part of the Romantic spirit.53

  • 54 The literal meaning of the word saibara 催馬楽 is “music” (ra 楽) to “drive” (sai 催) “horses” (ba 馬).

22His work, which grouped together all “specifically Japanese” songs such as the saibara pieces considered since the ninth century to be the songs of stable hands,54 allowed musicians from the Music Section to argue that the “specifically Japanese” songs that made up part of their repertoire should be considered “folk music”, in other words specific to the Japanese people. In doing so they refuted the argument that gagaku was a foreign music, performed only for and by an aristocratic elite, and therefore ineligible as a “national music”.

  • 55 Kokushi daijiten 国史大辞典 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1908), 543. Vocal pieces were divided into the (...)
  • 56 Tōgi Tetteki 東儀鉄笛, Ongaku nyūmon 音楽入門 [Musical Initiation] (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppan-bu 早稲田大学 (...)

23Shiba Fujitsune 芝葛鎮 (1849‑1918), head of the court gagaku musicians during the late Meiji period, wrote a new definition of gagaku in the Great Dictionary of National History. In it he distinguished between “vocal pieces” (utaimono or utamono 歌物) and “instrumental pieces” (kangen 管絃), placing folk songs in the category of utaimono.55 This definition was regularly re‑employed, for example by Tōgi Tetteki 東儀鉄笛 (1869‑1925), a former court musician and teacher of Western music at Waseda University, in the published version of his lectures given at that university.56

Tanabe Hisao: from acoustician to musicologist

24While in the Meiji period it was essentially musicians who defined gagaku as a “national” or “Japanese” music, in the Taishō period (1912‑1925) this role was taken up by academics, notably under the influence of Tanabe Hisao.

  • 57 Tanabe Hisao, Tanabe Hisao jijoden 田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: Hōgakusha 邦楽社, (...)

25Tanabe Hisao was born in Tokyo on 16 August 1883. He was adopted by a relative—Tanabe Teikichi 田辺貞吉, managing director of the Sumitomo Bank—following the death of his mother in 1892. Having received a Suzuki violin from his adoptive father, Tanabe was able to study music as soon as he began to show an interest in this instrument during a secondary-school music class. He continued to study the violin as an undergraduate student in the Faculty of Science and Technology at the First Higher School (Ichikō 一高) in Tokyo. It was here that he discovered books on German music theory thanks to meeting eminent specialists in the field such as Otsukotsu Saburō 乙骨三郎 (1881‑1934), who taught the aesthetics and history of music at Tokyo Music School, and Ishikura Kosaburō 石倉小三郎 (1881‑1965), author of the first History of Western Music (Seiyō ongaku shi 西洋音楽史) published in Japan.57

  • 58 Ibid., 150.
  • 59 Ibid., 215. Studying music from an “objective,” scientific point of view for the first time, this (...)

26Tanabe’s family environment significantly influenced his education: very early on he had access to a collection of entry‑level music books published in the United States, such as How to Listen to Music: Hints and Suggestions to Untaught Lovers of the Art (1897) by Henry Edward Krehbiel, and How Music Developed: A Critical and Explanatory Account of the Growth of Modern Music (1898) by William James Henderson.58 He also possessed a gramophone along with a considerable collection of Japanese and Western music records, which he shared with his adoptive father. This no doubt contributed to his success. Having been accepted at the prestigious Tokyo Imperial University, Tanabe graduated top of his class from the Physics Department in 1907. His final-year dissertation, entitled Acoustic Studies on Wind Instruments (Kangakki no onkyōgaku teki kenkyū 管楽器の音響学的研究, 1907), examined the 1863 book On the Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis for the Theory of Music, written by the German physician and physicist Hermann von Helmholtz (1821‑1894).59

  • 60 On Tanaka’s conception of national music, see Hiratsuka Tomoko 平塚智子, “‘Hattatsu’ suru nihon ongaku (...)

27At the time when Tanabe was beginning his studies on music, a certain number of Japanese physicists were already working in the field. One such example is Tanaka Shōhei 田中正平 (1862‑1945), an acoustician and Doctor of Science who travelled to Germany in 1884 at the behest of the Ministry of Education and studied under Helmholtz for approximately fifteen years at the University of Berlin. Upon his return to Japan in 1899, he was inspired by the advice he had received from Helmholtz to found the Institute for Research on National Music (Hōgaku Kenkyū‑jo 邦楽研究所) in 1905, the aim being to study “Japanese music” by transcribing it using a Western system of notation.60 Tanabe joined this institute in 1907, during his first year as a PhD student at Tokyo Imperial University, and began to study Japanese music under Tanaka. It was here that he began his career in research. Note that under the impetus of the Meiji government many researchers and academics from Tanaka’s generation went to study in Europe and the United States, whereas Tanabe, like many other scholars of his age, studied and spent his entire career conducting research in Japan.

The history of Japanese music from an evolutionist perspective

28Under the influence of Helmholtz, Tanabe’s study of Japanese music drew heavily on an approach borrowed from the physical and natural sciences. In this sense, Tanabe’s studies appear to be a variant of early twentieth‑century European musicology, which was also heavily influenced by Helmholtz’s work. Beginning in 1909, Tanabe published several articles in the Journal of Oriental Art and Science (Tōyō gakugei zasshi 東洋学芸雑誌) on the subject of Chinese harmony and scale as the origins of gagaku. He continued this research by comparing Western, Chinese and Japanese scales in a book entitled The Principles of Music Studied from the Perspective of Modern Science (Saikin kagakujō yori mitaru ongaku no genri 最近科学上より見たる音楽の原理), published by Uchida Rōkaku Ho 内田老鶴圃in 1916.

Figure 1. Tanabe Hisao 田辺尚雄

Figure 1. Tanabe Hisao 田辺尚雄

http://22982298.blog.fc2.com/​blog-category-29.html (25 May 2014).

  • 61 Konakamura Kiyonori 小中村清矩, Kabu-ongaku ryakushi 歌舞音楽略史 [A Brief History of Music, Song and Dance] (...)

29Nevertheless, the dominant view of Japanese music history in Japan at the time made it particularly difficult to adapt Western musicology. Japanese music, with its lack of fixed score, reduced focus on harmony, and relative invariability throughout its history, was seen as incapable of being incorporated into the evolutionist view of music history that prevailed in Helmholtz’s work and in the West in general. Thus, Japanese arts like gagaku, Noh and Kabuki, seen as “national” arts because they were presented as having passed through the ages unchanged, could not be the end result of a long historical evolution. They stood as a kind of counterexample of evolutionist thought. While it is certainly possible to categorise music chronologically according to historical sources, as Konakamura Kiyonori 小中村清矩 (1821‑1895) did in 1888 in his pioneering study of Japanese music history,61 his failure to establish a connection between the different genres made it impossible to follow the example of European history by describing music as a phenomenon that had evolved from time immemorial to the present day. Tanabe thus faced a challenge: namely, how to champion a view of music as being necessarily fixed and unchanging if it is to be considered national, while simultaneously incorporating music into an evolutionist perspective in line with the scientific conventions of his time? He attempted to resolve this paradox in Lectures on Japanese Music (Nihon ongaku kōwa 日本音楽講話), his first book on the history of Japanese music considered from an evolutionist point of view, published by Iwanami Shoten in 1919. In contrast to earlier studies, for example the previously cited work by Konakamura, which simply juxtaposed various types of music according to descriptions of them in historical sources, Tanabe proposed to consider the history of Japanese music as an evolutionary process in which cultivated music imported from overseas had been gradually “Japanized”. In this approach, he stressed the coexistence of two contradictory types of kagura: an “underdeveloped” (mikaiteki 未開的), “primitive” (genshiteki 原始的) kagura dating back to the mythical origins of Japan, before the importation of foreign gagaku; and a more “formal” (keishikiteki 形式的), “artistic” (geijutsuteki 芸術的) kagura recreated during the Middles Ages based on foreign gagaku but with a “specifically Japanese spirit” (nihon koyū no seishin 日本固有の精神).

30At the same time as Tanabe, and despite being unable to find traces of it having been performed before the Middle Ages (Heian period), the Music Section of the imperial court stressed that the kagura it performed was directly linked to ancient times. This unsubstantiated claim did not satisfy Tanabe’s scientific aspirations. According to his evolutionist perspective, the noblest form of gagaku was not to be sought in primitive expressions of this music, but rather in those derived from foreign importations revisited by the Japanese spirit during the Middle Ages:

Kagura from the Middle Ages is completely different to kagura from ancient times; it is a new art totally recreated during the second third of the Heian period, with a Chinese form and a Japanese spirit.

  • 62 Underlining by Tanabe, Nihon ongaku kōwa (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1919), 69.

後世の神楽は平安朝の中期に至つて支那の形式を参考し之れに日本の精神を加へて全く新たに制定した新芸術であつて上世の神楽とは全然別ものである62

31In his eyes, it was this addition of a “specifically Japanese spirit” that had allowed “cultivated” Chinese music to be assimilated and transformed into a “Japanese” music, echoing the process of borrowing and assimilating Western music that had taken place during the Meiji period. And it was by asserting this process and this Japanese spirit that it became possible to speak of a truly national music capable of rivalling Western music. However, despite this being his stated objective, Tanabe came to the conclusion that the state of gagaku at that time did not make such an equivalence possible. Although it could be seen as the result of a long evolutionary process, Japanese music lacked one final characteristic:

Japanese music cannot possibly match Western music in terms of rationality. It is infinitely less methodical than the music of Beethoven. However, this in no way diminishes the value of Japanese music.

