1Montenegro, a Western Balkan country characterised by diverse ethnic and religious groups, with a population of approximately 623.633 (MONTSTAT 2024) has experienced significant political and social transformations over the years. One of the most significant events in Montenegro’s recent history is the Independence Referendum held in May 2006. The referendum marked a turning point for the country, as it resulted in the dissolution of the state union with Serbia and the re-establishment of Montenegro as an independent state. This event not only reshaped its political landscape but also influenced its relationship with neighbouring countries and the wider international community.
2Another crucial event in Montenegro’s political journey was its accession to NATO in June 2017 (Vlada Crne Gore 2021). The NATO membership signalled its commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration and alignment with Western political and military frameworks. This step was met with diverse opinions and had implications for regional stability, security, and Montenegro’s relations with neighbouring countries.
3The small country on the Adriatic Sea has witnessed several political elections during this period. In the presidential election that took place on April 15, 2018, seven candidates ran for the presidency (Državna izborna komisija 2018). Milo Djukanović from the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) emerged as the winner, securing his position as the President of Montenegro for the next five years by receiving 53.9% of the votes (ODIHR Election Observation Mission 2018). Djukanović has been a prominent figure in Montenegrin politics for several decades, having previously served as the Prime Minister and playing a significant role in Montenegro’s independence process and integration into NATO. Running on a pro-western platform of Euro-Atlantic integration and economic development, Djukanović aimed to maintain stability in the country while continuing his party’s policies.
4Prior to the parliamentary elections in August 2020, Montenegro experienced significant protests that were primarily related to political and religious issues. The protests were sparked by a controversial law on religious freedom and property rights (Sinanović 2020), as well as broader concerns about corruption and democratic governance. Most of the demonstrators were supporters of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), including clergy, believers, and opposition parties aligned with the SOC. These protests galvanized opposition parties and created a more competitive political environment.
5The DPS, led by President Milo Djukanović, the ruling party in Montenegro since 1991, campaigned on the premise of maintaining stability, Euro-Atlantic integration, and economic development. The DPS dominated the political scene and held power throughout the turbulent years, including the country’s independence process. On the other side, the Coalition “For the Future of Montenegro” brought together various factions of the political spectrum, conservative, and nationalist parties, providing a united front against the ruling DPS. Their platform emphasized anti-corruption measures, economic reforms, and increased cooperation with neighbouring countries. One significant aspect of the 2020 elections was the involvement of the SOC (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2022).
6The SOC openly supported the opposition alliance, positioning itself as a defender of Serbian identity and Orthodox values. The church’s influence played a crucial role in mobilizing conservative voters and challenging the DPS’s traditional support base. The results were a historic turning point, as the opposition alliance managed to secure a narrow victory, ending the DPS’s three-decade-long rule. The coalition “For the Future of Montenegro” secured 32 seats in the 81-member parliament, while the DPS won 30 seats. The smooth transfer of power represented a significant achievement in the country’s progress towards democracy.
7In 2022, Montenegro underwent a period of considerable political instability, where two governments resigned due to votes of no confidence. The political polarization within the country was openly criticized by the European Union (EU), impeding the attainment of consensus on critical matters of public concern such as pending appointments in the judiciary. Contentious topics surrounding Montenegro’s national identity and historical relations with neighbouring Serbia remained sources of division (Freedom House 2023). Firstly, the 42nd government stepped down in February 2022, whereas the fall of the 43rd government in August 2022 followed as a direct consequence of the signing of a highly criticized agreement with the SOC (Freedom House 2023). Due to the challenges encountered in the process of appointing a new government, the second administration maintained its position (International Election Observation Mission 2023) as a “technical government”.
8The presidential elections of March/April 2023 took place against the backdrop of a continuing crisis characterized by institutional and constitutional challenges, a political deadlock, and persistent calls for early parliamentary elections as a possible solution to address the political crisis (International Election Observation Mission 2023). The SOC in Montenegro played an active part in the campaign on March 17th, releasing a public statement urging voters to refrain from supporting “the political forces which have led the country until 2020” (O’Reilly 2023).
9In the presidential elections held on March 19th, seven candidates run for the presidential office. As none of the candidates achieved the required majority of votes, according to the Law on the election of the president of Montenegro (Zakon o izboru Predsjednika Crne Gore 2007), the State Election Commission (SEC) announced a second round to be held on April 2nd, 2023 The two leading contenders in this round were the current officeholder Milo Djukanović and Jakov Milatović, the former Minister of Economy in the 42nd government, representing the Movement “Europe Now.” Milatović emerged as the winner with 58.88% of the votes, while Djukanović received 41.12% (Državna izborna komisija 2023) Mr. Djukanović delivered a concession speech, on the late election evening in which he acknowledged the election results and extended his congratulations to his opponent. The outcome of these elections had implications for policy-making, governance, and the overall political climate in Montenegro. Moreover, they have drawn significant attention from both domestic and international observers.
