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Notes
Since Chikuhō is not an officially delimited region, this paper adopts the approach of Japanese historians by referring to its four districts (gun 郡) of Kaho 嘉穂, Kurate 鞍手, Onga 遠賀 and Tagawa 田川, all located in Fukuoka Prefecture.
Chikuhō accounted for 54 percent of the national coal output in 1902, 50 percent in 1921 and 31 percent in 1951. Yada, 2014, p. 34–75.
Also known as eta (filth) and hinin (non‐humans), these terms referred, during the Edo period (1603–1868), to entire populations of people excluded from the official caste system. Members of these groups were restricted to occupations considered impure and confined to living in segregated settlements with high rates of endogamy. This social and spatial segregation continued despite the Emancipation Edict of 1871, introduced as part of the modernising efforts of the Meiji period (1868–1912). The settlements inhabited by outcast communities gradually came to be known as tokushu buraku (special hamlets), and then simply buraku, while the inhabitants were called burakumin (hamlet people).
Tokita, 1992, p. 162.
The pioneer in this field is undisputedly Mahara Tetsuo with “Chikuhō tankō to buraku no keisei” (1964), reprinted in Mahara, 1973, p. 67–86, followed by Nagasue Toshio and, more recently, Sakamoto Yūichi (see further on in this paper). With many historians of the buraku question supporting the Buraku Liberation League (Buraku kaihō dōmei 部落 解放同盟, founded in 1955), historical treatments of the subject tend to focus more on the history of the Suiheisha (see footnote 8) or the Edo period, and less on the sensitive issues that go hand in hand with more recent economic and social history.
The primary data in question essentially consists of studies by government agencies, from the Meiji Restoration (1868) to the post-war period.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha 全九州水平社, Suihei geppō 水平月報 [Monthly Bulletin of the Kyūshū Suiheisha], no. 128, 1924–1927. Archives reprinted in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, p. 1109.
The Suiheisha – or National Levellers’ Association (full name Zenkoku Suiheisha 全 国水平社, Zensui for short) – was founded in 1922 to defend the rights of burakumin and fight for equality with the rest of the Japanese population.
Certain sources mention the year 1587 but they are not considered reliable by Aso Tatsuo, director of the Tagawa City Coal Mining History Museum. Aso, 1979, p. 57.
Kaibara Ekiken 貝原益軒, Yamato honzō 大和本草 (1709), cited by Sakamoto, 1997, p. 86.
Mahara, 1973, p. 71; Nagasue, 1979, no. 15, p. 94. My sincere thanks to Bernard Thomann for making this article available.
As mentioned elsewhere, the terms eta (filth) and hinin (non-human) referred, during the Edo period (1603–1868), to outcaste populations restricted to working in occupations often considered impure and to living in segregated settlements away from the general population. Use of the term tokushu burakumin 特殊部落民 (special hamlet people), and later simply burakumin, dates back to the early twentieth century. For more information on the subject see Ishikida, 2005, p. 26–47.
Aso, 1979, p. 58.
Nagasue, 1979, p. 97.
Although the definition of hyakushō has evolved over time, during the Edo period it referred to commoners living in rural areas (mura 村), most of them peasants, as opposed to chōnin 町人, who lived in towns (machi 町).
Mahara, 1973, p. 74.
Aso, 1979, p. 77–79.
Ibid., p. 59–84.
He wrote that “during the Edo period, △△ [sic] and hinin were treated as belonging to the class of ‘special lowly people’ and it is likely they were among the vagabonds working in the mines” (Tokugawa jidai no tokushumin to shite toriatsukawareta kaikyū ni △△ [sic] oyobi hinin ga atta. Furōsha to shite tankō ni hairikonda mono no naka ni wa, korera no kaikyū mo attarō to omowareru 徳川時代の 特殊賤民として取扱はれた階級に△△及び非人があった。浮浪者として炭坑に入り込んだものの中には、是等の階級もあつたらうと思われる). The symbol △△ replaces the word eta. Endō, 1942, p. 156–157.
Aso, 1979, p. 62–63.
Harada, 1975 [1973], p. 124–126.
In 1868 there was not a single hinin in Fukuoka domain compared to 21,485 eta, while Kokura domain had 82 hinin and 6,356 eta. Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974 [1939], p. 77–98.
Matsuzaki, 1979, p. 100.
Aso, 1979, p. 82.
Takano, 2007.
Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974 [1939], p. 77–101 & no. 58, p. 101.
“Peasant households” actually refers to the number of non-eta households, which mainly consisted of peasants. Aso, 1979, p. 57 & 82.