  • 63 Underlining by Tanabe, Nihon ongaku kōwa, 341.

理性的に於ては日本音楽は到底西洋音楽に及ばない。日本音楽は如何に之を弁護せんとしても其組織に於て到底ベートーフェンの音楽に比肩されるものはない。然しその事は少しも日本音楽の価値を下げるものではない63

32This comment illustrates what for Tanabe could be a potential “rational” weakness in Japanese music compared to Western music, namely, the absence of a fixed score, its relative harmonic simplicity, for example. But at the same time, he asserted the value of this Japanese music, stressing that it was a national music created by a “specifically Japanese spirit”.

Preserving gagaku via sound recordings

  • 64 Tanabe, Gagaku tsūkai 雅楽通解 [An Explanation of Gagaku] (Tokyo: Kokyoku Hozon Kai 古曲保存会, 1921).

33Tanabe’s evolutionist theories found a notable application with the creation of a gagaku compilation called the Heian Court Music Records (Heian-chō ongaku rekōdo 平安朝音楽レコード) or the Gagaku Records (Gagaku rekōdo 雅楽レコード. Recorded in July  1920, it featured an accompanying booklet that sought to put forward a new theory on gagaku.64

  • 65 For more information on the history of the phonograph’s invention, see Philippe Tournès, Du Phonog (...)
  • 66 Tanabe, Meiji ongaku monogatari 明治音楽物語 [A Musical History of the Meiji Period] (Tokyo: Seiasha 青蛙社 (...)
  • 67 As of August 1922, this publication took over the helm from The World of the Gramophone (Chikuonki (...)

34The instrumental role played by records in shaping both Tanabe’s career and his views on music should not be underestimated. Indeed, Japan mirrored Western countries in its introduction and increasingly wide distribution of the talking machine, beginning with the invention of the sound recording in 1877 and followed by the Edison-type wax cylinder phonograph in 1878 and Émile Berliner’s flat disc gramophone in 1887.65 In 1920, Tanabe was already famous for his unparalleled knowledge of all things gramophone and record related. In fact he gave a series of music-themed lectures around Japan in which he played musical recordings on discs, leading him to be nicknamed the “record presenter” (chiku-ben 蓄弁).66 In 1920 he was also named adviser to the editorial committee of the magazine Music and the Gramophone (Ongaku to chikuonki 音楽と蓄音器)67, then in 1923 he became one of the main members of the Ministry of Education’s Record Selection Committee. He wrote a number of highly successful guides to records, such as Music and the Contemporary Lifestyle (Gendaijin no seikatsu to ongaku 現代人の生活と音楽, 1924) and Essential Music to be Enjoyed at Home (Katei de ajiwau beki rekōdo meikyoku kaisetsu 家庭で味ふべきレコード名曲解説, 1925), which were published with the aim of educating the musical tastes of the urban middle class that had formed during the Japanese “Belle Époque” in the 1910s and 1920s.

  • 68 Tanabe, Zoku Tanabe Hisao jijoden 続田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Sequel to the Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: H (...)
  • 69 Ibid., 86.

35The gagaku record compilation came about at the initiative of Machida Kashō 町田佳聲 (1888‑1981), a collector of folk music recordings and head of the Association for the Preservation of [Japanese] Classical Music (Kokyoku Hozon Kai 古曲保存会). It was he who asked Tanabe to produce the gagaku records and write the accompanying booklet. To aid him in his task, Tanabe enlisted the Music Section of the imperial court, where he gave lessons on music theory and the history of Western music.68 According to Tanabe, eight musicians willingly accepted his request. The conditions stipulated by Tanabe and Machida were as follows: each musician would play three two-hour sets per day in return for a daily sum of ten yen.69 The selected pieces of music were recorded onto twenty discs in an order that reflected Tanabe’s evolutionist chronology:

  • 1. Ancient music peculiar to Japan (nihon koyū no jōko ongaku 日本固有の上古音楽): two discs
  • 2. Music from Goguryeo (koma-gaku 高麗楽): two discs plus one side
  • 3. Music from China (shina no ongaku 支那の音楽): four discs plus one side
  • 4. Music from the barbarians of Western China (shina seibu no igaku 支那西部の夷楽): one disc plus one side
  • 5. Music from India and Central Asia (indo oyobi chūō ajia no ongaku 印度及中央アジアの音楽): five discs
  • 6. Compositions almost completely recreated in Japan (nihon de daibubun kaisakushita gakkyoku 日本で大部分改作した楽曲): one disc plus one side
  • 7. Saibara (催馬楽 “poems sung in Japanese”): two discs
  • 8. Rōei (朗詠 “Chinese poems sung in a Japanese style”): one disc.70
  • 71 Hattatsu no kara 発達の上から; Tanabe, Gagaku Tsūkai, 15.

36In this way, Tanabe was able to set out his evolutionist theory by recording gagaku onto discs in a sequence that reflected its “evolutionary order”.71 The records physically presented gagaku according to a fixed evolutionary order, constructing in the process a historical linearity and geographic unity:

  • 1. From antiquity to the Suiko period (named after the empress who reigned from 593 to 628)—music peculiar to Japan: kagura, kume-uta, kishi-mai 吉志舞, azuma-asobi, yamato-mai, and so on.
  • 2. From the Suiko period to the first third of the Heian period (794‑1185)—music imported from other Asian countries: chōsen-gaku 朝鮮楽 (Korean music), shina-gaku 支那楽 (Chinese music), indo-gaku 印度楽 (Indian music), and nihon de maneta gaku 日本で真似た楽 (music created in Japan but imitating styles imported from Asia).
  • 3. From the second third to the end of the Heian period—music blending the Japanese repertoire with a style imported from elsewhere: saibara, rōei and imayō 今様.72

37He thus categorised gagaku into three genres seen as representing three stages in its evolution and as being capable of legitimising gagaku as the original Japanese music, in line with the imperial ideology of the time. Tanabe’s stance also mirrored the opinion of musicians within the Music Section, who held “specifically Japanese” kagura to be the highest form of gagaku (despite Tanabe’s previously noted disagreement with these musicians over the relationship of ancient kagura with newer forms). By referring to the beginning of Japanese history in this way, Tanabe’s theory established gagaku as a symbol both of Japan’s specificity and of its evolution.

  • 73 The educational role of the phonograph was explored by Mark Katz, who compared the way American sc (...)

38The gagaku record compilation also clearly illustrates the influence of discs on Tanabe’s musicological views and the importance he saw in this medium as a tool for educating the population73 and establishing Japan’s musical heritage.

From national music to “Greater East Asian” music

  • 74Tōyō ongaku riron no kagakuteki kenkyū” 東洋音楽理論の科学的研究; Zaidan hōjin keimei-kai daisankai taishō ky (...)
  • 75 Ue Sanemichi 上眞行, Ōno Tadamoto 多忠基 and Tanabe Hisao, “Shōsō‑in gakki no chōsa hōkoku” 正倉院楽器の調査報告 [ (...)

39In January 1920 Tanabe received funding from the Keimei Foundation (Keimei-kai啓明会) for his “scientific research on the theory of oriental music”.74 Having initially situated court gagaku at the beginning of Japanese history, Tanabe now placed it at the beginning of world history. In November 1920, while studying the musical instruments conserved at the Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in 正倉院) in Nara, he put forward the idea that the kugo 箜篌, a harp used in ancient gagaku, might date back as far as the Old Assyrian Empire.75 This musical instrument allowed Tanabe to widen his field of study both chronologically and geographically.

  • 76 For a discussion of Tanabe’s musical studies as “ethnomusicology,” see Hosokawa Shūhei 細川周平, “In S (...)
  • 77 Tanabe, Chōsen riōke no kogakubu: waga kyūchū no bugaku tono kankei 朝鮮李王家の古楽舞: 我が宮中の舞楽との関係 [The An (...)
  • 78 Tanabe, Zoku tanabe hisao jijoden, 120‑121.
  • 79 See Uemura Yukio 植村幸生, “Shokuminchiki chōsen ni okeru kyūtei ongaku no chōsa o megutte: Tanabe His (...)

40His early studies on “oriental music,”76 carried out in April 1921 in Colonial Korea, aimed partly to verify his hypothesis on the kugo’s origins and partly to preserve the gagaku belonging to the ancient court of the Joseon Dynasty (1392‑1910).77 The initiative fell to the Government-General of Korea (and thus Japan), which asked the Music Section of the Japanese court to save the Gagaku Department of the ancient court of Korea. Ue Sanemichi 上眞行 (1851‑1937), head of the Music Section and a teacher at Tokyo Music School, passed the request on to Tanabe, who quickly left for Korea, taking with him his recently released gagaku compilation. During his time in Korea, Tanabe gave several lectures on Japanese gagaku with the aid of his discs. The colonial government provided everything he needed to work comfortably and conduct his research as he saw fit. Tanabe claimed that his work in Korea, which saw him record, photograph, film and transcribe Korean gagaku using the Western notation system, collect musical instruments, conduct radio broadcasts and inspire Korean research on the subject, helped to safeguard this art as a musical heritage.78 However, at the same time, the Japanese Government-General of Korea manifestly used the safeguarding of Korean gagaku as a form of cultural propaganda designed to justify its annexation of the peninsula and curry favour with the Joseon Court, particularly after the Korean independence movement of 1919, known as San’ichi undo三一運動 (Samil Undong or March First Movement).79 Note that Korea’s role in the Japanese study of gagaku was twofold. Not only did some of the oldest pieces of gagaku hail from Korea, placing the peninsula at the origins of this art in Japan, but in the early twentieth century Korea also provided Japan—now a colonial power—with a laboratory for its best specialists to test the most modern recording techniques and most innovative theories.

