• 1 As we will show later, there are differences regarding the geographic range between “al‑Yaman” in h (...)

1The Rasūlid era (626/1228–858/1454), which began in southwest Arabia in the early 13th century, was full of glory for over two hundred years. Behind this prosperity is the fact that the Rasūlids were holding Indian Ocean trading ports such as ‘Adan, which produced a huge fiscal revenue, and Yemen,1 which excelled in agricultural productivity.

• 2 Also see Wada 2008. Yajima has also published the annals of the Rasūlids (see Ta’rīḫ).

2In previous studies, the Rasūlid era have often been referred to in relation to the Indian Ocean trade (Serjeant 1974; al‑Shamrookh 1996; Smith 1996; Margariti 2007). In Japan, as part of the study of Indian Ocean trade history, detailed studies of the Rasūlids have been conducted by H. Yajima and Y. Kuriyama in recent years. Yajima has advocated for the concept of “the Indian Ocean world” based on “the Trade Diaspora” of Philip D. Curtin. His principal aim is to reconstruct the history of various regions from the point of view from the “maritime area,” focusing on human and commercial activities(Yajima 2006).2 Speaking in the context of the Rasūlids, he illustrated the history of south Arabia from the view of the “maritime area” by conducting a bird’s‑eye analysis of the Ḥaḍramawt expedition by Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Muẓaffar (r. 647/1249–694/1295), the achievements of merchants who were active under the Rasūlids, and the trading of horses between Yemen and the Indian subcontinent. Based on Yajima’s concept, Kuriyama considered the cosmopolitanism of Yemen in “the Indian Ocean world” (Kuriyama 2011). His study focused on customs of ‘Adan under the Rasūlids during the 13th century, foreign relations of the Zaydī Imāms during the 17th century, and the movement of people such as ‘ulamā’ and Ḥaḍramīacross the Yemen region. This book is a state‑of‑the art Japanese study on either Yemeni history.
On the other hand, the social and economic history of Yemen under the Rasūlids has not been researched fully. Therefore, al‑Munda‘ī and D. M. Varisco have studied the agricultural activities of Yemen under the Rasūlids(al‑Munda‘ī 1992; Varisco 1994). In addition, al‑Fīfī detailed the administrative history of the Rasūlids(al‑Fīfī 2005). The economic activity on empirical analysis, however, has not been fully elucidated because of the limited number of historical materials.

• 3 About this book, see also Irtifā‘: p. ğīm‑ṣād; Vallet 2010: p. 72‑5.

3But this situation has changed completely since the discovery of new historical materials in recent years. In particular, two administrative document collections, Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif fī Nuẓum wa‑Qawānīn wa‑A‘rāf al‑Yaman fīl‑‘Ahd al‑Muẓaffarī al‑Wārif and Irtifā‘ al‑Dawla al‑Mu’ayyadiyya,3 which were revised by Muḥammad ‘Abd al‑Raḥīm Ğāzim, have contributed to the development of research on the social and economic history of the Rasūlids. E. Vallet comprehensively used various historical materials, including these new documents, and conducted an in‑depth analysis about the commercial activities under the Rasūlids in his book L’Arabie marchande. Starting from the detailed study of the Rasūlid historical materials corpus, he examined Indian Ocean trade, intraregional trade in Yemen and its relation to the sovereignty of the Rasūlid Sulṭān, as well as the details of maritime trade. Vallet’s discussion, which thoroughly examined the previous studies, is a culmination of the Rasūlid research at the current stage.

• 4 See also Nūr I: alif‑zāy; Nūr II: alif‑ḥā’; Vallet 2010: p. 70‑2; Baba 2013.

6Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif, which was published in 2003 and 2005, is historical material compiled based on the administrative documents of the reigns of Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Manṣūr ‘Umar (r. 626/1228–647/1249), Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Muẓaffar Yūsuf (r. 647/1249–694/1295), and Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Ašraf ‘Umar (r. 694/1295–696/1296).4 In this literature, there are about 60 articles related to the cooking ingredients sent to the home of the royal family and the kitchen of the Sulṭān (Nūr I: p. 127, 393, 407‑8, 525‑59, 571‑81; Nūr II: p. 1‑24, 70‑101, 119‑150). We propose an analysis based mainly on these records.