10This paper aims to examine the portrayal of Montenegro in the German newspapers during the period spanning from 2016 to 2023. It seeks to identify events and topics that received notable attention in German newspapers. Additionally, we seek to analyse the way these subjects are reported, shedding light on the various perspectives, biases, and nuances present in the media coverage. Through this analysis, we aim to offer a comprehensive understanding of how narratives concerning countries aspiring the EU membership, such as Montenegro, are portrayed in the German newspapers.
11The method proposed in this work is based on a corpus-driven approach (Tognini-Bonelli 2002) and statistics applied on textual data analysis (Lebart, Pincemin & Poudat 2019). The research uses the Hyperbase1 web platform to perform statistical analysis and produce interpretable visualisations of the data. The tools provided by Hyperbase are mainly based on the statistical calculation of the z-score, one of the standard measures used with corpus-driven approaches to detect words that are overused in a given text. Based on the normal distribution law with mean u and standard deviation o, the official formula for z-score is for a data point with value x: z(x) = (x - u)/o. The unit of z-score is o, and z-score is negative if x < o. The metric allows in particular to detect the overused vocabulary of each newspaper and make co-occurrences calculations of target words.
12The co-occurrences analysis is based on context windows which represents in our study ten words before and after the target word filtered by the Part-Of-Speech corresponding to the nouns (labelled as NOUN in the platform). Hyperbase provided two layers of co-occurrence visualisation called poly-co occurrence (Vanni & Mittmann 2016), which corresponds to a recursive calculation of the z-score for each pair of target word+cooccurence.
13Finally, we used a Tree Cloud Analysis (Gambette & Véronis 2009) implementation provided by the platform which allows us to compare distance either between texts or words. Based on Jaccard distance calculation (on the whole vocabulary) and a neighbour joining algorithm, the Tree Cloud Analysis produces a graph which represents relationships visually. The proximity between texts can be interpreted as shared topic modelling. Indeed, the closer the distance between texts, the higher the proportion of shared vocabulary.
14As Montenegro strives to strengthen its institutions, address corruption, and progress towards EU accession, the role of the media in shaping public opinion becomes crucial. Since Germany is one of the leading EU countries, we would like to analyse German newspapers that hold considerable influence and are considered key sources of news within the country. For our research, we have selected four prominent German newspapers: Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Die Welt (Welt), and die tageszeitung (TAZ). These national newspapers represent a diverse range of perspectives, ideological orientations, and readerships, making them suitable for examining the framing strategies employed in their reporting and the impact they have on shaping public discourse. In terms of political leanings, FAZ and Welt are generally regarded as right-wing newspapers, while SZ and TAZ are considered left-wing newspaper (Schindler & Müller 2018).
15To conduct our research effectively, we utilised a manual search method across the official online platforms of the selected newspapers. By employing a comprehensive approach, we systematically identified articles by entering specific keywords associated with Montenegro (Montenegro, Djukanovic, Montenegro EU-Beitritt). Lastly, to have concise results, we applied a chronological manual search. The search yielded a total of 102 relevant articles published between May 2016 - April 2023. The distribution among the newspapers is as follows: 33 articles from SZ, 24 articles from FAZ, 27 articles from TAZ, and 18 articles from Welt provide a substantial corpus for our research, as shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Corpus split into newspapers. Column “Words” represent the size (number of works including punctuations and symbols) of each newspaper, “Vocables” is the vocabulary size (the number dictionary entries) and the “Hapax” corresponds to the number of isolated words (only one occurrence)
16The Tree cloud analysis (Figure 1) of the corpus split by years and newspapers gives a topological representation of the data.
Figure 1. Tree Cloud Analysis of the intertextual distance between years and newspapers
17The chronology phenomenon is well known in textual data analysis. It produces strong and stable topologies, and can even make distortion with some analysis. Indeed, all four newspapers covered Montenegro’s NATO accession in 2017. FAZ, SZ, and Welt dedicated articles to the suicide attack on the US Embassy in Podgorica in 2018. All four newspapers demonstrated a strong interest in covering the presidential elections of 2018, the parliamentary elections of 2020, the collapse of two governments in 2022, as well as the presidential elections of 2023. However, in our study, some texts seem to not follow the expected chronological distribution. It is the case with the articles from SZ in 2021 and the Welt in 2019. The position of these articles could be explained mainly by the thematic content of the selected article. In 2021, the articles from SZ were mainly focused on Montenegro’s tourism. But tourism was also discussed by Welt in 2019. On the other hand, SZ 2019 was focused on the protests across the Balkan states.