Matsuzaki, 1979, p. 89; Sakamoto, 1997, p. 84; Aso, 1979, p. 57. This graph is based on figures compiled from different sources depending on the year: Kokura domain archives for 1622, private archives for 1852 and the newspaper Fukuoka Nichinichi 福岡日日 for 1920. Although they cannot be considered perfectly accurate, their relative size, their accordance with the overall trend and the calibre of scholars who have used them in their work nonetheless lend them a certain credibility.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 72–75.
Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974 [1939], p. 77–101.
Aso, 1979, p. 63–76.
Tsūshō Sangyōshō, 1964, p. 194–195.
Yada, 1974, p. 34–75.
Promulgated on 12 October 1871 (28 August of Meiji 4), the Emancipation Edict officially abolished the status distinctions of outcaste populations like eta, hinin, shuku and tōnai, etc.: “The titles of eta and hinin shall be abolished; and henceforth the people belonging to these classes shall be treated in the same manner both in occupation and social standing as the common people (heimin)” (eta hinin tō no shō haiserare sōrōjō jikon mibun shokugyō tomo heimin dōyō tarubeki koto 穢多非人等ノ称被廃候条自今身分職業共平民同様タルヘキ事). Translation from Reber, 1999, p. 304. Segregation nonetheless continued due to the lack of other concrete political measures to tackle discrimination. Moreover, eta and hinin lost their monopolies of certain occupations as well as their tax exemption status, ultimately proletarianizing and impoverishing some of them.
Mahara, 1973, p. 67–86; Nagasue, 1979, p. 98–107.
This expression appears in the work of most scholars researching the issue, for example Nagasue, 1979, p. 104, and Taki’i, 1985, p. 205.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 83.
Nagasue, 1979, p. 99 & 105.
Kawamukai, 1989, p. 115.
Aso, 1979, p. 84.
Mahara, 1973, p. 69.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 99.
Shindō, 1978, p. 166.
Taki’i, 1985, p. 206.
Rate calculated using the Home Ministry surveys of 1871 and 1921 (Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974 [1936] no. 40, p. 85). The high growth rate is partly due to the fact that the government buraku survey of 1933 was more exhaustive than that of 1920. It remains high even compared to the national rate of population growth.
More detailed sources exist but they are concealed in private archives.
This can be seen in duplicates of early-twentieth-century documents, like the 80 issues of Yūwa jigyō kenkyū (Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974) and Yūwa jigyō nenkan (Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970), in addition to around 10 or so volumes of Kindai burakushi shiryō shūsei (1984–1987).
Rate calculated using the surveys carried out by the Home Ministry in 1921 and 1935 (Yūwa jigyō kenkyū, no. 40, p. 85; Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970 [1935], p. 283–287).
Chikuhō Sekitan Kōgyōshi Nenpyō Hensan Iinkai, 1973; Sakamoto, 1997, p. 84 & 107.
Yada, 2014., p. 67; Nagasue, 1973, p. 133, & 1989, p. 92.
Tōkyō Chihō Shokugyō Shōkai Jimukyoku 東京地方職業紹介事務局, 2000 [1928], p. 199.
Ibid., p. 197.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 92.
Shindō, 1978, p. 119.
Kawamukai, 1989, p. 114.
Mahara Tetsuo, quoted by Shindō, 1978, p. 38.
Aso, 1979, p. 84.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 82.
Sano announced his “ideological conversion” (tenkō 転向) from prison in 1933.
Sano, 1923.
An early member of the Kyūshū Suiheisha, closely linked to the Japanese Communist Party.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 12.
A semi-public social welfare organisation founded in 1911.
Saiseikai kaihō 済生会会報 (Saiseikai Bulletin), no. 4, 6 January 1918, reprinted in Kindai burakushi shiryō shūsei, 1984–1987, vol. 9, p. 330.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 31.
Quoted by Mahara, 1973, p. 81. Information on Shirato Zentarō based on Nakamura, 2008.
The number of workers employed in the mines in 1933 is roughly equivalent to the years preceding the prosperity brought about by World War I. Working class population figures quoted by Yada, 2014, p. 67.
Based on Sakamoto, 1997, p. 84.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 91; Tokita, 1976, p. 75.
Survey published in Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970 [1933], p. 556.
Yada, 2014, p. 67.
Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970 [1933], p. 556; Buraku Kaihō Kenkyūjo, 1981, p. 55.
Survey carried out by Tsuru Daijirō 都留大治郎, quoted by Tokita, 1976, p. 72.