  • 80 Day of protest for the return of Port Arthur and Dairen, which were leased by China to Japan as pa (...)
  • 81 Tanabe Hisao, “Ongaku kara mita tōa kyōei ken” 音楽から見た東亜共栄圏 [The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sp (...)
  • 82 Tanabe Hisao, Chūgoku chōsen ongaku chōsa kikō 中国・朝鮮音楽調査紀行 [Travelogue of Music Research Carried O (...)
  • 83 広く東洋音楽の比較研究に基づき、日本音楽史の上に革命的の解釈を与えたものである; Tanabe, “Introduction,” Nihon ongaku no kenkyū 日本音楽の研究 [R (...)
  • 84 Nihon gakushiin hachijūnen shi 日本学士院八十年史 [Eighty‑Year History of the Japan Academy] (Tokyo: Nihon (...)
  • 85 Kishibe Shigeo 岸辺成雄, “Tōyō ongaku gakkai sanjū nen shōshi” 東洋音楽学会三十年小史 [Brief History of the Thirt (...)

41Although Korea was first on his list, Tanabe quickly began to conduct his research on “oriental music” in Japan’s other colonial territories or those under Japanese rule. These included Taiwan in the spring of 1922, Okinawa in the summer of 1922, China in the spring of 1923, the Sakhalin peninsula and the Kuril Islands in the summer of 1923, Manchuria in the spring of 1924, the Caroline Islands in the summer of 1934, and Manchuria once again in the autumn of 1940. In China and Manchuria Tanabe’s research focused specifically on ancient gagaku and he gave lectures that were punctuated with excerpts of Japanese gagaku recordings. He saw his work as having clear political implications, commenting that the Chinese protests against Japan on National Humiliation Day,80 on 9 May 1923 in Beijing, were halted thanks to his lecture on “The Value of Chinese Music”. During this lecture given at Beijing University, Tanabe stated that Japan would return gagaku to China, from where it had disappeared, if China thanked the Japanese imperial family for having safeguarded it.81 Tanabe further claimed that this lecture inspired research on “national music” in both China and Korea.82 Tanabe’s reflections on oriental music appeared in his Study of Japanese Music, published in 1926, which provided “a revolutionary interpretation of the history of Japanese music drawing heavily on a comparative study of oriental music”.83 In 1929 his Study of Oriental Music was awarded the Imperial Academy Prize (Teikoku gakushiin shō 帝国学士院賞)84 and the following year he became the first lecturer in Japanese music history at Tokyo Imperial University. He also served as chairman of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music, founded in Tokyo in 1936 by one of his students, the historian of East Asia Kishibe Shigeo 岸辺成雄 (1912‑2005), and Iida Tadasumi 飯田忠純 (1898‑1936), a historian of Islam.85

  • 86 Tanabe Hisao, “Sōkan ni saishite” 創刊に際して [On the Occasion of the Inaugural Issue], Tōyō ongaku ken (...)

42The framework for carrying out scientific research on “oriental music” was thus in place. Writing in 1937, in the opening article for the first issue of the journal published by the Society for Research in Asiatic Music, Tanabe stressed the importance of Asian music being studied by Asian people themselves.86

Just as the proverb “ex oriente lux” (Out of the East, light) says, the brilliant culture of the modern West was created from elements originally imported from the East, which the West accumulated and developed over a long period before reaping luxuriant flowers and abundant fruits.

And yet, since entering the twentieth century this brilliant modern Western culture has begun to show signs of stagnation and decline… The sun that rises in the East is currently setting in the West.

Today, the world is once again waiting for a light to come from the East. That is why many Westerners have recently begun to make strenuous efforts to conduct research on oriental culture. However, this research should be carried out by Orientals themselves. It is time that we Japanese, in whom the Orient has placed such hope, take the initiative in studying oriental culture!

『光は東方より』といふ諺があるが、西洋近代の燦然たる文化はもと東洋より輸入されたもので、それを長年月に捗って蓄積発展せしめた結果、近代に至って燗漫たる花を開き、豊熟せる果を実らせたものであつた。

然るに此の燦然たる西洋近代の文化も、今世紀に入って漸く沈滞し、腐敗するの傾向を示すに至った。[…] 東方より出でたる太陽は今や正に西方に没せんとしつゝあ る。

茲に於て今や世界は再び東方よりの光を熱望して居る。斯くして最近多くの西洋人は多大の努力を東洋文化の研究に致して居る。然しながら東洋の研究は東洋人の手によってなされなければならぬ。今や東洋の誉望を担ふ我が日本人は世界に率先して東洋文化の研究に其力を尽さなければならない。

Figure 2. “The Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in) Kugo” (Shōsō in no kugo 正倉院の箜篌)

Figure 2. “The Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in) Kugo” (Shōsō in no kugo 正倉院の箜篌)

“The Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in) Kugo” (Shōsō in no kugo 正倉院の箜篌), a name given by Tanabe; Ue Sanemichi 上眞行, Ōno Tadamoto 多忠基 and Tanabe Hisao, “Shōsō‑in gakki no chōsa hōkoku” 正倉院楽器の調査報告 [Research Report on Musical Instruments Held at the Shōsō‑in], in Teishitsu hakubutsukan gakuhō 帝室博物館学報 [Bulletin of the Imperial Museum], no. 5 (1921): appendix of illustrations).

Figure 3. “The Assyrian Kugo” (Asshiria no kugo アッシリアの箜篌)

Figure 3. “The Assyrian Kugo” (Asshiria no kugo アッシリアの箜篌)

“The Assyrian Kugo” (Asshiria no kugo アッシリアの箜篌), name given by Tanabe; ibid.

  • 87 Researchers working at the same time as Tanabe, such as Shiratori Kurakichi 白鳥庫吉 (historian of the (...)

43However, despite Tanabe stating that “Orientals” must undertake research on the Orient themselves, he failed to say how they should go about reclaiming this object of study.87 For both Tanabe and Japanese musicologists alike, the initial task was thus to redefine and specify what the musical sphere of the “Orient” was in relation to the pre‑existing definition established by Western musicology. In fact, the academic study of the Eastern world had been invented by the West and the term “oriental music” always referred to “non‑Western music” indiscriminately, with no account taken of geographical and cultural specificities.

  • 88 Erich Moritz von Hornbostel, Music of the Orient (1928), set of twenty-four 78‑rpm records, re‑rel (...)
  • 89 Tanabe, Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽 [East Asian Music], set of ten 78‑rpm records (Tokyo: Columbia‑Nippono (...)
  • 90 These three compilations featured music from the following countries and regions (names are those (...)

44Tanabe proposed a first definition in December 1941 by releasing a ten‑disc compilation entitled East Asian Music (Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽) with the record label Columbia‑Nipponophone. This was not the first attempt to establish a compilation of Asian music. In 1928, Erich von Hornbostel (1877‑1935) at the University of Berlin had compiled a twelve-disc collection called Musik des Orients (Music of the Orient), released by Parlophon‑Odeon.88 Tanabe was highly critical of Hornbostel’s collection, which he deemed too “exotic”. Instead he underlined the need for an “authentic compilation of oriental music,”89 meaning an anthology compiled by “Orientals” themselves. The following year, in 1942, Tanabe followed up on his first attempt by compiling a Greater East Asian Music Compilation (Daitōa ongaku shūsei 大東亜音楽集成), a set of thirty‑six 78‑rpm records produced by the Society for Research in Asiatic Music and released by Japan Victor Records, and Music of the South [of Asia] (Nanpō no ongaku 南方の音楽), a set of six 78‑rpm records released by Columbia‑Nipponophone.90The explanations and commentaries that accompanied Tanabe’s work were highly scholarly, bringing to mind the phonographic archives established by the universities of Vienna and Berlin, and by the Musée de l’Homme (Museum of Mankind) in Paris, institutions that had laid the foundations for scientific research in the field of comparative musicology (known at the time as ethnomusicology) in the early twentieth century.

  • 91 Tanabe, Tōa no ongaku, 7‑8 of the accompanying booklet.

45The most important point to note is that Japanese music is entirely absent from all three of these compilations of Greater East Asian music. And even though it is not explicitly stated by Tanabe, “Japan” refers not only to the archipelago itself but also to Korea and Taiwan, which were considered to be an integral part of the country. In the explanatory booklet he wrote for East Asian Music, Tanabe sets out his reasoning:91

From a geographical point of view our country is part of East Asia. And from a historical point of view, Japanese music is part of the history of oriental music. However, we must look beyond the surface… because Japan lies at the heart of Asia…. All the cultural roads, from ancient times to the present day, have converged upon our country. All of these cultures have been preserved, unified, assimilated and recreated by the Japanese spirit, thereby creating a specifically Japanese culture. Today, Western culture, which has entered Japan, is also helping to shape contemporary Japanese culture. Therefore, Japanese music is by no means one kind of Asian music but rather its culmination; it is the aggregation of world music.