• 6  In these records, there are some articles referred to tar and feed that were used in the stable. B (...)
• 7  About the place name, for example, I deemed both the “Ta‘izz” and “al‑A‘māl al‑Ta‘izziyya” as refe (...)

10In this way, we extracted cooking ingredients and tools for which we can see the place of the supply origin and tabulated the information from Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif in the table “Supplied products to the Rasūlid court.”6 This table consists of five rows. On the left, each row means “supply origin,”7 “group(Egg/Daily products, Cereals, Meats, Pulse, Vegetables, Fruits, Dried fruits, Fragrance/Spices, Oils/Fats, Seasonings, Sweets, Others (foods), Cooking, Sundries and Tools),” “ingredients,” “supply destination,” and “source.” If we count items that include “supply origin,” “ingredient,” and “supply destination” as one, the total number of items is 445. In the next section, we perform an analysis focused on the supply origin and supply destination on the basis of this table.

• 8 The catalogues of taxable goods in ‘Adan in this paper means following three materials: Nūr I: p. 4 (...)
• 9 For example, in the article where the supply origin of vegetables is stated, both the supply origin (...)

11Cooking ingredients in this table are only a portion of the described foods written in Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif. There are additional ingredients that do not have their supply origins stated in Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif. In addition to most of the šuqr, mint (na‘na‘), kāḏī, seed of fenugreek (bizar ḥulba), various types of spices, vegetables, egg/dairy products, fruits, and seasonings have no information about their supply origin. Though we can guess that these products have been acquired through Indian Ocean trade if written in the catalogues of taxable goods in ‘Adan,8 there is no information in these records. As described above, these documents are mainly composed of the proclamation document or procurement request document to the distant areas, and the records of the products that were actually acquired. Therefore, if they were able to get a product in the vicinity of the supply destination without ordering it from a distant place, such a product is unlikely to be listed in the source.9

• 10 It should be noted that al‑Ḥusaynī (d. 9/15 C.) divided the various regions under the Rasūlids into (...)

12When we extract the place name of the supply origin from this table, the total number climbs to 17. It is possible to divide these supply origins broadly into four locations as follows.10

• 11 In the table, there are 86 items listing ‘Adan as the supply destination. More specifically, 67 wer (...)
• 12 For example, see (Nūr II: p. 93‑4). This is the article that al‑Malik al‑Wāṯiq Ibrāhīm (d. 711/1311 (...)

17In this section, let us consider the supply destination trend. Figure 3 shows the supply destination percentages listed in the table.11 In comparison with the supply origin results, place names appearing in sources as supply destinations are limited. However, it is likely that cooking ingredients were supplied to areas that are not recorded in the archives. Though there is only one item in the table that has Zabīd as a supply destination, we know the Sulṭān frequently visited Zabīd,12 and we should understand that various foods were supplied there in practice.

• 14 Along with the development of Zabīd and Ta‘izz under the Rasūlids, the Makka pilgrimage road, which (...)

20Zabīd appears frequently in the archives as a supply origin for the Rasūlid court. This city was prosperous under the Rasūlids as the Sulṭān’s home ground, particularly in the reigning period of Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Muğāhid ‘Alī (r. 721/1321–744/1343) (Masālik 1: p. 152) and in the starting point of the Makka pilgrimage.14 In addition to the kitchen equipment made of dates and ceramics (Nūr I: p. 54‑5, 350‑3), the cooking ingredients taken to the court from Zabīd include curd, pomegranate, ṯi’l date, tamarind (ḥumar), ginger, honey, sesame oil, and clarified butter. These were the specialties of the Zabīd region. However, these products were not only produced in urban areas of Zabīd, but they were also products of the Zabīd periphery and transported to Zabīd. For example, Rima‘, which is at the north of 1.5 farsaḫ from Zabīd (Muğāwir: p. 63; Mu‘ğam III: p.  78), and Ḏu’āl located 1–2 days’ journey from Zabīd (‘Umāra: p. 77; Muğāwir: p. 62‑3; Mu‘ğam III: p. 9; Bahğa: p. 104) are not often described. This is because the products from these regions were transported to Zabīd and supplied to the court from Zabīd. Various products arrived at the ports of Ġalāfiqa near Zabīd and al‑Ahwāb and would also be collected in Zabīd (Muğāwir: p. 243; Ṣubḥ V: p. 8).

