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Valorization and Destruction: Colonial Buildings in Lagos State, Nigeria, as Sites of Contestation

Valorisation et destruction: les bâtiments coloniaux dans l’État de Lagos, Nigeria, comme sites de contestation
Tokie Laotan-Brown

Résumés

L’architecture coloniale dans l’État de Lagos, au Nigéria, représente des héritages durables de domination, mais ces structures sont également des lieux de significations changeantes, au fur et à mesure que différents groupes se réapproprient leur passé. Cet article examine les processus simultanés de valorisation et de destruction des bâtiments coloniaux, en tenant compte du rôle des communautés et des parties prenantes dans la définition de la valeur des espaces hérités. Des monuments de l’époque coloniale, tels que le Glover Hall de Lagos, ont subi des processus de valorisation, reflétant souvent une tentative de réimaginer et d’adapter ces sites à un usage contemporain. En se transformant en centres culturels ou en sites patrimoniaux, ces bâtiments sont valorisés, essayant de préserver l’esthétique architecturale coloniale tout en les dépouillant de leurs connotations oppressives d’origine.
À l’inverse, la démolition d’autres structures coloniales, telles que les anciens bâtiments gouvernementaux d’Ikoyi et de Marina, représente à la fois une destruction littérale et symbolique du passé colonial. L’effacement de ces structures est influencé par des désirs sociétaux plus larges de remodeler le paysage urbain de Lagos et de rompre les liens visibles avec la domination étrangère. Cette dualité illustre la notion de Nadia Yala Kisukidi de « traces matérielles multiples », où les vestiges coloniaux servent à la fois de patrimoine culturel et de symboles contestés d’oppression.
L’article examine également les voix émergentes au sein des communautés architecturales du Nigéria, qui exigent des approches véritablement décoloniales de l’environnement bâti. Ces mouvements remettent en question la valorisation des legs coloniaux et plaident pour de nouvelles formes architecturales qui mettent en avant les récits, les matériaux et les traditions locales. L’interaction entre valorisation et destruction met en lumière les processus complexes qui façonnent le tissu urbain de Lagos − une ville qui continue à se débattre avec son passé colonial tout en envisageant un avenir ancré dans l’expression culturelle vernaculaire et l’autonomie architecturale. À travers une analyse critique de cas spécifiques, cet article explore comment les représentations de ces architectures héritées diffèrent et quelles valeurs et transformations sont en jeu dans leur réimagination continue.

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Introduction

  • 1 Fassil Demissie, “Colonial Architecture and Urbanism in Africa: Intertwined and Contested Histories (...)
  • 2 Tim Fassil, “State, Urban Space, Race: Late Colonialism and Segregation at the Ikoyi Reservation in (...)
  • 3 Cordelia Osasona, “Nigerian Architectural Conservation: A Case for Grassroots Engagement for Renewa (...)
  • 4 Pierre Singaravélou, “Ouverture : Renouer nos histoires”, in Colonisations: Notre Histoire, Paris, (...)
  • 5 Sophia Labadi, Tokie Laotan-Brown and Loes Veldpaus, “Report on the OurWorldHeritage #2021debate.Di (...)
  • 6 Akiyode Kolade, “Self-Determination and Resilience: A Paradox for Spatial Governance in Lagos,” in (...)
  • 7 Tribune Online, “Lagos Pulls Down Igbosere, Nigeria’s Oldest High Court, as Rebuilding Begins, ” Gb (...)
  • 8 Nadia Yala Kisukidi, “Introduction,” part 1 “After the Colonies, from the 1960s to Today”, in Pierr (...)
  • 9 Pierre Singaravélou, “Opening. Reconnecting our stories (21st century  - 15th century)”, in Pierre (...)
  • 10 Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond. “Negotiating Postcolonial Legacies: Shifting Conse (...)
  • 11 George Abosede, “Brazilian-Style Architecture and Lagosian Modernity”, Journal of West African Hist (...)