18Other variables can also alter the default chronological organisation. FAZ and TAZ showed an interest in religious topics such as the church dispute and the role of the SCO in Montenegro. In addition, FAZ, SZ, and Welt directed attention towards articles concerning the costly highway built by China, raising concerns about its potential influence. Furthermore, FAZ, TAZ, and Welt, also reported on tragic events like the mass shooting in Cetinje in August 2022. TAZ uniquely emphasized concerns about attacks on journalists, while Welt drew attention to cyberattacks and security issues.
19It is also interesting to observe the year 2020, which is divided into two distinct segments: Welt-2020/SZ-2020 and TAZ-2020/FAZ-2020. The upper branch predominantly revolves around parliamentary elections, whereas the bottom branch, is also characterized by articles focusing on political protests, provides a rationale for its placement within the lower right branch of the tree analysis.
20The articles in the right lower branch consistently focus on church conflicts and protests involving the SCO in Montenegro. This thematic continuity is evident in TAZ 2021, which highlights street protests opposing the inauguration of the Metropolitan and the SCO’s perceived influence in Montenegro’s power dynamics. This narrative finds further support in FAZ 2021, where coverage of church disputes and protests linked to the same event, the Metropolit’s inauguration, resonates with a pattern established earlier in FAZ 2019. This earlier pattern involved detailing protests by Serbian Orthodox priests and nuns against the “New Church Law”.
21We observe that the corpus is mainly structured according to the time variable. Montenegro’s representations in the German newspaper seem to follow historical events of the country. However, the nature of these representations can be different according to the ideological position of each journal. In the next section, we will analyse the lexical choices of the newspapers and how they affect the representation of Montenegro.
22To study the representations of Montenegro in the corpus, we have chosen to use co-occurrence analysis. This type of analysis allows us to take into account both the micro-distribution of words, i.e. their semantic weight, and the macro-distribution, i.e. the specific features of the texts (in this case, the ideological cleavages between the different newspapers). The analysis of co-occurrences is based on a selection of target words to be analysed, which represent the working hypotheses. In this study, we based our choice on the distribution of the ten most frequent nouns in the corpus (Table 2).
Table 2. The 10 most frequents NOUNS in the corpus
23First, we note that this list sets out the selection criteria for the corpus. Indeed, the words “Montenegro” and “Djukanovic” alone occupy the top two positions in the table as they were keywords used in the article selection process. Secondly, we find some markers of time and space necessarily used in journalism to position a subject. The words “Land” (country), “Jahr” (year), “Partei” (party), “Serbien” (Serbia), and “Regierung” (government) thus define the general context of the discussions in the articles. On the other hand, some words seem to carry more significance in terms of the way the country is represented in the press. “Kirche” (church) (ranked 9), for example, shows the significant role played in Montenegro’s socio-political landscape in recent years. According to these observations, we choose to focus on four words: “Montenegro”, “Djukanovic”, “EU”, “Kirche”. These four terms encompass different dimensions through which the country is represented in the German press.
24The word “Montenegro,” allows us to explore how the country itself is represented in the respective newspaper, providing insights into its external perception and its position within the geopolitical stage. The word “Djukanovic”, a Montenegrin key political figure, consistently appears within the context of Montenegro in these newspapers, thereby reflecting his significant and enduring political influence. Consequently, it enables us to examine the intriguing perspectives of his portrayal over the years. Given Montenegro’s status as an aspiring EU candidate, we have chosen to explore Montenegro’s positioning towards Europe. Hence, the word “EU” offers a lens through which we can analyse how the country is depicted in relation to its aspirations and progress towards its challenging way to join the EU. Additionally, the term “Kirche” has been analysed considering the church’s impact on shaping the country’s political dynamics, which has also captured the attention of the newspapers.
25The co-occurrences analysis approach applied to these four target words give statistical z-scores which show their relationships with others words. The highest positive z-scores are interpreted as important lexical choices made by the German press to talk about the selected theme. In the next section, figures present the output results of co-occurrences analysis using a graphical form where the size of the link is related to the z-score (the larger the link, the higher the z-score).
26In the German newspapers FAZ, SZ, TAZ, and Welt, Montenegro is portrayed with an emphasis on its geographical location, historical background, political challenges, and economic dependencies. Each newspaper sheds light on various aspects of Montenegro (Figure 2).
Figure 2. Montenegro’s (poly) co-occurrence analysis for each newspaper. The larger the link, the higher the z-score
27In FAZ, Montenegro is depicted with an emphasis on the word “Streit” (conflict), scoring 7.05 newspaper frequently covers disputes surrounding the contract with the SCO, which has also sparked debates about Montenegrin history and identity. The relatively high score of 6.33 for “EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen” (EU accession negotiations) indicates that FAZ places considerable importance on Montenegro’s efforts to join the European Union. This suggests that FAZ extensively covers Montenegro’s progress, challenges, and negotiations on its path towards EU membership. Additionally, the topic of SOC- “Kirche” (church)- with the score of 6.07, referring to the role of the Orthodox Church in Montenegro, and its involvement in Montenegro’s affairs, also receives considerable coverage.