• 15 It should be noted that when it comes to date palms, Makkī dates were only from al‑Mahğam, and ṯi’l(...)
• 16 Sulṭān al‑Malik al‑Muẓaffar held al‑Mahğam as iqṭā‘ before he assumed the throne (‘Uqūd I: p. 87). (...)
• 17 Seafood arriving in the Red Sea Coast was also transported to al‑Mahğam (Muğāwir: p. 91).

22To the north of Zabīd, the road of the Sulṭān (al‑ṭarīq al‑sulṭānī) was running (Simṭ I: p. 250). Al‑Mahğam, located on this road a three‑day journey from Zabīd (‘Umāra: p. 83; Mu‘ğam II: p. 265; Ṣubḥ V: p. 12), is also described in sources as a supply origin for the court. Supply items from al‑Mahğam are similar to those from Zabīd because the production environment of both was similar in Tihāma.15 Sulṭāns had visited al‑Mahğam continually and placed importance on this city (Varisco 1994: p. 306; Vallet 2010: p. 341‑6)16. Its supply destination is unknown, but it may have been al‑Ta‘kar located in the southern mountainous region. However, it is difficult to think that there was a special relationship between al‑Mahğam and al‑Ta‘kar because they were far away from each other. Al‑Maḥālib produced sorghum and sesame, and al‑Kadrā’ cultivated dates and cotton (Afḍal: p. 27; Varisco 1991: p. 8‑9) around al‑Mahğam. The products of these regions were supplied to the court via al‑Mahğam.17

• 18 Also see note 7.

24On the east side of Tihāma, the al‑Sarāt Mountains traverse the north to southwestern Arabian Peninsula. In the mountains, rainfall occurs, which is rare in the dry Arabian Peninsula, and agriculture has existed since ancient times. As if describing its richness, the periphery of Ta‘izz in particular used to be called “al‑Yaman the Green (al‑Yaman al‑Aḫḍar)”.18 We call the region corresponding to this al‑Yaman al‑Aḫḍar, the southern mountainous area, and analyze it in this paper.

• 19 Al‑Quṣayba is a fertile agricultural area located in the north of Ta‘izz. Quṣaybī wheat is from her (...)
• 20 The grains produced around Ta‘izz were collected in the granary of citadel Ta‘izz (ahrā’ ḥiṣn Ta‘iz (...)

25Ta‘izz, the homeland of the Rasūlid Sulṭān, is located 1,400 m above sea level. Around Ta‘izz, there were al‑Quṣayba19 and an agricultural region called “Green Field (Ḥayyiz al‑Aḫḍar),” which spread toward al‑Ğūwa (Muğāwir: p. 155‑6; Afḍal: p. 14). It is not hard to imagine that the products produced there were taken to Ta‘izz.20 In the table, there are just seven items supplied from Ta‘izz. As described above, this is related to the fact that Ta‘izz was a supply destination in which the ingredients were gathered from the surrounding areas rather than a supply origin (cf. Vallet 2010: p. 356‑62).

• 21 Sugar has also been produced in Zabīd and al‑Mahğam (Nūr II: p. 105‑6). However, it was rarely supp (...)
• 22 According to an article by Ibn al‑Muğāwir, between Ğanad‑Ta‘izz was 1 farsaḫ (Muğāwir: p. 161).

26Ğibla, which is located one day north east of Ta‘izz (Taqwīm: p. 90‑1; Ṣubḥ V: p. 13), supplied white sugar and red sugar. The Sulṭān owned sugar cane plants in Ğibla, and sugar cane produced on the periphery was accumulated and manufactured there (Nūr II: p. 102‑4).21In addition, Ğanad, which is located a half‑day trip north of the Ta‘izz (Taqwīm: p. 91; Muğāwir: p. 90‑1; Mu‘ğam, V: p. 265; Ṣubḥ V: p. 13),22 supplied meats, fragrances/spices, and kitchen tools. In particular, safflower, mustard, and coriander were often supplied from Ğanad, and thus, these three products were considered staples of Ğanad.