1Colonial-era buildings in Lagos are contested spaces where heritage, identity, and urban development intersect. Erected in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, these structures imposed racial and spatial hierarchies, embedding European aesthetic ideals into Lagos’s urban fabric.1 These buildings thus embodied the colonial project’s goals of controlling and “distancing” the local population.2 Lagos’s colonial buildings ignite urgent questions about cultural heritage, historical memory, and economic value in a rapidly modernizing metropolis. Preservationists—including architects, scholars, and heritage professionals—argue that colonial-era structures possess significant architectural and historical value, warranting their conservation as part of Nigeria’s layered history.3 Proponents of this view thus support adaptive reuse as a strategy for “valorizing” colonial buildings, repurposing them to serve contemporary needs while retaining their historic form.4 However, a counter-narrative insists that many colonial structures are reminders of oppression that have no place in a decolonized cityscape.5 The Lagos State Government’s prioritization of lucrative commercial projects in former colonial districts, like Ikoyi and Marina, reflects how modernization agendas can triumph over historical preservation.6 For example, the destruction of a colonial judicial edifice amid social upheaval revealed the volatile position of such structures in the public imagination—becoming targets when deeper grievances erupt, and fragile symbols that authorities struggle to protect.7 These types of events illustrate how removing colonial monuments can be interpreted as reclaiming public space and identity by those advocating for decolonial approaches and modernization. Nevertheless, preservationists, heritage professionals, historians, and some members of local communities lament the irretrievable loss of heritage. This tension between valorization and destruction is not unique to Lagos, resonating throughout postcolonial cities grappling with similar legacies across the globe. Scholars like Nadia Yala Kisukidi remind us that former colonies inherit “multiple material traces, vestiges and legacies of colonization,” which have been partially transformed in the postcolonial era.8 In other words, colonial buildings carry layered meanings: they are simultaneously cultural heritage artifacts and contested symbols of foreign domination. Likewise, historian Pierre Singaravélou highlights the need to scrutinize the “continuities, reconfigurations, and disruptions” of colonial heritage, asking which aspects of this past should be preserved and for whose benefit.9 These theoretical insights illustrate that decisions over colonial-era architecture involve active negotiations of memory and power. Debates in Lagos over the fate of colonial architecture and its role in shaping postcolonial identity echo those in other postcolonial societies—from Ireland, where conflicting narratives surround British-era buildings, to global movements calling for the removal or reinterpretation of imperial monuments.10 Across these contexts, the fate of colonial-built heritage becomes a proxy for broader struggles over identity, historical justice, and visions of an urban future.11

2This paper critically examines how such negotiations unfold by focusing on emblematic sites—from the restored Glover Hall to the demolished Supreme Court—and analyzing the roles of key stakeholders (government officials, heritage experts, community groups, and investors) in steering preservation or demolition outcomes. In doing so, the discussion situates Lagos within the global discourse on urban heritage and postcolonial memory, illuminating how a major African metropolis engages with the material legacy of colonization in its quest to forge a national identity.

Literature Review

3This research employs a qualitative case study approach to examine the valorization and destruction of colonial-era architecture in Lagos. It does so through a desk-based research methodology, drawing exclusively on secondary data sources. The analysis is thus based on existing scholarly literature, government policy documents, heritage advocacy reports, architectural studies, and verified media coverage. No primary fieldwork or interviews were conducted. The focus is on synthesizing published materials to critically examine processes of valorization and destruction of colonial-era architecture in Lagos State, Nigeria.

4Key references include academic works on heritage conservation and postcolonial urbanism, alongside reports and statements by actors such as the Lagos State Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture, Legacy1995, the Foundation for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage in Nigeria (Fopchen), and the Nigerian Institute of Architects (NIA). Verified media sources, including Tribune Online, provide further context on recent developments, such as the restoration of Glover Hall and the demolition of the former Supreme Court building. This methodology allows the study to situate Lagos within broader global discussions on postcolonial heritage, while recognizing the limitation of primary data omission.

5The dynamics examined involve multiple stakeholders with differing interests:

  • Lagos State Government, particularly through the Ministry of Tourism and the Lagos State Physical Planning Permit Authority (Laspppa), which drives restoration and redevelopment projects.

  • Legacy 1995 and Fopchen, heritage NGOs advocating for the protection and reuse of historic buildings.

  • Professional bodies, like the NIA and the Nigerian Institute of Town Planners, offering expertise on heritage management.

  • Local communities in Lagos Island, Marina, and Ikoyi reclaiming heritage spaces for cultural and social use.

  • Private developers and investors promoting commercial redevelopment of colonial sites.

  • Heritage scholars and practitioners shaping the discourse on decolonization and conservation.