Buraku Kaihō Kenkyūjo, 1981, p. 55.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 106.
Kindai burakushi shiryō shūsei, 1984–1987, vol. 2, p. 3 & 584.
Shindō, 1978, p. 185; Matsumoto, 1977, p. 31.
Report quoted by Sakamoto, 1997, p. 103.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 12 & 103; Sakamoto, 1997, p. 91–102; Shindō, 1978, p. 13 & 30–38.
Mahara, 1973, p. 82.
Recollections of Yamamoto Sakubē, Matsumoto Tsuya and Matsumoto Kichinosuke quoted by Shindō, 1978, p. 31–32.
Matsumoto, 1977. p. 31.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 100.
Along with Asō Takichi and Yasukawa Kei’ichirō, Kaijima is nicknamed one of the “Chikuhō Big Three” (Chikuhō gosanke 筑豊御三家).
Nagasue, 1989, p. 80–86.
Nagasue, 1979, p. 108.
Mahara, 1973, p. 82; Shindō, 1978, p. 185.
Tōkyō Chihō Shokugyō Shōkai Jimukyoku, Saitanfu rōdō jijō 採炭夫労働事 情, 1929, reproduced in Kyūshū Daigaku Sekitan Kenkyū Shiryō Sentā, 2000, p. 190.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 98.
Nagasue, 1979, p. 108; Sakamoto, 1997, p. 101; Mahara, 1973, p. 82.
Ōsaka Chihō Shokugyō Shōkai Jimukyoku, “Chikuhō tanzan rōdō jijō” 筑豊炭山労働事情 [Working Conditions in Chikuhō Mines], 1926 survey, reproduced in Kyūshū Daigaku Sekitan Kenkyū Shiryō Sentā, 1993, p. 81.
Naimushō, 2000 [1924], p. 25.
Quoted by Sakamoto, 1997, p. 101.
Ueda, 1977, p. 1014.
Recollections quoted by Shindō, 1978, p. 34.
The term yottsu, literally meaning “four”, was often used to describe burakumin, insinuating that they were not human but simply creatures with “four limbs”.
Quoted in Mahara, 1973, p. 76.
Harada, 1975 [1973], p. 231.
Shindō, 1978, p. 180.
Created in 1923, the Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha 全九州水平社, or Zenkyūsui for short, is a regional branch of the National Levellers’ Association – Zenkoku Suiheisha – founded the previous year to tackle burakumin discrimination.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 12, 1 August 1925.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 90–92; Mahara, 1973, p. 82.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 103.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 7, 1 January 1925.
Haraguchi, 1988, p. 495.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 96; Shindō, 1978, p. 64.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985. Information on the number of workers employed at each mine is based on Moji Tetsudō Un’yuka門司鉄道局運輸課, Ensen tankō yōran 沿線炭鉱要覧, 1928, cited by Sakamoto, 1997, p. 99.
Nagasue, 1979, p. 108; Mahara, 1973, p. 82.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985.
Kaneko, 1975, p. 100.
Nagasue, 1989, p. 90–91.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 103.
Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970 [1936], vol. 11, p. 135–136.
Large dormitories for unmarried miners. Nagasue, 1979, p. 106.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 7, 1 January 1925.
Information on the organisation of the “naya seido” system is based on Sumiya, 2003 [1968], p. 323–329; Ogino, 1993, p. 41–43 & 134.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 9 [sic: no. 10], 1 May 1925.
The yūwa policy was the forerunner of the dōwa (assimilation) policy introduced by law in 1969.
According to Sakamoto Yūichi, one of the most documented researchers on the subject, 1997, p. 95–102.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 12–37 & 113.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, nos. 3, 8, 10, 15, etc.
Instruction by Asō Takichi, 6 November 1888, quoted by Sakamoto, 1997, p. 100.
Shindō, 1978, p. 124 & 250.
Sakamoto, 1997, p. 100–103.
Yamamoto Sakubē, quoted by Shindō, 1978, p. 124.
Report by striking miners, ibid., p. 126.
Ibid., p. 124.
Ibid., p. 209.
Haraguchi, 2001, p. 590.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 39.
Sano, 1923.
Comments by Kondō, recorded by the police after his arrest in May 1923. Shindō, 1978, p. 209.
Ibid., p. 220.
Haraguchi, 1988 p. 495.