我が日本は地理的に見て東亜の一部であるとも言へる。又た日本音楽は歴史的に見て東亜音楽の一部である とも言へる。然しその事を表面的に考へてはならぬ。[…] 何故かといふに、日本はアジアの中心に位する。[…] 従つて太古より今日に至るまで此の凡ての文化交通路は我が日本に集まり、従つてその文化は日本に集まつて集積され、綜合され、消化され、日本人の独創性によつて建設され、斯くして独自なる日本文化が作り上げられたのであつて、今日は欧米の文化も亦た直ちに日本に入つて現代日本の文化を作りつゝある。従つて日本音楽は決して東亜音楽の一系ではなくて、一面に於ては東亜音楽の集大成であり、一面に於ては世界音楽の集成である。

  • 92 Daitōa to ongaku 大東亜と音楽 [Music and Greater East Asia], published in March 1942 as part of a collec (...)

46The make-up of this “oriental music” was not devoid of incoherence. A correlation can be drawn here with the Greater East Asia Co‑Prosperity Sphere, which was the Japanese government’s attempt in 1940 to establish an economic hold over the Asian nations it dominated. “Greater East Asian Music” and “Greater East Asia Co‑Prosperity Sphere” were both the fantasised products of Japanese colonialism and did not correspond to any concreate reality. Accordingly, when Tanabe was required to give meaning to this concept, it was to gagaku that he attributed the role of being the “aggregation of world music” and the “music of Greater East Asia”:92

Gagaku alone can be recognised as the leader of Greater East Asian culture. Having been imported from China, India and the South Pacific, refined and developed in Japan over a thousand years, gagaku is respected by all countries as being the music of Greater East Asia… I believe that no sooner has gagaku been exported to Greater East Asia than it will be instrumental in unifying the music of these countries.

たゞ一つ今日直ちに持つて行つて彼等が大東亜文化の指導者として眞に尊敬し得るものは雅楽があるのみである。雅楽及び舞楽は元来唐や印度や南洋方面から輸入されて、而も千年の年月を経て我が国で精錬発達したものであるから、今日そのまゝ大東亜音楽として萬邦斎しく仰き見るものではある [...]。但し一旦これが大東亜諸国へ持ち出された暁には、恐らく大東亜音楽の中心はこれによつて統一されるに至るであらうと信じてゐる。

Gagaku as a national and universal heritage

  • 93 This is particularly notable in an article written by Tanabe, entitled “Koten ongaku no bunka‑zai (...)

47This is clearly the most idealised view of gagaku to have existed throughout its history. Though one might have expected it to disappear after the shock of defeat in 1945, its trace is still visible in postwar discourses, albeit in a different form. Whereas prewar gagaku was defined as the “music of Greater East Asia,” postwar gagaku was held up as an “Important Intangible Cultural Property” of Japan:93

Of all our country’s classical music, it is gagaku that is respected the world over as a universal art.

我国の古典楽の中において、そのまま国際的の性質を帯びた芸術として世界の尊敬を受けて居るものは雅楽である。

48In short, gagaku found a new way of being universal. From an art capable of uniting several Asian cultures through a shared past and common origins, it now adopted the status of a world heritage recognisable for its singularity and long history.

  • 94 Bunkazai Hogo Iinkai 文化財保護委員会, “Gagaku,” List of Intangible Cultural Properties, Kikan bunkazai 季刊 (...)

49In 1955 Tanabe was one of nineteen jury members responsible for selecting and managing cultural properties in the performing arts section of the Committee for the Protection of Cultural Properties (a position known in Japanese as bunkazai senmon shingi iin 文化財専門審議委員), which was established by the Ministry of Education. Tanabe’s view of gagaku’s history as consisting of three stages (ancient music, imported music, Japanized music) and his belief that gagaku had existed right at the origins of Japan and thus the world, is perfectly recognizable in the anonymous commentary that accompanied the decision to honour gagaku94:

[Gagaku] is the oldest performing art in the world: it is a fusion of the ancient music of our country with musical genres imported from Asia, which were then Japanized around the Heian period. It has disappeared overseas and now exists only in Japan. It is the source of all the musical genres performed throughout Japan’s history.

[...] Only the Music Department at the Imperial Household Agency has preserved this music in its authentic form and is able to perform it artistically.

わが国古来の音楽と、アジヤ大陸の諸国から伝来した音楽とが、渾然融合し、わが国風に大体平安朝頃に改整せられた世界最古の芸能で、外国では滅亡し、ひとりわが国にのみ伝えられており、各種邦楽の源流をなしている。

[...] 正統に伝え、芸術的に演じ得るのは宮内庁楽部である。

Figure 4. Booklet accompanying the East Asian Music compilation

Figure 4. Booklet accompanying the East Asian Music compilation

Booklet accompanying East Asian Music, the record collection compiled by Tanabe Hisao. Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽, (Tokyo: Columbia‑Nipponophone コロムビア・ニッポノフォン, 1941).

Conclusion

50In this article I sought to conduct a step-by-step exploration of the way gagaku was harnessed as a symbol of the national culture during each of the main chapters in Japan’s modern history. During the Meiji period for example, as Japan sought to establish itself as a nation‑state, we saw that gagaku was redefined as both court music and popular music at the initiative of the Music Section at the imperial court. We then saw how, at the turn of the century, the combined influence of contemporary Western musicology and Tanabe Hisao—one of the individuals responsible for introducing it to Japan—brought about a new view of gagaku as having three distinct registers (ancient native music, imported music, Japanized music). This view made it possible to present gagaku as being at once the oldest music of Japan and the most evolved. By skilfully combining as it did imperial logic—the need for historical validation—with the modernist and scientific ideology that characterised industrialised nations, this view came to dominate during the 1910s and 1920s (the years of the Taishō democracy). A few years later, still under Tanabe’s influence and with Japan in a conquering mood, gagaku found itself defined as the music of Greater East Asia on the basis that it was the most elevated form of a shared musical heritage, an instrument capable of unifying the various territories under Japanese domination. Finally, in a natural progression from its previous definition, we saw how the postwar designation of gagaku as an intangible cultural property came about as Japan attempted to build a national cultural identity that oscillated between the two extremes of nationalism and universalism. “Immutable” and “authentic” gagaku was henceforth forever listed as part of Japan’s heritage, thereby contributing to creating the collective memory.

  • 95 Carol Gluck, “The Past in the Present,” in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley, (...)
  • 96 A group known as the “Old Liberalists”; Tsuzuki Tsutomu 都築勉, Sengo nihon no chishikijin 戦後日本の知識人 [ (...)

51Generally speaking, people tend to see an abrupt change as having taken place between prewar and postwar Japanese thought. In reality, however, after its defeat Japan simply shifted to a “cultural nationalism” that replaced the prewar nationalism, and this purportedly in the name of democracy. The reason for this is that under the American occupation (1945‑1953), Japan was forced to seek to rise from its ashes using the principles of “minzoku no fukkō 民族の復興” (rebirth of the nation) and “bunka kokka 文化国家” (a nation made strong by its culture).95 It is this historical context that spurred the process, beginning in 1950, that led to gagaku being designated as a national cultural property by the Ministry of Education in 1955. Just as other intellectuals among the Taishō elite became conservative forces after the warm,96 Tanabe helped rebuild Japan’s postwar imperial culture and was thereby involved in establishing this “cultural nationalism”. It was also students of his, notably Kishibe Shigeo and Kikkawa Eishi 吉川英史 (1909‑2006), who ensured the development of Japanese music after the war. While it can certainly be argued that they fought to “safeguard” Japanese music and assert its cultural identity as a means of avoiding traditions being abandoned in the new society of American‑occupied Japan, the granting of heritage status to gagaku also allowed Japan to forget its history of musical colonisation and recast it in a more positive light by describing gagaku as a cultural vestige of Asia. The history of modern Japanese music thus reflects the process by which Japan has sought to assert its cultural identity since the end of the nineteenth century.

Figure 5. Booklet accompanying the Greater East Asian Music compilation

Figure 5. Booklet accompanying the Greater East Asian Music compilation

Booklet accompanying the Greater East Asian Music compilation. Tanabe Hisao, Daitōa ken fūzoku shashin shū. Fu: daitōa ongaku no tokusei 大東亜圏風俗写真集: 附: 大東亜音楽の特性 [Photo collection of folklore from the Greater East Asia Co‑Prosperity Sphere. Appendix: The special characteristics of Greater East Asia], Daitōa ongaku shūsei 大東亜音楽集成 [Greater East Asian Music Compilation] (Tokyo: Japan Victor Records 日本ビクターレコード, 1942).

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Bibliography

Selective list of publications by Tanabe Hisao
Listed in order of publication, from the earliest to the most recent

Onkyō to ongaku 音響と音楽 ([Acoustics and Music] (Tokyo: Kōdōkan 弘道館, 1908).

Seiyō ongaku kōwa 西洋音楽講話 [Lectures on European Music] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店, 1915).

Saikin kagakujō yori mitaru ongaku no genri 最近科学上より見たる音楽の原理 [The Principles of Music Studied from the Perspective of Modern Science] (Tokyo: Uchida Rōkaku Ho 内田老鶴圃, 1916).

Nihon ongaku kōwa 日本音楽講話 [Lectures on Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店, 1919).