  • 12 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “Unveiling the Immaterial: The Premier Building Restoration Project at The Hope (...)
  • 13 Onikeku Qudus, “Glover Hall and the Lagos Cultural Revolution,” PremiumTimes, 2021, [online] [https (...)
  • 14 Joan Henderson, “Conserving Colonial Heritage: Raffles Hotel in Singapore,” International Journal o (...)

6The study is informed by postcolonial theory and critical heritage studies. Case studies of Glover Hall and the former Supreme Court building illustrate contrasting trajectories of valorization and destruction. By the late 20th century, postcolonial and decolonial scholars began challenging uncritical preservationist narratives.12 This shift paralleled broader intellectual movements in heritage studies that questioned Eurocentric biases and sought to “decolonize” understandings of historical structures. In Lagos, this led to a growing emphasis on “adaptive reuse” as a strategy for dealing with colonial-era architecture. Adaptive reuse involves repurposing old colonial buildings for contemporary functions—cultural centers, museums, community hubs—while stripping away celebratory colonial narratives. This transformation is particularly significant within the context of ongoing cultural developments in Lagos, as highlighted by Qudus Onikeku (2021).13 Around the world, from Singapore’s colonial hotels to government buildings in Ireland, stakeholders have found ways to repurpose and honor architectural heritage without glorifying imperialism.14

  • 15 Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond, “Revalorizing Colonial Era Architecture and Townsc (...)

7In Lagos, adaptive reuse reflects a conscious attempt to balance historical continuity with postcolonial memory, acknowledging the past while bending it towards local empowerment. However, decolonial critics caution that not all adaptive reuse is inherently progressive, with some projects being criticized for imposing top-down designs that exclude local input, leading to gentrification or the commercialization of heritage spaces. In Lagos and beyond, this has meant that glitzy redevelopments of colonial sites can cater to elites and foreigners, sidelining the very communities whose histories are entwined with those buildings.15 The postcolonial turn in scholarship thus not only advocates repurposing colonial architecture, but also demands community engagement and critical storytelling in such projects, to avoid simply sanitizing or commodifying the colonial past.

  • 16 Afolasade Adewumi and Oluwole Akintayo, “The Nigerian, ‘End SARS’ Counter Protest and the Monumenta (...)
  • 17 Olufunmilayo B. Arewa, Disrupting Africa, 2021.

8The destruction of colonial-era buildings can be interpreted in various ways. While some may see it as a dramatic break from the colonial past, events like the burning of the Igbosere High Court during the #EndSARS protests also reflect the complex and often painful expressions of social discontent and demands for systemic change among the Nigerian youth. This specific instance highlights how the destruction of cultural heritage can be intertwined with the socio-political dynamics of protests.16 This aligns with broader discussions on the disruption of African spaces and narratives, where such acts can be seen as challenging established power structures.17 More research is needed to explore these diverse interpretations and to fully understand the motivations and consequences of these actions. However, such an analysis raises difficult questions: does removing the physical trace of colonialism help a society heal, or does it foster amnesia? Who has the authority to decide that a building’s negative connotations outweigh its historical or architectural value?

  • 18 Francesca Giuliani, Anna De Falco and Luisa Offeddu Monia Santini, “A Stakeholder Analysis for the (...)
  • 19 Veysel Apaydın, “The Entanglement of the Heritage Paradigm: values, meanings and uses,” Internation (...)
  • 20 Tubi Otitooluwa, Survey Report, Jaekel House | EWAP2031SG-STA-0009. Ebute-Meta Railway Compound (Ni (...)

9Crucially, recent scholarship has shifted to analyzing who drives processes of preserving or demolishing colonial structures. The fate of Lagos’s colonial architecture is shaped by a complex web of stakeholders—government institutions, private developers, heritage professionals, and local communities—each with distinct motivations and degrees of power. Heritage professionals and conservationists, including architects, planners, and scholars, form another critical stakeholder group. They introduce methodologies like “stakeholder analysis” and participatory planning to assess the viability of adaptive reuse projects.18 Professional discourse, both local and international, has pushed the idea that conserving colonial architecture need not conflict with modernization if managed through inclusive design and policymaking.19 Heritage NGOs and professionals in Lagos, like Legacy1995 and Fopchen, have lobbied for legal protections of historic buildings, better maintenance, and public awareness about the value of these sites.20 Their influence, however, often depends on political will and public support. Local communities and Lagosians are increasingly foregrounded as key decision-makers—or at least as voices that should be central in decision-making.