In 1929 there were 18,899 Suiheisha members among the roughly 70,000 burakumin in Fukuoka Prefecture (69,345 individuals in 1920, 71,913 in 1935). At the national level the Suiheisha had 48,483 members that year out of almost one million burakumin present in Japan (829,674 according to the 1921 census, rising to 999,687 in 1935). Sources: Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1974, no. 40, p. 85; Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai, 1970 [1935], p. 283–287; Kindai burakushi shiryō shūsei, 1984–1987, vol. 9, p. 19 & 29; Haraguchi, 1988, p. 502–503.
Account by Yamamoto Sakubē, quoted by Shindō, 1978, p. 32.
Comments made at the 1924 congress by Matsumoto Ji’ichirō and Hanayama Kiyoshi (personal archives).
Shindō, 1978, p. 230.
Admittedly, half of the striking workers were buraku women. Haraguchi, 1989, p. 159.
Shindō, 1978, p. 221.
Tomb belonging to the family of Hanayama Kiyoshi, one of the editors of Suihei geppō.
A social democratic union, which had many Koreans members among the striking miners of 1932.
Shindō, 1978, p. 111–126 & 225.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985 [1924], articles published in issues 3, 4 and 6.
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 15, 10 November 1925.
Ibid., no. 18, 1 April 1926.
Ibid., no. 12, 1 August 1925.
Descriptions of burakumin as racially distinct from the Japanese appeared during the Edo period. However, it was above all the spread of Darwinism and eugenics in Japan in the late nineteenth century that brought about the birth of racialist and racist discourse concerning eta. The term “race” (jinshu 人種) in relation to burakumin appeared in numerous texts in the first half of the twentieth century. I discussed these points in greater detail at seminars held on 22 January 2015 (“Japanese Populations”, CEJ-Inalco) and 24 March 2016 (CEJ-Toulouse).
Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 15, 10 November 1925.
Views expressed by Yamakawa Hitoshi and Koyama Morito in the inaugural issue of Seibu sensen, cited by Shindō, 1978, p. 229.
The NRT scarcely lasted a day before being disbanded by the authorities.
Manifesto voted in 1925, cited by Tsuchiana, 1960, p. 256.
The term “people” (minzoku) is used for example in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985 [1925], no. 15.
Such, in any case, is the conclusion of the majority of scholars at the Buraku Kaihō Jinken Kenkyūjo 部落解放人権研究所. Yoshida, 2013; Tanaka, 2001, p. 1098. However, a direct analysis of the party manifesto at the National Diet Library is necessary: Hososako, 1926.
Shindō, 1978, p. 234.
Information on these arrests is based on Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 26, 1 March 1927.
Haraguchi, 1988, p. 518.
Kimura became a card-carrying member of the JCP in 1927. Buraku Kaihō Jinken Kenkyūjo, 2001, p. 218.
Taishū jihō, nos. 35–98, 1928–1933, reproduced in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, p. 111–120.
The socialist party Nihon Rōnōtō is distinct from the other three parties closely linked to the JCP and referred to as “Rōnōtō”, namely Rōdō Nōmintō (RNT, 1926–1928), Rōdōsha Nōmintō 労働者農民党 (1928–1928) and Rōnōtō 労農党 (1929–1931).
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 107; Shindō, 1978, p. 237.
The composition of the editorial board is listed in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, issue published on 10 January 1929.
By “first issues” I mean those published between May and August 1928, numbered 35 to 38, since the numbering of the new journal carried on from Suihei geppō.
Taishū jihō, 1 May 1928 and 1 August 1928: Taishū jihō, nos. 35–98, 1928–1933, reproduced in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, p. 111–120.
Ibid., 1 August 1928.
Distinct from the Zen-Nihon Rōdō Sōdōmei 全日本労働総同盟.
Taishū jihō, no. 42, 1 December 1928: Taishū jihō, nos. 35–98, 1928–1933, reproduced in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, p. 111–120.
Taishū jihō became the official organ of the SKRK in 1934 (nos. 99–107). These issues of the periodical are reprinted in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, p. 121–130.
Matsumoto, 1977, p. 104–115; Shindō, 1978, p. 238.
Taishū jihō, Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 99, 1 January 1934.
Ibid.
Taishū jihō, Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 102, 10 April 1934.
Ibid.
In 1934 the communist movements had been weakened by government repression and successive ideological conversions.
Sano, 1923, and “Suihei shakai no kensetsu” 水平社会の建設, in Zen Kyūshū Suiheisha, 1985, no. 3, August 1924.
According to the most recent national census carried out in 1993, Fukuoka Prefecture has the second largest burakumin population in Japan, after Hyōgo Prefecture. Sōmuchō, 1995, p. 72.
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