Gagaku Tsūkai 雅楽通解 [An Explanation of Gagaku] (Tokyo: Kokyoku Hozon Kai 古曲保存会, 1921).

Chōsen riōke no kogakubu: waga kyūchū no bugaku tono kankei 朝鮮李王家の古楽舞: 我が宮中の舞楽との関係 [The Ancient Music and Dance of the Court of the Yi (Joseon) Dynasty in Korea: Links with Bugaku from the Japanese Imperial Court], in Keimei kai daigokai kōen-shū 啓明会第五回講演集 (Tokyo: Keimei‑kai 啓明会, 1921).

Nihon ongaku no kenkyū 日本音楽の研究 [Research on Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Kyōbunsha 京文社, 1926).

Tōyō ongaku shi 東洋音楽史 [The History of Oriental Music] (Tokyo: Yūzan Kaku 雄山閣, 1930).

Tōyō ongaku no inshō 東洋音楽の印象 [Impressions of Oriental Music] (Tokyo: Jinbun Shoin 人文書院, 1941).

Daitōa to ongaku 大東亜と音楽 [Music and Greater East Asia] (Tokyo: Monbushō Kyōgaku Kyoku 文部省教学局, 1942).

Daitōa no ongaku 大東亜の音楽 [Greater East Asian Music] (Tokyo: Kyōwa Shobō 協和書房, 1943; reprinted by Tokyo: Ōzorasha大空社 in 2003).

“Koten ongaku no bunka-zai toshite no kachi 古典音楽の文化財としての価値” [The Value of Classical Music as a Cultural Property], Bunkazai geppō 文化財月報 [Monthly Report on Cultural Properties], Bunkazai hogo iinkai 文化財保護委員会 [Committee for the Protection of Cultural Properties], no. 1 (December 1951).

Nanyō Taïwan Okinawa ongaku chōsa kikō 南洋・台湾・沖縄音楽調査紀行 [Travelogue of Music Research Carried Out in the South Pacific, Taiwan and Okinawa] (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomo Sha 音楽の友社, 1968).

Chūgoku chōsen ongaku chōsa kikō 中国・朝鮮音楽調査紀行 [Travelogue of Music Research Carried Out in China and Korea] (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomo Sha 音楽の友社, 1970).

Tanabe Hisao jijoden 田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: Hōgaku Sha 邦楽社, 1981).

Zoku Tanabe Hisao jijoden 続田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Sequel to the Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: Hōgaku Sha 邦楽社, 1981).

Record compilations by Tanabe

Heian-chō ongaku rekōdo 平安朝音楽レコード [Heian Court Music Records], 20 discs (Heian-chō Records 平安朝レコード and Imperial Records インペリアルレコード, 1921).

Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽 [East Asian Music], 10 discs, S6001A-S6010B (Tokyo: Columbia-Nipponophoneコロムビア・ニッポノフォン, 1941; re‑released by Tokyo: Columbia Music Entertainment in 1997, COCG‑14342).

Daitōa ongaku shūsei 大東亜音楽集 成 [Greater East Asian Music Compilation], 36 discs, released in partnership with the Society for Research in Asiatic Music (Tokyo: Japan Victor Records 日本ビクターレコード, 1942).

Tanabe Hisao, Kurosawa Takatomo 黒澤隆朝 and Masu Genjirō 桝源次郎, Nanpō no ongaku 南方の音楽 [Music of the South], 6 discs, S6016‑S6021 (Tokyo: Columbia‑Nipponophone コロムビア・ニッポノフォン, 1942).

Related studies

Boilès, Charles and Nattiez, Jean‑Jacques, “Petite histoire critique de l’ethnomusicologie” [A Short Critical History of Ethnomusicology], Musique en jeu, no. 28 (1977): 26‑53.

Fujii Kōki 藤井浩基, Ongaku ni miru shokuminchi ki Chōsen to nihon no kankei shi: 1920‑30 nendai no nihonjin no katsudō o chūshin ni 音楽にみる植民地期朝鮮と日本の関係史: 1920‑30年代の日本人による活動を中心に [History of Relations between Colonial Korea and Japan from a Musical Perspective: On Japanese Practices during the 1920s and 1930s], doctoral thesis in art and culture芸術文化学 (Osaka: Osaka University of Arts, 2008).

Osa Shizue 長志珠絵, “Kokka to kokugaku no isō 国歌と国楽の位相” [Aspects of the National Hymn and National Music] in Bakumatsu meiji ki no kokumin kokka keisei to bunka henyō 幕末・明治期の国民国家形成と文化変容 [Creation of the Nation-State and Cultural Transformations during the Late Edo Period and the Meiji Period], ed. Nishikawa Nagao 西川長夫 and Matsumiya Shūji 松宮秀治 (Tokyo: Shin’yōsha 新曜社, 1995), 455‑486.

Terauchi Naoko 寺内直子, Gagaku no “kindai” to gendai: keishō, fukyū, sōzō no kiseki 雅楽の<近代>と<現代>: 継承・普及・創造の軌跡 [Gagaku during the “Modern Period” and the “Present Day”: The path of transmission, diffusion and creation] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店, 2010).

Uemura Yukio 植村幸生, “Tanabe Hisao to tōyō ongaku no gainen” 田辺尚雄と「東洋音楽」の概念 [Tanabe Hisao and the Idea of “Oriental Music”] in Rekishi hyōshō to shiteno higashi ajia 歴史表象としての東アジア, ed. Asakura Yūko 浅倉有子 and Jōetsu Kyōiku Daigaku Higashi Ajia Kenkyū Kai 上越教育大学東アジア研究会 (Osaka: Seibundō 清文堂, 2002), 225‑239.

Uemura Yukio 植村幸生, “Nihonjin ni yoru Taiwan shōsū minzoku no kenkyū: Tanabe, Kurosawa, Koizumi no gyōseki o chūshin ni” 日本人による台湾少数民族音楽の研究: 田辺・黒沢・小泉の業績を中心に [Japanese Research on the Music of Taiwan’s Ethnic Minorities: On the Work of Tanabe, Kurosawa and Koizumi], Jōetsu kyōiku daigaku kiyō 上越教育大学研究紀要, no. 22‑2 (2003), 301‑312.

Watanabe Hiroshi 渡辺裕, Nihon bunka modan rapusodī 日本文化モダンラプソディー [Japanese Culture, Modern Rhapsody] (Tokyo: Shunjūsha 春秋社, 2004).

Yamazumi Masami 山住正巳, “Gagaku to ten’nō sei: tokuni shōka kyōiku seiritsu ki o chūshin ni” 雅楽と天皇制:とくに唱歌教育成立期を中心に [Gagaku and the Emperor System: The period of the creation of singing classes at school], Rekishi hyōron 歴史評論, no. 602 (June 2000), 2‑13.

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Notes

1 Kanpō 官報 (Official Gazette), 12 May 1955. Japan was the first country in the world to adopt the designation of Intangible Cultural Property (mukei bunkazai 無形文化財). See Bruno Nettl, The Western Impact on World Music: Change, Adaptation, and Survival (New York: Schirmer Books, 1985). The UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, inspired by UNESCO’s Japanese Director-General, Matsuura Kōichirō 松浦晃一郎, was adopted in October 2003 and modelled on the Japanese intangible heritage protection system; Mariannick Jadé, Patrimoine immatériel: Perspectives d’interprétation du concept de patrimoine [Intangible Heritage: Interpretations of the concept of heritage] (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2006), 85‑86.

2 For more information on the history of the creation of modern Japan’s heritage and canons in the field of literature and the arts, see Satō Dōshin 佐藤道信, Nihon bijutsu” tanjō: Kindai Nihon no kotoba” to senryaku 〈日本美術〉誕生: 近代日本の「ことば」と戦略 [The Birth of “Japanese Art”: The “language” and strategies of modern Japan], part of the Kōdansha Sensho Mechie series 講談社選書メチエ (Tokyo: Kōdansha 講談社, 1996); Christophe Marquet, “Conscience patrimoniale et écriture de l’histoire de l’art national” [Heritage Awareness and the Writing of National Art History] in La Nation en marche [A Nation in Progress], ed. Claude Hamon and Jean-Jacques Tschudin (Arles: Picquier, 1999), 143‑162; Christophe Marquet, “Le Japon moderne face à son patrimoine artistique” [Modern Japan and its Artistic Heritage], Cipango, special edition, “Mutations de la conscience dans le Japon modern” [The Changing Conscience of Modern Japan] (spring 2002): 243‑304. On the subject of Japanese literature, see Haruo Shirane ハルオ・シラネ and Suzuki Tomi 鈴木登美 (ed.), Sōzō sareta koten: kanon keisei, kokumin kokka, nihon bungaku 創造された古典: カノン形成・国民国家・日本文学 [Inventing the Classics: Canon formation, the nation-state and Japanese literature] (Tokyo: Shin’yōsha 新曜社, 1999); Emmanuel Lozerand, Littérature et génie national: naissance d’une histoire littéraire dans le Japon du xixe siècle [Literature and National Genius: The birth of a literary history in 19th century Japan] (Paris: Belles Lettres, 2005).

3 正統に伝え、芸術的に演じ得るのは宮内庁楽部である; Bunkazai Hogo Iinkai 文化財保護委員会, “Gagaku,” List of Intangible Cultural Properties, Kikan Bunkazai 季刊文化財 [Quarterly Report of Cultural Properties], vol. 3 (1955): 41.