  • 21 Titilola Halimat Somotan, “Popular Planners: Newspaper Writers, Neighborhood Activists, and the Str (...)
  • 22 Ibid; Nkemakonam P. Okofu and Alexander Adeyemi Fakere, “Decolonising the Curriculum of Architectur (...)

10Markets, homes, and community centers operate in and around old colonial structures, giving these sites new meanings beyond their colonial origins. For example, neighborhoods have mobilized to protest the clearance of colonial-era residences serving as affordable housing or community gathering spaces.21 Further, preserving a colonial railway station might be justified if the site can be reimagined as a community museum that educates people about both the colonial and postcolonial history of transport. Conversely, demolishing a colonial government building might be considered if that structure is a painful symbol of oppression, and if its removal is part of a community-endorsed plan to create something of greater social benefit in its place (such as affordable housing or a public park). What emerges from recent scholarship is a call for contextual, inclusive, and forward-looking heritage practices in Lagos. The literature repeatedly points to the value of engaging Lagosians in heritage decisions—through community workshops, public history projects, and inclusive planning forums.22 Such engagement brings to light local perspectives that might otherwise be overlooked by technocrats or foreign consultants.

Architecture as a Tool for Colonial Governance and Economic Control

  • 23 Daniel Immerwahr, “The Politics of Architecture and Urbanism in Postcolonial Lagos, 1960–1986,” Jou (...)
  • 24 Ibid.
  • 25 Remmete Lucas Koolhaas, Lagos: How it works, Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 2007. Se (...)

11The dilemmas Lagos faces with its colonial architectural legacy are echoed in many other postcolonial cities, where the afterlives of imperial urbanism are strikingly similar. Across Africa and Asia, colonizers historically imposed a “dual city” model, in which specified areas reserved for European administrators included planned layouts and grand buildings, while native residents were often pushed into dense and under-serviced areas.23 In Accra, Ghana, for instance, the British carved out elite quarters like the Ridge and Cantonments for European officials, complete with orderly roads and bungalows, while relegating the Ghanaian population to crowded districts such as Jamestown and Nima.24 These types of dynamics have created enduring socio-spatial divides that can also be observed between Ikoyi and the Lagos mainland. After independence, many of these cities experienced the same pattern as Lagos: newly sovereign governments and emerging elites often pursued modernization by constructing new buildings, yet de facto continued segregation under another guise—typically along class lines rather than being explicitly linked to race. As Rem Koolhaas observed of late-20th century Lagos, “Class segregation may well have replaced colonial segregation in modern-day Lagos, but the legacy of the dual city quite clearly abides.”25

  • 26 Ayodele Emmanuel Ikudayisi and Timothy Oluseyi Odeyale, “Designing for Cultural Revival: african ho (...)

12In terms of architectural heritage, former colonial cities are today grappling with how to treat imperial-era monuments in contemporary contexts. Cases such as New Delhi’s British-built government quarter (Lutyens’ Delhi), Dakar’s French colonial villas, or Nairobi’s colonial administrative buildings all pose similar questions to those in Lagos: should these structures be preserved as part of national heritage, transformed for new uses, or removed to make space for traditional architectural expressions? The answers vary, but a comparative trend is that many postcolonial societies are increasingly unwilling to valorize these colonial symbols uncritically. Instead, there is a push to reframe or indigenize colonial landmarks. For example, Ghana converted Osu Castle (a former slave trade and colonial seat) into a museum and leadership training center; and India famously repurposed Victoria Terminus in Mumbai (renamed Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus) as a bustling central railway station and Unesco Heritage Site, embracing it as part of the city’s living fabric rather than as a colonial trophy. These cases mirror approaches observed in Lagos, with sites like Glover Hall illustrating a broader postcolonial strategy: retain the useful and historic aspects of colonial-era architecture, but infuse them with new meaning aligned to local culture and needs.26

  • 27 CarstenStahn, “Colonial and Post-colonial Continuities in Culture Heritage Protection: narratives a (...)