28The negative connotations of being “hochverschuldet” (highly indebted) raise concerns about the nation’s financial stability, exacerbated by issues of corruption and organized crime. A recurring theme is also the “Autobahn” (highway) project, seen as a financial burden by the EU and a source of indebtedness to China. It further shows Montenegro as a polarized nation, with its NATO membership contrasting with its internal complexities. FAZ draws attention to the country’s internal divisions, both in terms of ethnic and religious affiliations, making governance complex. This newspaper mainly focuses on conflict, EU accession negotiations, and the role of the church in Montenegro which indicates a multifaceted portrayal of the country.
29In SZ, the term “Schulden” (debts), carrying a significance score of 6.06, underscores the country’s economic struggles and indebtedness to China, primarily attributed to the construction of the costly highway. This highlights Montenegro’s difficulties in managing its financial commitments and raises concerns about its fiscal stability. The newspaper also observes fluctuations in unemployment rates and the emergence of protest movements. The term “Mitglied” (member) with a score of 5.15 likely alludes to Montenegro’s NATO membership and its ongoing efforts towards integration into the European Union. Lastly, the term “Oligarchen” (oligarchs) with a score of 4.08 indicates the presence of Russian oligarchs along the Montenegrin coast, acquiring properties, which introduces an element of intrigue and apprehension. The newspaper explores the country’s geopolitical positioning, noting its NATO membership and its ties to both Serbia and Russia, the divided Montenegrin society by in pro-Serbian and pro-Russian in contrast to pro-Montenegrin sentiments. In 2018, the SZ characterizes the country as a “Ruf Hort der Stabilität” (bastion of stability), whereas in the articles in 2023 it highlights the political crisis, underlining the absence of an effective government for months.
30The newspaper TAZ draws attention to Montenegro’s geopolitical importance, focusing on its relevance within the region. It highlights Russia’s keen interest in Montenegro’s ports and its NATO membership, situating the nation within a broader framework of regional security dynamics. The usage of the term “Krieg” (war) (6.36) points towards a connection with the conflicts that occurred in the 1990s within the former Yugoslavia. Montenegro distinguishes itself from the other former Yugoslavian states by being the only one that avoided ethnic cleansing during that period.
31The term “Metropolit,” holding a significance score of 7.87, pertains to the leader of the SCO in Montenegro. Specifically, it references the former Metropolitan Amfilohije, known for his association with “aggressive nationalism,” and strong anti-Western and pro-Russian stances. Also, the appointment of his successor was accompanied by a set of implications and illegalities.
32The word “Nationalismus” (nationalism) hints at a score of 6.11, implying the potential rise of Serbian nationalist sentiments, indicating political divisions and identity-related issues within Montenegro. The term “Angriff” (attack) holds a significance of 5.9 in relation to assaults targeting journalists in Montenegro, a concern acknowledged by Welt and aimed to draw attention to. The newspaper highlights the fragmented political landscape within Montenegro and raises concerns about the aftermath of Djukanovic’s loss in 2020. In 2022, the articles highlight the political turmoil resulting from the collapse of two governments. In 2023, the focus shifts to the elections and the defeat of the pro-Western Djukanovic, with headlines like “ein bisschen mehr Serbien” (a little bit more Serbia), indicating apprehensions regarding its pro-Western trajectory.
33TAZ’s portrayal of Montenegro unveils a complex web of geopolitical intricacies and historical legacies with an emphasis on Russia’s interests, NATO membership, and regional stability. TAZ captures Montenegro as a small yet strategically significant entity, undergoing transformative shifts that provoke uncertainty.
34In the newspaper Welt the word “Erpressung” (extortion) scores the highest 6.62 highlighting the perceived political pressure of the opposition in Montenegro during the elections in 2018 when the socialists won. The term “Attacke” (attack) scoring 4.33, signifies a strong emphasis on significant events related to cyberattacks targeting the Montenegrin government. This brings to light the pressing issue of security concerns. The newspaper also inspects Montenegro’s engagement with the “neue Seidenstrasse” (New Silk Road), a China-led initiative for connectivity and development, labelling it a “Schuldenfalle” (debt trap) with a score of 3.25, thereby arousing concerns about potential dependency on China. Furthermore, Welt points out Montenegro’s political instability and internal issues by focusing on the government’s fall in 2022. The repercussions of this event on foreign relations and domestic policies are thoroughly assessed, considering Montenegro’s efforts toward democratic consolidation for stable governance. The articles from 2023 extensively cover the presidential elections, shedding light on the aspects of Djukanovic’s departure, which subsequently raises significant questions about Montenegro’s political orientation.