4 See for example the entry for gagaku 雅楽 in the dictionary Kōjien 広辞苑, 6th edition (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店, 2008), 484.

5 See for example Nihon Ongaku Daijiten 日本音楽大事典 [Dictionary of Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Heibonsha 平凡社, 1989); Gagaku Daijiten 雅楽大事典 [Dictionary of Gagaku] (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomo Sha 音楽の友社, 1989).

6 Tanabe Hisao, Kikkawa Eishi 吉川英士 and Hiraide Hisao 平出久雄, “Nihon no gagaku,” 日本の雅楽 [Japanese Gagaku] in Ongaku Jiten 音楽事典 [Dictionary of Music], vol. 2 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1955), 206‑216.

7 François Picard, La Musique chinoise [Chinese Music] (Paris: Minerve, 1991), 46 and 80.

8 Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu 論語), chapter 17, paragraph 18.

9 Ibid., chapter 13, paragraph 3. See Véronique Alexandre‑Journeau, “Avant‑propos,” [Foreword] in Yueji 樂記: Le livre de musique de l’Antiquité chinoise [Yueji: The book of ancient Chinese music], trans. Véronique Alexandre‑Journeau (Paris: You‑Feng, 2008), xiii.

10 Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu 論語), chapter 17, paragraph 18.

11 On the history of ancient gagaku, see Ogi Mitsuo 荻美津夫, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron 日本古代音楽史論 [Studies on the History of Ancient Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan 吉川弘文館, 1977), 27‑61.

12 Shoku nihon-gi 続日本紀 [Chronicles of Japan, Continued], in the section dated earth‑dog day (tsuchinoe inu), seventh month of the first year of Taihō (701).

13 Ogi, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron, 16.

14 Ibid., 76-77. These musical genres are detailed in a document by the Council of State dated month nine of the year 848.

15 Francine Hérail, La Cour et l’Administration du Japon à l’époque de Heian [The Court and Government of Heian Japan], (Geneva: Droz, 2006), 27 and 663‑666.

16 Musical style that also included “Champa music” (rin’yū-gaku 林邑楽), named after the kingdom located in central Vietnam, as well as Japanese compositions modelled on Tang music.

17 In addition to “Goguryeo music” proper, this included “Silla music,” “Baekje music,” and “Balhae music” (bokkai‑gaku 渤海楽), named after the kingdom that was founded after the fall of Goguryeo. Together these represent the entire range of musical styles from the Korean peninsula.

18 Hérail, La Cour, 664.

19 Ogi Mitsuo 荻美津夫, Heian-chō ongaku seidoshi 平安朝音楽制度史 [The History of Heian Japan’s Musical Institutions] (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994), 24‑57 and 137‑228.

20 Ibid., 23.

21 Ogi, Nihon kodai ongaku shiron, 17‑21.

22 Nishiyama Matsunosuke 西山松之助, Iemoto no kenkyū 家元の研究 [Studies on the Iemoto or Family System within the Arts] (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1989), 161‑168.

23 For more information on the gagaku studies carried out during the Edo period, see Ōtsuki Kunio 大築邦雄, “Kinsei no gagaku kenkyū” 近世の雅楽研究 [Edo Period Gagaku Studies], Ongaku‑gaku 音楽学 (Journal of the Japanese Musicological Society), 10‑3 (1964).

24 On the institutionalisation of gagaku during the Edo period, see Ogawa Tomoko 小川朝子, “Kinsei no bakufu girei to sanpō gakuso” 近世の幕府儀礼と三方楽所 [Ceremonies of the Tokugawa Shogunate and the Sampō Gakusho during the Edo Period] in Chūkinsei no kokka to shūkyō 中近世の宗教と国家 [Religion and the Early Modern State], ed. Imatani Akira 今谷明 and Takano Toshihiko 高埜利彦 (Tokyo: Iwata Shoin 岩田書院, 1998), 407‑446; Ogawa Tomoko, “Gakunin” 楽人 [Gagaku Musicians] in Geinō bunka no sekai 芸能文化の世界 [The World of the Performing Arts Culture], ed. Yokota Fuyuhiko 横田冬彦(Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2000), 19‑53.

25 On the revival and reorganisation of gagaku during the Edo period, see Hiraide Hisao 平出久 雄, “Edo jidai no kyūtei ongaku saikō oboegaki,” 江戸時代の宮廷音楽再興覚え書 [Essay on the Revival of Court Music during the Edo Period], Gakudō 楽道 [The Way of the Arts] vols. 212‑215 (June to September 1959); Tsukahara Yasuko 塚原康子, Meiji kokka to gagaku 明治国家と雅楽 [Gagaku and the Meiji State] (Tokyo: Yūshisha 有志舎, 2009), 15‑41.

26 Matsudaira Sadanobu, “Zokugaku mondō 俗楽問答” [Dialogue on Popular Music; 1829] in Rakuō-kō isho 楽翁公遺書 [Posthumous Collection of texts by Rakuō], ed. Ema Seihatsu 江間政発, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Yao Shoten 八尾書店, 1893), 13‑34.

27 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 47‑51.

28 Ibid., 42‑71. On the invention of imperial traditions, see Takagi Hiroshi 高木博志, Kindai tennōsei no bunkashiteki kenkyū: Tennō shūnin girei, nenchū gyōji, bunkazai 近代天皇制の文化史的研究: 天皇就任儀礼・年中行事・文化財 [Cultural‑Historical Research on the Modern Emperor System: Enthronement ceremonies, seasonal rites and cultural heritage] (Tokyo: Azekura Shobō 校倉書房, 1997); François Macé, “Le Shintō désenchanteur” [Disenchanting Shintō], Cipango, special edition “Mutation de la conscience dans le Japon Moderne” [The Changing Consciousness of Modern Japan] (spring 2002): 7‑70.

29 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 195‑196.

30 Emperor Meiji’s attendance at a performance was a prerequisite for asserting the status of an art form. This came about in 1874 for Noh and in 1887 for Kabuki, for example.

31 Ongaku ryakuge 音楽略解 [Brief Notes on Music], 1878. This book can be viewed at the Archives and Mausolea Division of the Imperial Household Agency (Kunai‑chō Shoryō‑bu 宮内庁書陵部).

32 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 35.

33 Established in 1879, this institute was subsequently renamed the Tokyo Music School (Tōkyō Ongaku Gakkō 東京音楽学校) in 1889 and was the forerunner of the present‑day Music Department at Tokyo National University of the Arts (Tōkyō Geijutsu Daigaku Ongaku Gakubu 東京藝術大学音楽学部), founded in 1946.

34 Anne‑Marie Thiesse, La Création des identités nationales: Europe xviiiexxe siècle [The Creation of National Identities in Europe: 18th‑20th century] (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1999), 139‑140. The concept of “national music” was first used in Japan by Kanda Kōhei 神田孝平 (1830‑1898) in his paper “Kokugaku o shinkō subeki no setsu” 国楽ヲ振興スへキノ說 [On the Need to Develop a National Music] Meiroku zasshi 明六雑誌, no. 18 (October 1874): 7‑8.

35 See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 141‑162. See also the work of Jane F. Fulcher, French Cultural Politics and Music: From the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

36 See the earlier section in this paper on the Confucian view of ritual and music.

37 Okunaka Yasuto 奥中康人, Kokka to Ongaku 国家と音楽 [Music and the State] (Tokyo: Shūnjūsha 春秋社, 2008), 48‑59.

38 Dajōkan nisshi 太政官日誌 [Official Gazette of the Council of State], no. 75, 5th year of Meiji (1872), new edition (Tōkyō‑dō Shuppan 東京堂出版, 1990), 188.

39 Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 42‑71.

40 Ibid., 79‑83.

41 Gagaku‑roku 雅楽録 [Official Register of Japanese Imperial Court Music], no. 10, 11th year of Meiji (1878). These documents can be consulted at the Archives and Mausolea Division of the Imperial Household Agency. For more information on gagaku at the Exposition Universelle in 1878, see Tsukahara, Meiji kokka, 144‑148; Inoue Satsuki 井上さつき, Ongaku o tenji suru: Pari banpaku 音楽を展示する: パリ万博 1855‑1900 (Exhibiting Music: The world fairs in Paris, 1855‑1900) (Tokyo: Hōsei Daigaku Shuppankyoku 法政大学出版局, 2009), 196‑198.

42 Nihon gagaku gaiben 日本雅楽概弁 [A Summary of Japanese Gagaku], 1878. These nine volumes of handwritten scrolls can be consulted at the Archives and Mausolea Division of the Imperial Household Agency.

43 Gagaku-roku, no. 22, 11th year of Meiji (1878).

44 Sondra Wieland Howe, “Music Teaching in the Boston Public Schools, 1864‑1879,” Journal of Research in Music Education 40, no. 4 (Winter 1992): 316 and 326.