13At the same time, in many countries, uncontrolled urban growth and weak preservation laws mean that countless colonial structures have already been lost. Cities such as Yangon and Accra have seen a significant number of colonial buildings demolished under development pressure, sparking belated efforts by historians and citizens to document and save what remains.27

Valorization of Colonial Buildings: Glover Hall (Established 1887)

  • 28 Anthony Bomi-Daniels Folasiji, “Assessing the State (Physical and Functional) of the Heritage Build (...)
  • 29 LuqmanOwamoyo and Baharak Tabibi, “The Impact of Globalisation on Traditional Architecture in Niger (...)
  • 30 Adedotun Dipeolu, Eziyi Ibem and Akinlabi Fadamiro, “Influence of Green Infrastructure on Sense of (...)
  • 31 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, “Historical Study and Strategies for Revitalisation of Burt Institute (A R (...)

14Research has assessed the physical and functional state of heritage buildings, revealing a need for improved management and maintenance.28 The impact of globalization on traditional architecture in Lagos Island has been explored, highlighting the shift towards modern building practices and materials.29 Studies have also investigated the influence of green infrastructure on residents’ sense of community, along with green affordable social housing design proposals.30 Glover Hall’s grand design typified the architecture of British cultural dominance in Nigeria.31 For example, British town planning in Lagos deliberately excluded Nigerians from central business and administrative districts, concentrating power in enclaves like Ikoyi and Marina and relegating local communities to under-resourced areas. The result was an early heritage discourse that valorized colonial rule’s artifacts while sidelining the contributions and experiences of native tradition.

  • 32 Stakeholders call to action on the listed sites preservation law [2011]. The project is currently i (...)
  • 33 Francesca Giuliani, Anna De Falco and Luisa Offeddu Monia Santini, “A Stakeholder Analysis for the (...)
  • 34 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, op. cit., p. 43; Maureen Ukaegbu, Neil Carr and Pat Uche Okpoko, “Local Pe (...)
  • 35 Sabri Reyhan and Oluseyi Olagoke, “Safeguarding the Colonial Era’s Ecclesiastical Heritage: towards (...)

15The preservation and repurposing of Glover Hall has been driven by multiple stakeholders, each with distinct motives. The Lagos State Government has championed Glover Hall’s restoration as part of a broader urban strategy to promote cultural tourism and city branding, while cultural organizations and heritage advocates have lobbied to turn Glover Hall into a community arts and culture center.32 Adaptive reuse is emphasized as both preserving the building’s historical significance and making it useful for contemporary society.33 This advocacy has led to tangible changes, as Glover Hall functions today as a venue for art exhibitions, theater performances, and community gatherings, reflecting its new role as a vibrant hub of local cultural production. Local communities have asserted agency in this process by reclaiming Glover Hall as their space. For many Lagosians, the hall is not simply a colonial relic, but rather a link to the city’s past and a testament to its capacity for transformation.34 By using the hall for traditional cultural expression (from music events to civic meetings), community members have redefined Glover Hall as a site of Nigerian creativity and identity. Culturally, the hall’s renaissance as a center for Nigerian art and performance converts a symbol of subjugation into a stage for local identity and pride.35

  • 36 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, op. cit., p. 43.
  • 37 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “African Cities Cultural Heritage, Urban Fragmentation, and Territorial Spatial (...)

16Formal tourism circuits present a risk of commodifying Glover Hall and other heritage sites, potentially displacing local needs.36 If not managed carefully, the hall could lose its grassroots connection and primarily serve outside visitors, diluting its value as a living community space.37 This tension between celebrating heritage and packaging it for consumption is a recurring dilemma in postcolonial cities’ preservation efforts. Glover Hall’s trajectory thus exemplifies a delicate balance: it must remain accessible and relevant to ordinary Lagosians, even as it is leveraged for economic gain.

Demolition of the Former Supreme Court Building

  • 38 Titilola Halimat Somotan, op. cit.
  • 39 Tribune Online, “Lagos Pulls Down Igbosere, Nigeria’s Oldest High Court, as Rebuilding Begins,” Gbe (...)