35The newspapers FAZ, SZ, TAZ, and Welt share common threads in portraying Montenegro’s but each brings unique perspectives. All newspapers emphasizes the diminutive size of Montenegro as well as its geopolitical significance. They repeatedly refer to the country as a “Balkanstaat” (Balkan state) or “Kleinstaat” (small country). For FAZ even quantifies it as “das kleinste der balkanischen Kleinstaaten” (the smallest of the small Balkan states) and “Bergzwergsaat an der Adria” (mountain dwarf state on the Adriatic Sea). Furthermore, TAZ also points out that Montenegro is a small “Vielvölkerstaat” (multiethnic) (2.91) state in the Balkans, even using the word “Ministaat” (Ministate). As per TAZ, Montenegro’s electoral process in Montenegro, with a mere of 532,000 voters, the “kleine Gebirgs- und Küstenland” (the small mountainous and coastal country) would have gone unnoticed were it not for the strategic importance of its ports. Further, all newspapers acknowledge Montenegro’s historical background as a former Yugoslav republic and its efforts to integrate with the European Union. Despite nuanced differences, the portrayals reveal Montenegro’s precarious position, political turbulence, and geopolitical relevance.
36The depiction of Milo Djukanovic, a prominent Montenegrin leader, in German newspapers reveals a diverse range of perspectives on his political career, accomplishments, controversies, and impact on Montenegro’s relationship with the West (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Djukanovic’s (poly) co-occurrence analysis for each newspaper. The larger the link, the higher the z-score
37FAZ aims to strike a delicate balance by acknowledging Djukanovic’s “Macht” (power) (9.86) and the enduring “Jahrzehnt” (decade) (6.3) of his rule. This sentiment is also presented in headlines such as “Die Macht ist da, wo Djukanovic ist” (The power is where Djukanovic is). FAZ recognizes Djukanovic’s distance from nationalist rhetoric, the separation from Serbia. “Minderheiten” (minorities) (5.08) refers to Djukanovic’s tradition of garnering support from these minority groups, implying that their support is not solely due to ignorance of his shortcomings but rather stems from perceiving him as a steadfast bulwark for Montenegro’s ongoing Western integration. The term “Kriminalität” (crime) (8.38) associated with Djukanovic in FAZ conveys a more critical perspective, shedding light on allegations of corruption, “Zigarettenschmuggel” (4.43) and abuse of power. Furthermore, the mention of “Polarisierung” (polarization) (5.68) reflects the societal divisions that his leadership might have provoked within Montenegro. These divisions might have arisen due to his persistent advocacy for an independent Montenegrin state, the reinforcement of Montenegrin national consciousness, and systematic efforts to establish a Montenegrin church. The FAZ’s portrayal appears to grapple with both the positive and negative dimensions of Djukanovic’s rule. It acknowledges his role as a longstanding leader and attributes to him the accomplishments of bringing the country closer to the West as well as securing NATO accession.
38In the SZ, Djukanovic is portrayed as a powerful and influential figure in Montenegro’s political landscape, acknowledging his remarkable accomplishments as noted by FAZ. According to SZ, he is depicted as neither a nationalist nor an ideologist, but rather as someone who governs the country like a family business. Critics accuse him of failing to effectively combat corruption and organized crime. Nevertheless, the US and EU continue to consider him a crucial partner. SZ refers to him as a “Langzeitherrscher” (long-term ruler) with a score of 6.25, indicative of a strong and lasting leadership that is also marked with the use of the concept “Jahrzehnt” (decade) 4.97, alluding to his thirty-year span of significant political influence in Montenegro. This suggests that Djukanovic’s extended stay in power has become a defining aspect of his image. SZ published a profile on Djukanovic after the presidential elections in 2018, where the newspaper does not shy away from accentuating his dual nature as “Zwielichtiger Regent von Montenegro”- a shadowy ruler.
39The TAZ refers to Djukanovic as the “Präsident” (president) (5.6) and “Sozialist” (3.83), pointing out his accomplishments as all- determining “Spitzenpolitiker” (prominent politician) by praising his role in protecting minority interests and architecting the path towards “Unabhängigkeit” (independence) (5.64) despite the allegations of him becoming wealthy, corruption, and an autocratic leadership style. Djukanovic’s commitment to countering Serbian and Russian resistances in favor of Western aspirations, including NATO membership, is emphasized, possibly explaining why the West has not drawn full attention to his controversies. After 2020 the TAZ’s portrayal takes a more critical stance, labelling him with stong words like “(politisches) Fossil” (political fossil) (5.99), “(kapitalistischer) Autokrat” (capitalistic autocrat) (5.6). In addition, in 2020, TAZ published an article following the parliamentary elections titled “Unser Autokrat”. However, he stands for regional stability and maintains an unwavering dedication to the pro-Western course, rendering him an acceptable partner in the eyes of the West. This eventually leads to the characterization of Djukanovic as “a proven” our “autocrat”.