• 23 Miḫlāf is also treated as the name of a city in Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif. For example, in the list of militar (...)
• 24 According to some farming calendars, sorghum, various fruits, clarified butter, and poppy were prod (...)

27Miḫlāf was also frequently recorded as a supply origin in Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif. In general, Miḫlāf is a noun used in Yemen that is synonymous with “region” (Muğāwir: p. 169‑70; al‑Ḥağarī 1984 IV: p. 297; EI² VII: p. 35 (Mikhlāf)). However, Miḫlāf in Yemeni historical materials is often thought to refer to Miḫlāf Ğa‘far, the region around Ibb (Mu‘ğam V: p. 106; Nūr I: p. 59 note 471; Varisco 1994: p. 307).23 The ingredients supplied here are very diverse, such as meats, cereals, lentil, walnuts, poppy, garlic, sesame oil, and so on. Although the strict production areas of most of them are unknown, it is easy to imagine that this region had high agricultural productivity.24 Incidentally, since Ğibla and Ğanad described above could be included in Miḫlāf Ğa‘far, the products supplied from these cities were also recorded, as their supply origin was Miḫlāf Ğa‘far.

• 25 Also see (Margariti 2007: p. 33‑67; Vallet 2010: p. 156‑63).
• 26 Wheat, vegetables, and fruits that can be taken from the hinterland were transported to ‘Adan, whic (...)

30On the other hand, we have to pay attention to the fact that ‘Adan maintained a close network with the surrounding land.25For example, caraway, fennel, black caraway, hazelnuts, and pistachios were only supplied from ‘Adan. Although we cannot find these products in the catalogues of taxable goods in ‘Adan, they are mentioned in the farming calendars authored under the Rasūlids (Afḍal: p. 27; Varisco 1991: p. 18‑22). Therefore, we can assume these were produced in the hinterland of ‘Adan and supplied to the court via ‘Adan.26

• 27 However, Ibn ‘Abd al‑Mağīd (d. 743/1343) also wrote Ṣan‘ā’ al‑Yaman, “Ṣan‘ā’ of al‑Yaman” (Bahğa: p (...)
• 28 For example, al‑Ḫazrağī (d. 812/1410) says “from Ṣan‘ā’ to Ḏamār, then al‑Yaman and the land (manāṣ(...)
• 29 According to al‑Ḥusaynī, the geographic range of Bilād al‑‘Ulyā extends from the eastern part of Ḥa(...)

32The medieval historians who wrote the history of the Rasūlids clearly distinguished between the northern mountainous area (Bilād al‑‘Ulyā) and al‑Yaman (al‑Yaman al‑Aḫḍar) (cf. Simṭ: p. 118, 305, 342, 360, 418, 487, 530, 550, 555; Bahğa: p. 134, 137‑8; ‘Uqūd I: p. 79, 168).27 They called the Rasūlids’ home territory al‑Yaman and described the region where the Zaydī Imāms were dominant as Bilād al‑‘Ulyā (Masālik 1: p. 156, 165‑7; Smith 1978: p. 77‑80). The boundary between the two was in Ḏamār28 or Ḥaql Qatāb.29

• 30 Ibn Baṭṭūṭa (d. 770/1368–9), who visited Ṣan‘ā’ in the 14th century, reported that there was a weal (...)

33In the table, Bilād al‑‘Ulyā was only mentioned as a supply origin once. However, when the Sulṭān moved to Ṣan‘ā’, the Rasūlid bureaucracy requested the supply of sheep be moved to the mountainous area around Ṣan‘ā’ and Ḏamār (Nūr II: p. 95‑6).Therefore, we cannot deem the agricultural productivity of this region as remarkably low.30 Under these circumstances, in terms of a reason the region was not listed as a supply origin in Nūr al‑Ma‘ārif, the following two points can be considered.

• 32 This is related to the fact that Ḥaḍramawt, which was embedded in the Rasūlids after Sulṭān al‑Muẓa (...)

34It could also be seen as evidence that the region around Ṣan‘ā’ was not an important supply origin of cooking ingredients for the Rasūlid court.32 In other words, the supply from Tihāma, the southern mountainous region and ‘Adan was enough to sustain the diet of the Rasūlid court.