17The former Supreme Court building on Lagos Island was one of the most emblematic colonial structures in Nigeria’s legal history. During British rule, this edifice housed the highest colonial courts, serving as a physical manifestation of imperial judicial authority imposed on Lagos.38 Even after independence, the building remained significant as Nigeria’s judicial institutions evolved (the Supreme Court of independent Nigeria sat in Lagos until the capital shifted to Abuja). Architecturally, the courthouse was an elegant colonial design, occupying a prominent waterfront location and marking the old legal district. By the 21st century, the structure had aged, and its function had been relocated, making it a prime target for demolition under the Lagos State Government’s redevelopment plans for the Marina area in 2022.39

  • 40 David Aradeon, “Change and Continuity,” Glendora Review, 1, 3, 1996, p. 72-85.
  • 41 Erica Avrami, op. cit., p. 215.

18The loss of historical buildings and the transformation of public spaces in Lagos has been a subject of discussion for some time. David Aradeon (1996), a Nigerian architect and scholar, reflected on this issue in the Glendora Review, expressing nostalgia for the “emergence, glory and widespread demolition” of important historical buildings and the encroachment upon public spaces for private use.40 Government officials and some urban planners described the removal of this colonial-era courthouse as symbolically liberating. Leveling the building enabled Lagos to break definitively from the vestiges of colonial legal dominance and to utilize the site for developments under Nigerian control.41

  • 42 Nathalie Peutz, “Heritage in (the) Ruins,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 49, 2017, (...)
  • 43 Niamh Moore, “Valorizing Urban Heritage? Redevelopment in a Changing City,” 2016.

19The demolition of the Supreme Court building exemplifies the tension between heritage preservation and urban development at its most acute. Economically and functionally, removing the disused courthouse opened up a prime piece of real estate for new developments in the city center—potential high-rise offices, hotels, or a modern judicial complex, all of which promise economic benefits. Culturally, however, Lagos sacrificed one of its last standing colonial civic buildings, raising the question of how the city can maintain a connection to its layered past.42 The implications for historical memory are significant. By eliminating such landmarks, Lagos risks creating an urban environment where the visible narrative jumps from the pre-colonial or early colonial era (in museums and archives) straight to the contemporary, bypassing physical evidence of the late colonial and early independence eras. Opting for total removal suggests that Lagos authorities enforced an aggressive vision of modernization upon heritage conservation, at least in this scenario.43

  • 44 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “Unveiling the Immaterial: The Premier Building Restoration Project at The Hope (...)

20While Glover Hall demonstrates the potential for adaptive reuse to valorize colonial-era structures, the case of the former Supreme Court building reveals a contrasting approach, where demolition was prioritized in the name of urban redevelopment. These cases highlight that decolonial approaches involve both reinterpreting colonial spaces for local use (Glover Hall) and challenging their continued presence when deemed oppressive (Supreme Court). Ultimately, both valorization and destruction are tied to local agency in reshaping Lagos’s built environment to align with postcolonial aspirations. For much of the colonial period, and even the early postcolonial decades, decisions about architecture and urban form were top-down, driven by government elites or private developers and often following Western paradigms. Today, there is a growing push in Nigeria’s architectural community and civil society to decolonize the way the built environment is managed.44

  • 45 At its core, “indigenizing” means to bring something under the control, influence, or ownership of (...)
  • 46 Olufemi Peter Agboola and Modi Sule Zango, “Development of Traditional Architecture in Nigeria: a c (...)
  • 47 Anthony Bello Laotan, “The Torch Bearers: Or old Brazilian colony in Lagos,” Ife-Olu Printing Works(...)

21Traditional architectural agency refers to the capacity of local (Nigerian) architects, communities, and knowledge systems to shape architectural decisions, rather than those decisions being purely dictated by colonizers or global trends. In the context of Lagos’s colonial buildings, exercising local agency can take several forms, one of which is reconfiguration. Taking a building like Glover Hall and infusing its programming and management with Nigerian cultural content, as has been done, effectively indigenizes a colonial space.45 Another form is integration of local design elements during restoration, rehabilitation or reconstruction. For example, if the colonial buildings are restored, architects could incorporate motifs or techniques from Yoruba, Hausa, or Igbo building traditions, thereby blending colonial-era structures with traditional aesthetics.46 It is worth noting that even historically, Lagos’s architecture was not a pure transplant of European design—other hybrid structures mixed European styles with local influences, like the Afro-Brazilians.47

Conclusion: Negotiating Colonial Heritage in Lagos’s Built Environment

  • 48 Salim Bashir Umar and Ismail Said, “Conservation Challenges of Heritage Building Reuse in Nigeria: (...)
  • 49 Titilola Halimat Somotan, op. cit.