40The Welt positions Djukanovic as a Socialist leader while shedding light on the bold term “Erpressung” (extortion) (5.41) often used by Djukanovic’s opposition accusing him of employing political tactics akin to those used during elections. It emphasizes his autocratic and power-conscious tendencies and his longevity as a leader, labelling him as a “Langzeitherrcher” (long term ruler). His past as an “Ex-Kommunist” (ex-communist) (2.87) and his polarizing impact on the country are also deliberated upon. The Welt classifies Djukanovic as pro-Western, a designation embraced by supporters of independence who view him as the “letztes Bollwerk” (last bastion) (2.87) against the Serbian influence on the country. The words “Zeitalter” (age) 3.88 and “Ära” (era) 3.5 signify the perceived impact of his extensive governance on the nation’s progress and the trustworthiness of his leadership. Following the 2023 presidential elections, an article titled “Ende der Ära Djukanovic hinterlässt Fragen” (The End of the Djukanovic Era Raises Questions) evokes a degree of concern about Djukanovic’s successors (4.3). This suggests a more introspective stance, evaluating Djukanovic’s legacy in the context of Montenegro.
41What remains consistent across all four newspapers is that Djukanovic is thoroughly portrayed as a “prowestlich” (pro-Western) politician. All newspapers emphasize his political ideology as “socialist”, while TAZ and Welt additionally highlight his past as an “Ex-Kommunist” (former communist). However, a subtle shift in the perception of Djukanovic is evident before and after 2020, coinciding with the change of power. For instance, the SZ portrays him as a “pro-EU Kandidat” (pro-EU candidate), a “Spitzenpolitiker” (top politician), “der politische Übervater” (the political father), “Liebling des Westens” (the favorite of the West), “Regierungschef” (head of government), and “Staatschef” (head of state). In articles published after 2020, he is characterized with neologisms such as “Stabilokrat” (stability-focused ruler), “Dauerherrscher” (long-standing ruler), and even “langlebigster Polit-Dinosaurier in ganz Europa” (longest-living political dinosaur in all of Europe), or is even referred to as an “autocrat.” Another aspect is how both FAZ and SZ adopt a similar stance regarding Djukanovic’s labelling as a dictator and the comparison made with Lukashenko. Both newspapers assert that such labelling is unjust and does not align with the reality of Montenegro since Montenegro is not an autocracy in that sense.
42To conclude, the portrayal of Milo Djukanovic in FAZ, SZ, TAZ, and Welt within the timeframe 2016-2023, presents a multifaceted view of his political career and impact on Montenegro. While all four accentuate Djukanovic’s pro-Western orientation and socialist ideology, they diverge in their assessment of his leadership. FAZ grapples with the dichotomy of his rule, acknowledging both accomplishments and controversies. SZ underscores his decisive role in Montenegro’s political landscape, while TAZ lauds his commitment to minority interests and Western integration. Welt discusses accusations of autocracy, corruption, and organized crime, but also positioning Djukanovic as a “last bastion” against Serbian influence. All four newspapers paint a picture of a complex leader with mixed impact on the nation, reflecting nuanced shifts in perception of his figure over time.
43Note: In order to explore the noun “EU” in the corpus, we used the syntax “EU-.*” provided by the Hyperbase platform that represents all variations that contain the prefix “EU-” in the corpus. Before dealing with the co-occurrences of “EU” we perform a chronological analysis in order to see the impact of Montenegro’s NATO accession in the German newspaper (Figure 4).
Figure 4. “EU-.*” z-score for each year
44According to the results, a significant shift in the usage of the term “EU” from 2017 to 2023 is evident. The graph indicates that discussions regarding Montenegro’s EU accession peaked in 2018 with a score of 7.4. The NATO accession in 2017 seemingly accelerated the prospects for a swifter EU integration by establishing Montenegro as a “front-runner.” However, the subsequent statistical decline in the usage of the term “EU” in relation to Montenegro (in 2020, -4.1 and -2 in 2023), suggests a shifting focus, warranting an exploration of evolving perspectives. The co-occurrence analysis regarding the entire corpus (Figure 5) highlights several recurring themes that are shared by all the newspapers, shedding light on Montenegro’s journey towards EU accession.
Figure 5. EU-.* (poly) co-occurrence analysis for the entire corpus. The larger the link, the higher the z-score
45Central to this narrative is the “EU-Kommission” (EU Commission’s) important role marked by a significant score of 11.94. This presents the centrality of the EU Commission’s activities, decisions, and evaluations within the discourse. These newspapers tend to emphasize the Commission’s assessments of Montenegro’s progress in meeting accession criteria, potentially influencing public perceptions of the country’s preparedness for EU membership.
46The concept of “Westbalkanstaaten” (Western Balkan countries), with a score of 10.27, places Montenegro’s accession within the broader context of EU enlargement in the Western Balkans. This might reflect Germany’s interest in regional stability and its integration into EU.