45 Megata Tanetarō, “Waga kōgaku ni shōka no ka o okosubeki shikata ni tsuite watakushi no mikomi” 我公学ニ唱歌ノ課ヲ與スベキ仕方ニツキ私ノ見込 [My Expectations of How We Should Create a Music Class in Japanese Public Schools], 20 April 1878, reprinted in Tōkyō Geijutsu Daigaku Hyakunen Shi Henshū Iinkai 東京芸術大学百年史編集委員会 [Editorial Committee for the 100‑year History of Tokyo University of the Arts], Tōkyō geijutsu daigaku hyakunen shi: Tōkyō ongaku gakkō hen 東京芸術大学百年史: 東京音楽学校篇 [The 100‑year History of Tokyo University of the Arts: Volume on the Tokyo Conservatory of Music], vol. 1 (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomo Sha, 1987), 15‑17.

46 See Okunaka, Kokka to Ongaku, 149‑151.

47 Ongaku torishirabe seiseki shinpō sho 音楽取調成績申報書 [Activity Report of the Music Research Institute] (Music Research Institute, 1884), 67‑79 and 81‑99.

48 “Kokugaku seitei to gagaku kyōkai” 国楽制定と雅楽協会 [The Gagaku Association and the Establishment of a National Music], Teikoku bungaku 帝国文学 [Imperial Literature], 1‑3 (March 1895): General News section (zappō 雑報).

49 See Philip von Bohlman, “Landscape-Region-Nation-Reich: German Folk Song in the Nexus of National Identity,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. C. Applegate & P. Potter (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 105‑27.

50 In his article entitled “Girisha no min’yō 希臘の民謡 (Greek Folk Songs), Shigarami zōshi しらがみ草紙, vol. 35 (August 1892): 4‑5.

51 Shinada Yoshikazu 品田悦一, Man’yōshū no hatsumei: Kokumin kokka to bunka sōchi to shite no koten 万葉集の発明: 国民国家と文化装置としての古典 [The Invention of the Man’yōshū: The nation-state and classical literature as a cultural device] (Tokyo: Shin’yōsha, 2001), 191‑195.

52 He worked under the supervision of Haga Yaichi 芳賀矢一 (1867‑1927), who studied philology in Germany. For more information on the Department of National Literature at Tokyo Imperial University and the role played by Haga, see Shinada Yoshikazu, Man’yōshū no hatsumei, 187‑196 and 210‑218; Hanamori Shigeyuki 花森重行, “Kokubungaku kenkyū shi ni tsuite no ichikōsatsu: 1890 nendai no Haga Yaichi o megutte” 国文学研究史についての一考察: 1890年代の芳賀矢一をめぐって [An Analysis of the History of Research on National Literature: Haga Yaichi during the 1890s), Ōsaka daigaku nihon gakuhō 大阪大学日本学報, vol. 21 (March 2002): 71‑85. See also the work of Emmanuel Lozerand in Littérature et génie national.

53 Shida Yoshihide, “Nihon min’yō gairon” 日本民謡概論 [An Introduction to Japanese Folk Songs], Teikoku bungaku 帝国文学 [Imperial Literature], 12‑2, 12‑3, 12‑5 and 12‑9 (1906).

54 The literal meaning of the word saibara 催馬楽 is “music” (ra 楽) to “drive” (sai 催) “horses” (ba 馬).

55 Kokushi daijiten 国史大辞典 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1908), 543. Vocal pieces were divided into the following genres: kagura-uta 神楽歌; kume-uta 久米歌, songs from the Kume clan, which at the time Shiga wrote his article were performed to commemorate the enthronement of Emperor Jinmu (kigensetsu 紀元節); azuma-asobi 東遊, songs sung on the anniversary of the death of Emperor Jinmu and during the two equinoxes; ta‑uta 田歌, rice‑planting songs sung at the Great Feast of Enthronement (daijō‑e 大嘗会); yamato‑uta 大和歌, songs from the Yamato region which were also sung at the Great Feast of Enthronement; utagaki 歌垣, songs sung between men and women, and for which no mention exists after 770; saibara 催馬楽; rōei 朗詠; fuzoku 風俗, folk songs from various provinces, also sung at the Great Feast of Enthronement; and kuzubito-uta 国栖人歌, literally “songs from the people of Kuzu,” which are mentioned only in ancient texts like the Kojiki or the Nihonshoki.

56 Tōgi Tetteki 東儀鉄笛, Ongaku nyūmon 音楽入門 [Musical Initiation] (Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppan-bu 早稲田大学出版部, 1910).

57 Tanabe Hisao, Tanabe Hisao jijoden 田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: Hōgakusha 邦楽社, 1981), 158‑159 and 235‑236.

58 Ibid., 150.

59 Ibid., 215. Studying music from an “objective,” scientific point of view for the first time, this book heavily influenced European musicology during the second half of the nineteenth century. Hermann von Helmholtz, Die Lehre von den Tonempfindungen als physiologische Grundlage für die Theorie der Musik (Braunschweig: Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn, 1863). English translation by Alexander J. Ellis (London: Longman, 1875). Musicology (Musikwissenschaft) was presented for the first time as a discipline modelled on the Newton‑style natural sciences in an article published by the German periodical Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung in Leipzig, entitled “Über Musik als Musikwissenschaft” [On Music as Musicology], in March 1827. This approach to the subject was systematised in the early twentieth century by Guido Adler (1855‑1941)—a musicologist at the University of Vienna and student of Helmholtz Carl Stumpf (1848‑1936)—and Hugo Riemann (1849‑1918). On the birth of musicology in Europe, see John Haines, “Généalogies musicologiques aux origines d’une science de la musique vers 1900” [Musicological Genealogies: At the Origins of a Science of Music around 1900], Acta musicological 73, no. 1 (2001): 21‑44.

60 On Tanaka’s conception of national music, see Hiratsuka Tomoko 平塚智子, “‘Hattatsu’ suru nihon ongaku: Tanaka Shōhei no risō to riron o megutte”「発達」する日本音楽: 田中正平の理想と実践をめぐって [The “Development” of Japanese Music: On the ideas and theories of Tanaka Shōhei), Hikaku bungaku kenkyū 比較文学研究 [Research on Comparative Literature], no. 71 (1998): 109‑128.

61 Konakamura Kiyonori 小中村清矩, Kabu-ongaku ryakushi 歌舞音楽略史 [A Brief History of Music, Song and Dance] (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Hanshichi 吉川半七, 1888; reprinted in 1928 and 2000 in the Iwanami Bunko series by Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店).

62 Underlining by Tanabe, Nihon ongaku kōwa (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1919), 69.

63 Underlining by Tanabe, Nihon ongaku kōwa, 341.

64 Tanabe, Gagaku tsūkai 雅楽通解 [An Explanation of Gagaku] (Tokyo: Kokyoku Hozon Kai 古曲保存会, 1921).

65 For more information on the history of the phonograph’s invention, see Philippe Tournès, Du Phonographe au MP3 : Une histoire de la musique enregistrée  xixexxie siècle [From the Phonograph to the MP3 Player: A History of Recorded Music from the 19th to the 21st century] (Paris: Autrement, 2008), 11‑18.

66 Tanabe, Meiji ongaku monogatari 明治音楽物語 [A Musical History of the Meiji Period] (Tokyo: Seiasha 青蛙社, 1965), 299‑303.

67 As of August 1922, this publication took over the helm from The World of the Gramophone (Chikuonki sekai 蓄音器世界), the first magazine devoted to records in Japan, founded in 1915.

68 Tanabe, Zoku Tanabe Hisao jijoden 続田辺尚雄自叙伝 [Sequel to the Autobiography of Tanabe Hisao] (Tokyo: Hōgakusha, 1981), 84‑88.

69 Ibid., 86.

70 Tanabe, Gagaku Tsūkai, 138‑168. The record sleeves and sound recordings have all been digitised and are available on the website of the Digital Archive of 78 RPM Records (SPレコードデジタルアーカイブ), run by the Research Centre for Traditional Japanese Music at Kyoto City University of Arts (Kyoto Shiritsu Geijutsu Daigaku Nihon Dentō Ongaku Kenkyū Sentā 京都市立芸術大学日本伝統音楽研究センター), http://neptune.kcua.ac.jp/cgi-bin/kyogei/index_sp.cgi (link valid November 2016).

71 Hattatsu no kara 発達の上から; Tanabe, Gagaku Tsūkai, 15.

72 Tanabe, Gagaku Tsūkai, 18.

73 The educational role of the phonograph was explored by Mark Katz, who compared the way American schools used phonographs in the early twentieth century to teach children to listen to and appreciate “real music” or “good music”, and the use of group singing in nineteenth-century musical education; Mark Katz, Capturing Sound: How Technology Has Changed Music (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005) 61.

74Tōyō ongaku riron no kagakuteki kenkyū” 東洋音楽理論の科学的研究; Zaidan hōjin keimei-kai daisankai taishō kyūnendo jigyō hōkokusho 財団法人啓明会第三回大正九年度事業報告書 [Third Annual Report of the Keimei‑kai Foundation, Taishō 9 (1920)] (Tokyo: Keimei‑kai, 1921), 29‑31.

75 Ue Sanemichi 上眞行, Ōno Tadamoto 多忠基 and Tanabe Hisao, “Shōsō‑in gakki no chōsa hōkoku” 正倉院楽器の調査報告 [Research Report on the Musical Instruments Held at the Shōsō‑in], Teishitsu hakubutsukan gakuhō 帝室博物館学報 [Bulletin of the Imperial Museum], no 5 (1921).

76 For a discussion of Tanabe’s musical studies as “ethnomusicology,” see Hosokawa Shūhei 細川周平, “In Search of the Sound of Empire: Tanabe Hisao and the Foundation of Japanese Ethnomusicology,” Japanese Studies, vol. 18 (May 1998): 5‑19.