22The contested fate of colonial buildings in Lagos epitomizes broader postcolonial dynamics in urban heritage management, where processes of valorization and destruction are not mutually exclusive, but interwoven. A more inclusive and community-driven approach to heritage conservation is essential in preventing Lagos from merely erasing its architectural past, but rather engaging with it critically and constructively. The current dominance of top-down decision-making—where government officials and private developers dictate the fate of heritage sites with limited public input—excludes local communities from shaping spaces that are integral to their cultural narratives.48 To address this, heritage policies must prioritize community involvement, ensuring that the people who live in and around these sites are actively engaged in decision-making processes. Local perspectives must also be integrated into conservation strategies, acknowledging the social, symbolic, and historical significance these buildings hold for different stakeholders.49

  • 50 Adekunle Adeyemo and Bayo Amole, “Understanding the Multiple Architectural Modernities in Colonial (...)
  • 51 J. E. Tunbridge and Gregory John Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Reso (...)

23By moving beyond preservationist approaches that uncritically maintain colonial structures as frozen relics, decolonial strategies encourage adaptive reuse, material sustainability, and cultural reinvention.50 This requires prioritizing local materials, traditional design principles, and environmentally sustainable building practices, ensuring that colonial structures are not merely preserved, but transformed to align with contemporary Nigerian realities. Successful examples of such approaches tend to demonstrate that heritage conservation can be both economically viable and culturally meaningful, offering Lagos a model for integrating its colonial past into its postcolonial future.51

24The negotiation over Lagos’s colonial architecture is a microcosm of the broader postcolonial challenge—how to remember, reinterpret, and repurpose the built environment inherited from colonialism while asserting a distinctly Nigerian urban identity. This paper emphasizes that the way forward is neither to glorify nor to indiscriminately demolish colonial structures, but to harness them as catalysts for innovation, inclusion, and urban resilience.

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Cordelia Osasona, “Nigerian Architectural Conservation: A Case for Grassroots Engagement for Renewal,” The Journal of Heritage Architecture, vol. 1, 4, 2017.

Luqman Owamoyo and Baharak Tabibi, “The Impact of Globalisation on Traditional Architecture in Nigeria: A case study of Lagos Island,” Advances in Applied Sociology, 13, 2023.

Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond, “Revalorizing Colonial Era Architecture and Townscape Legacies: Memory, identity and place-making in Irish towns,” Journal of Urban Design, vol. 22, 2017.

Nathalie Peutz, “Heritage in (the) Ruins,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 49, 2017.

Reyhan Sabri and Oluseyi Olagoke, “Safeguarding the Colonial Era’s Ecclesiastical Heritage: Towards a Sustainable Protection-Use Model,” Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 2020.

Pierre Singaravélou (ed.), Colonisations : Notre histoire, Paris, Seuil (L’Univers historique), 2023.

Pierre Singaravélou, « Opening. Reconnecting Our Stories (21st Century—15th Century),” in Pierre Singaravélou (ed.), Colonisations : Notre histoire, Paris, Seuil (L’Univers historique), 2023.

Titilola Halimat Somotan, “Popular Planners: Newspaper Writers, Neighborhood Activists, and the Struggles Against Housing Demolition in Lagos, Nigeria, 1951-1956,” Journal of Urban History, 2023.

Carsten Stahn, “Colonial and Post-colonial Continuities in Culture Heritage Protection: Narratives and Counter-narratives”, in Confronting Colonial Objects: Histories, Legalities, and Access to Culture, Cultural Heritage Law and Policy, Oxford, 2023.

Stakeholders Call to Action on the Listed Sites Preservation Law, The Project is Currently in Its Second Phase and Will Be Implemented in Five Phases Across the Five Divisions of Lagos, 2011? [Online] [https://lawnigeria.com/2019/10/15/listed-sites-preservation-law/], accessed on 01/01/21.

Tribune Online, “Lagos Pulls Down Igbosere, Nigeria’s Oldest High Court, as Rebuilding Begins,” Gbenga-Ogundare, 2022. [Online] [https://nigeriareposit.nln.gov.ng/handle/20.500.14186/1110], accessed on 01/01/21.

J. E. Tunbridge and Gregory John Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict, London, John Wiley & Sons, 1996.