47A significant score of 10.07 is attributed to the term “Reform” suggesting that the four German newspapers closely associate Montenegro’s EU journey with its reform efforts. This coverage critically examines Montenegro’s progress in implementing necessary political, economic, and institutional reforms as part of the accession process. “Tempo” (pace) with a score of 6.32 implies that the speed of Montenegro’s accession progress emerges as a topic of interest. The coverage likely assesses whether Montenegro is adequately advancing or encountering delays, reflecting debates on the efficacy of the EU’s enlargement strategy. The terms “Interesse” (interest) and “Aussicht” (prospects) share similar scores of 5.86, indicating that German newspapers examine both the EU’s interest in Montenegro’s accession and the country’s potential role within the EU. “Beitrittskriterien” (accession criteria) and “Beitrittsperspektive” (accession perspective) carry cooccurrence scores of 5.4 and 5.39, respectively, underscoring a focus on Montenegro’s fulfilment of EU membership criteria and the potential outcomes of its accession process. In addition to these shared co-occurrences, the newspapers offer a diverse perspective, shedding light on the potential advantages and obstacles associated with Montenegro’s integration into the EU. For instance:
48FAZ initially hailed Montenegro as the frontrunner for EU accession. In 2018, it highlighted Montenegro’s favorable position for a future entry into the EU, with a possible accession date set for 2025. FAZ expressed optimism about Montenegro’s progress and potential. However, by 2021, the accession process had stalled, and the geopolitical significance of bringing Montenegro closer to the EU fold was emphasized. The issue of Montenegro’s highway, that caused high debt to China, seems to present a “particular annoyance” for the EU. By 2023, FAZ concluded that the EU path for Montenegro was currently uncertain, indicating a re-evaluation of the earlier positive stances.
49SZ adopted a nuanced perspective, focusing on the strict adherence to accession criteria. It acknowledged Montenegro’s significant progress among Balkan countries, particularly in the years up to 2018. Nevertheless, challenges persist due to insufficient progress in implementing reforms and ongoing conflicts within the region. In 2020, the newspaper expressed concerns about political instability following Montenegro’s change of government and pondered the foreign policy direction the country would take after President Djukanovic’s era.
50TAZ echoed that Montenegro is a favourite for EU expansion. It also highlighted the country’s improved prospects for EU inclusion in 2018. However, by 2020, TAZ noted a growing sense of disillusionment as people, especially the well-educated, were leaving the Balkan region. In 2023, TAZ acknowledged that Montenegro’s perspectives had improved due to initiatives, spurred by Germany and France, to bring the Western Balkan states closer to the Union, particularly in light of the Russian conflict in Ukraine.
51Welt’s coverage painted a complex picture. It also acknowledged Montenegro’s significance in the West Balkans from a geostrategic standpoint and deemed it a promising EU candidate. The issue of corruption was underlined as a prevailing concern.
52The four German newspapers portray Montenegro’s EU journey with a blend of optimism and scepticism. The coverage encompasses various dimensions, including criteria adherence, geopolitical importance, economic challenges, and domestic stability. These reflections mirror the wider EU expansion discourse, weighing enlargement benefits against risks.
Figure 6. Kirche (poly) co-occurrence analysis for the entire corpus. The larger the link, the higher the z-score
53The term church has garnered considerable attention from the German newspapers. Through cooccurrence analysis, a more profound comprehension emerges regarding the intricate interconnections among religion, identity, legal aspects, and property ownership. Especially, the SCO has long played a significant role in the socio-political landscape of Montenegro, and this role has not gone unnoticed by German newspapers. Although different, the newspapers seem to agree on certain representations, which the general graph of co-occurrences over the entire corpus allows us to explore (Figure 6).
54The term “Montenegrinisch-Orthodoxe” scores 12.31 emphasizing the Montenegrin Orthodox identity of the majority. The term’s significance is attributed to the historical efforts in Montenegro to re-stablish its own autocephalous church, which existed while Montenegro was a kingdom, before it joined Yugoslavia. The high score of 11.53 for “Eigentum” (ownership) places the focus on the church’s material assets and their implications for its influence and role in the Montenegrin society. This theme is connected to debates surrounding the 2019 “Gesetz” (law) (score of 10.63), in Montenegro, which aimed to regulate religious property and sparked tensions between the government and the church. The term “Nation” emerges with a score of 8.62, indicating that the newspapers are exploring the church’s role in shaping Montenegrin national identity. This involves the church’s historical influence in national stance on cultural and political matters affecting the Montenegrin people. “Identität” (identity) follows closely with a score of 8.47, suggesting a link between the church and the Montenegrin identity. This involves the discussions on whether the church contributes to the preservation or redefinition of Montenegrin cultural and social identity. With a score of 8.34, “serbisch-orthodoxen” (Serbian Orthodox) implies discussions on the SCO’s presence and its continued influence on the Montenegrin socio-political landscape. This association encompasses the complex historical and religious ties between the SCO and Montenegro in the last 100 years. “Kirchenvertrag” (church contract) has a score of 7.41, indicating that the newspapers gave considerable attention to the contract that was signed in 2022 between the SCO and the 43. Montenegrin government. The contents of the contract were not publicly available until that point, causing significant apprehension about the degree of autonomy and property rights held by the SCO.