77 Tanabe, Chōsen riōke no kogakubu: waga kyūchū no bugaku tono kankei 朝鮮李王家の古楽舞: 我が宮中の舞楽との関係 [The Ancient Music and Dance of the Court of the Yi (Joseon) Dynasty in Korea: Links with Bugaku from the Japanese Imperial Court], in Keimei-kai daigokai kōen-shū 啓明会第五回講演集 [Fifth Collection of Lectures by the Keimei-kai] (September 1921): 2‑6.

78 Tanabe, Zoku tanabe hisao jijoden, 120‑121.

79 See Uemura Yukio 植村幸生, “Shokuminchiki chōsen ni okeru kyūtei ongaku no chōsa o megutte: Tanabe Hisao ‘Chōsen gagaku chōsa’ no seijiteki bunmyaku” 植民地期朝鮮における宮廷音楽の調査をめぐって: 田辺尚雄『朝鮮雅楽調査』の政治的文脈 [Research on the Court Music of Korea under Japanese Rule: The Political Context of Tanabe Hisao’s ‘Research on Joseon Gagaku’], Chōsen shi kenkyūkai ronbun-shū 朝鮮史研究会論文集, vol. 35 (1997): 117‑144, in particular 134‑138; Yamamoto Hanako 山本華子, Ri ōshoku gagaku bu no kenkyū: shokuminchi jidai chōsen no kyūtei ongaku denshō 李王職雅楽部の研究: 植民地時代朝鮮の宮廷音楽伝承 [Research on the Gagaku Department of the Joseon Dynasty: Transmission of Court Musical Tradition under the Japanese Occupation], doctoral thesis in musicology (Tokyo University of the Arts, 2008), 146‑169.

80 Day of protest for the return of Port Arthur and Dairen, which were leased by China to Japan as part of the Twenty-One Demands issued by Tokyo in 1915.

81 Tanabe Hisao, “Ongaku kara mita tōa kyōei ken” 音楽から見た東亜共栄圏 [The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere seen from a Musical Perspective] in Tōyō ongaku no inshō 東洋音楽の印象 [Impressions of Oriental Music] (Tokyo: Jinbun Shoin 人文書院, 1941), 88‑93.

82 Tanabe Hisao, Chūgoku chōsen ongaku chōsa kikō 中国・朝鮮音楽調査紀行 [Travelogue of Music Research Carried Out in China and Korea] (Tokyo: Ongaku no Tomo Sha, 1970), 318‑319.

83 広く東洋音楽の比較研究に基づき、日本音楽史の上に革命的の解釈を与えたものである; Tanabe, “Introduction,” Nihon ongaku no kenkyū 日本音楽の研究 [Research on Japanese Music] (Tokyo: Kyōbun-sha 京文社, 1926).

84 Nihon gakushiin hachijūnen shi 日本学士院八十年史 [Eighty‑Year History of the Japan Academy] (Tokyo: Nihon Gakushiin 日本学士院, 1963), 278‑280.

85 Kishibe Shigeo 岸辺成雄, “Tōyō ongaku gakkai sanjū nen shōshi” 東洋音楽学会三十年小史 [Brief History of the Thirty Years of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music], Tōyō ongaku kenkyū 東洋音楽研究 [Research on Oriental Music], vol. 19 (1966): 63‑80.

86 Tanabe Hisao, “Sōkan ni saishite” 創刊に際して [On the Occasion of the Inaugural Issue], Tōyō ongaku kenkyū 東洋音楽研究, 1‑1 (November 1937): 3.

87 Researchers working at the same time as Tanabe, such as Shiratori Kurakichi 白鳥庫吉 (historian of the Orient and Honorary Chair of the Society for Research in Asiatic Music, 1865-1942) and Watsuji Tetsurō 和辻哲郎 (philosopher, 1889-1960), also responded to the problem of orientalism by calling for “Orientals” to reclaim the subject for themselves. See Kan Sang-jung, Orientarizumu no kanata e オリエンタリズムの彼方へ [Beyond Orientalism], Iwanami Gendai Bunko 岩波現代文庫 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2004), 133-162.

88 Erich Moritz von Hornbostel, Music of the Orient (1928), set of twenty-four 78‑rpm records, re‑released by Folkways Records (part of the Smithsonian Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage in Washington) in 1979. Compilation reference FW04157.

89 Tanabe, Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽 [East Asian Music], set of ten 78‑rpm records (Tokyo: Columbia‑Nipponophone コロムビア・ニッポノフォン, 1941), pages 1‑2 of the accompanying booklet.

90 These three compilations featured music from the following countries and regions (names are those used during Tanabe’s time): for East Asian Music, Manchuria, China, Mongolia, Java, Bali, Thailand, India, Iran (which Tanabe called “Ancient Persia”); for A Collection of Greater East Asian Music, Manchuria, Mongolia, China, French Indochina, Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, India, Indochina, Southwest Asia; for Music of the South, Thailand, French Indochina, Malaysia, Burma, Sumatra, and Bali.

91 Tanabe, Tōa no ongaku, 7‑8 of the accompanying booklet.

92 Daitōa to ongaku 大東亜と音楽 [Music and Greater East Asia], published in March 1942 as part of a collection established by the Educational Affairs Bureau (Kyōgaku‑kyoku 教学局), which reported directly to the Ministry of Education. The citation appears on pages 21‑22.

93 This is particularly notable in an article written by Tanabe, entitled “Koten ongaku no bunka‑zai toshite no kachi” 古典音楽の文化財としての価値 [The Value of Classical Music as a Cultural Property], Bunkazai Geppō 文化財月報 [Monthly Report by the Committee for the Protection of Cultural Properties] no. 1 (December 1951): 6.

94 Bunkazai Hogo Iinkai 文化財保護委員会, “Gagaku,” List of Intangible Cultural Properties, Kikan bunkazai 季刊文化財, vol. 3 (1955): 41.

95 Carol Gluck, “The Past in the Present,” in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1993), 66‑95.

96 A group known as the “Old Liberalists”; Tsuzuki Tsutomu 都築勉, Sengo nihon no chishikijin 戦後日本の知識人 [The Intellectuals of Postwar Japan] (Yokohama: Seori Shobō 世織書房, 1995), 123‑124; Oguma Eiji 小熊英二, Minshu” toaikoku” 「民主」と「愛国」 [“Democracy” and “Patriotism”] (Tokyo: Shin’yōsha, 2002), 175‑208.

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List of illustrations

Title Figure 1. Tanabe Hisao 田辺尚雄
Credits http://22982298.blog.fc2.com/​blog-category-29.html (25 May 2014).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/docannexe/image/1268/img-1.jpg
File image/jpeg, 36k
Title Figure 2. “The Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in) Kugo” (Shōsō in no kugo 正倉院の箜篌)
Caption “The Imperial Treasure House (Shōsō‑in) Kugo” (Shōsō in no kugo 正倉院の箜篌), a name given by Tanabe; Ue Sanemichi 上眞行, Ōno Tadamoto 多忠基 and Tanabe Hisao, “Shōsō‑in gakki no chōsa hōkoku” 正倉院楽器の調査報告 [Research Report on Musical Instruments Held at the Shōsō‑in], in Teishitsu hakubutsukan gakuhō 帝室博物館学報 [Bulletin of the Imperial Museum], no. 5 (1921): appendix of illustrations).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/docannexe/image/1268/img-2.jpg
File image/jpeg, 100k
Title Figure 3. “The Assyrian Kugo” (Asshiria no kugo アッシリアの箜篌)
Caption “The Assyrian Kugo” (Asshiria no kugo アッシリアの箜篌), name given by Tanabe; ibid.
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/docannexe/image/1268/img-3.jpg
File image/jpeg, 107k
Title Figure 4. Booklet accompanying the East Asian Music compilation
Caption Booklet accompanying East Asian Music, the record collection compiled by Tanabe Hisao. Tōa no ongaku 東亜の音楽, (Tokyo: Columbia‑Nipponophone コロムビア・ニッポノフォン, 1941).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/docannexe/image/1268/img-4.jpg
File image/jpeg, 99k
Title Figure 5. Booklet accompanying the Greater East Asian Music compilation
Caption Booklet accompanying the Greater East Asian Music compilation. Tanabe Hisao, Daitōa ken fūzoku shashin shū. Fu: daitōa ongaku no tokusei 大東亜圏風俗写真集: 附: 大東亜音楽の特性 [Photo collection of folklore from the Greater East Asia Co‑Prosperity Sphere. Appendix: The special characteristics of Greater East Asia], Daitōa ongaku shūsei 大東亜音楽集成 [Greater East Asian Music Compilation] (Tokyo: Japan Victor Records 日本ビクターレコード, 1942).
URL http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/docannexe/image/1268/img-5.jpg
File image/jpeg, 152k
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References

Electronic reference

Seiko Suzuki, « Gagaku, Music of the Empire:
Tanabe Hisao and musical heritage as national identity », Cipango - French Journal of Japanese Studies [Online], 5 | 2016, Online since 15 July 2019, connection on 24 February 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cjs/1268 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/cjs.1268

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About the author

Seiko Suzuki

Paris Diderot University – Paris 7 / University of Tokyo

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Copyright

Creative Commons License
Cipango – French Journal of Japanese Studies is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

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