55Looking at the newspapers independently, it is apparent that FAZ and TAZ are placing greater focus on examining the role and impact of the church, particularly the SCO in Montenegro. The FAZ underlines the involvement of the SCO in a heated conflict between the church and the state. It brings attention to Djukanovic’s significant contribution to the establishment of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church and alleges that the SOC advocated for a Greater Serbia. The newspaper highlights the impact of the church law decree on the 2020 parliamentary elections, which further exacerbates the division within the Montenegrin society. Additionally, the FAZ gives prominence to the protests by pro-Montenegrin groups that argue that the SOC’s interference undermines the sovereignty of the Montenegrin state. The newspaper also devotes extensive articles to the ongoing dispute between the church and the state. Furthermore, FAZ accentuates the role of church contacts that led to a vote of no confidence against the 43rd government and how the church serves as a tool for the Belgrade government and local pro-Serbian parties and organizations to regain influence in Montenegro, which is a NATO member state.
56The TAZ focuses on the protests stemming from the 2019 decree issued by the SOC, which exacerbated divisions within Montenegrin society. It concludes that the core of the church conflict appears to be primarily political rather than theological, with the central point of contention revolving around property ownership. The TAZ also highlights Djukanovic’s recognition of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church as autocephalous and an independent national entity. The influence of the SCO became particularly evident during the 2020 parliamentary elections.
57The newspaper mentions the deep-seated hostility by the Serbian Church and Serbian nationalists towards Djukanovic that originates from 2006, when Montenegro left the state union with Serbia and its subsequent entry into NATO. This stands in stark contrast to the SCO’s goal of integrating Montenegro into the “Serbian world”. The objectives of the SCO seem to involve challenging Montenegro’s distinct identity and its assertion of autonomy from Serbian dominance. This stance points towards a clear and assertive Serbian “Herrschaftsanspruch” - claim of authority.
58While FAZ and TAZ allocate articles to matters concerning the church, SZ and Welt although lacking specific articles, touch upon the subject briefly, rather within the context of the government change in 2020 and the subsequent downfall of the 43rd Government in 2022 due to a vote of no confidence. SZ points out to Djukanovic’s “Fehler” (mistake) of attempting to nationalize SOC’s properties, which triggered the “change of power” operation by the opposition, ultimately costing him and his party the electoral defeat in 2020. Welt briefly references the conflict church in the light of the elections 2020, as well as the downfall of the government 2022. FAZ, SZ and Welt share the same view that the Serbian government is trying to gain power over the NATO member state Montenegro.
59Overall, the German newspapers present a complex yet clear picture of the term church, particularly the SCO’s role in Montenegro. The newspapers create a nuanced yet coherent portrayal of the church as an entity with the potential to impact electoral outcomes, government stability, and national identity. The SCO’s presence and influence, its complex relationship with Montenegro, and the controversies surrounding the 2019 law have captured significant attention. The FAZ and TAZ present a deeper exploration into the church-state conflict, each emphasizing different angles, whereas SZ and Welt offer briefer insights. While the coverage varies in focus and tone, a common theme emerges: the SCO remains a key player in Montenegro’s intricate socio-political landscape so far.
60As Montenegro continues to engage with the global stage and navigate its own path of development, the portrayal of its affairs in the German media serves as a window through which readers can glean insights into the nation’s progress, challenges, as well as achievements. The depiction of Montenegro in the four prominent German newspapers –FAZ, SZ, TAZ, and Welt–is marked by a moderate presence within their respective reports. While concise due to spatial constraints, the coverage, in essence, reflects a concerted effort to shed light on Montenegro’s narrative with integrity and authenticity. This coverage can be attributed to the influence of geographical proximity and bilateral relationships, which shape the focus of reporting. While the coverage does encompass important events, including Montenegro’s NATO membership, elections, and poignant incidents like the tragedy in Cetinje, occasionally reports on tourism and sports, which were not included in this study, a palpable variance in the framing and depth of reporting exists. This differentiation reflects the nuanced editorial choices made by German media, potentially influenced by factors like audience preferences, news priorities, and editorial perspectives. Despite the variations in reporting style and intensity, the media’s overall portrayal of Montenegro adheres to factual events. It is evident that a deeper exploration is required to thoroughly investigate this matter, possibly extending the examination to a wider range of newspapers, including those in English and French. This broader approach would provide a more thorough understanding of how Montenegro is depicted in the international media.