Maureen Ukaegbu, Neil Carr and Pat Uche Okpoko, “Local People’s Perceptions of the Potential Implications of Cultural Revitalisation Through Tourism in Benin, Nigeria,” Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 18, 2020.

Salim Bashir Umar and Ismail Said, “Conservation Challenges of Heritage Building Reuse in Nigeria: A Review of Decision-Making Models,” Asian Journal of Environment-Behaviour Studies, 2018.

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Notes

1 Fassil Demissie, “Colonial Architecture and Urbanism in Africa: Intertwined and Contested Histories,” Routledge, 1, 2012, p. 2-7.

2 Tim Fassil, “State, Urban Space, Race: Late Colonialism and Segregation at the Ikoyi Reservation in Lagos, Nigeria,” The Journal of African History, 63, 2022, p. 179.

3 Cordelia Osasona, “Nigerian Architectural Conservation: A Case for Grassroots Engagement for Renewal,” The Journal of Heritage Architecture, 1, 4, 2017, p. 715. See also, Sabri Reyhan and Oluseyi Olagoke, “Safeguarding the Colonial Era’s Ecclesiastical Heritage: towards a sustainable protection-use model,” Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 2020.

4 Pierre Singaravélou, “Ouverture : Renouer nos histoires”, in Colonisations: Notre Histoire, Paris, Seuil, 2023, p. 8.

5 Sophia Labadi, Tokie Laotan-Brown and Loes Veldpaus, “Report on the OurWorldHeritage #2021debate.Diversities and Genders”, October 2022.

6 Akiyode Kolade, “Self-Determination and Resilience: A Paradox for Spatial Governance in Lagos,” in Resilience and Contested Urban Development in Lagos, Heinrich Böll Stiftung, 2020, p. 22–31.

7 Tribune Online, “Lagos Pulls Down Igbosere, Nigeria’s Oldest High Court, as Rebuilding Begins, ” Gbenga-Ogundare, 2022.

8 Nadia Yala Kisukidi, “Introduction,” part 1 “After the Colonies, from the 1960s to Today”, in Pierre Singaravélou (ed.), Colonisations. Notre histoire, op. cit., p. 17.

9 Pierre Singaravélou, “Opening. Reconnecting our stories (21st century  - 15th century)”, in Pierre Singaravélou (ed.), Colonizations. Notre histoire, op. cit., p. 8.

10 Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond. “Negotiating Postcolonial Legacies: Shifting Conservation Narratives and Residual Colonial Built Heritage in Ireland,” Town Planning Review, 86, 2015, p. 228. See also, Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond. “Revalorizing Colonial Era Architecture and Townscape Legacies: memory, identity and place-making in Irish towns,” Journal of Urban Design, 22, 2017, p. 519.

11 George Abosede, “Brazilian-Style Architecture and Lagosian Modernity”, Journal of West African History, 7, 2021, p. 115-131.

12 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “Unveiling the Immaterial: The Premier Building Restoration Project at The Hope Waddell Institution,” Beyond the Visible, Edinburgh Architecture Research (EAR), vol 39, 1, 2024.

13 Onikeku Qudus, “Glover Hall and the Lagos Cultural Revolution,” PremiumTimes, 2021, [online] [https://www.premiumtimesng.com/opinion/451046-glover-hall-and-the-lagos-cultural-revolution-by-qudus-onikeku.html].

14 Joan Henderson, “Conserving Colonial Heritage: Raffles Hotel in Singapore,” International Journal of Heritage Studies, 7, 2001, p. 25; Erica Avrami, “Creative Destruction and the Social (Re) Construction of Heritage,” International Journal of Cultural Property, 27, 2020, p. 215.

15 Arthur Parkinson, Mark Scott and Declan Redmond, “Revalorizing Colonial Era Architecture and Townscape Legacies…”, op. cit., p. 519.

16 Afolasade Adewumi and Oluwole Akintayo, “The Nigerian, ‘End SARS’ Counter Protest and the Monumental Destruction of Cultural Heritage,” International Journal of Cultural Property, 2022), vol. 29, 1, p. 4.

17 Olufunmilayo B. Arewa, Disrupting Africa, 2021.

18 Francesca Giuliani, Anna De Falco and Luisa Offeddu Monia Santini, “A Stakeholder Analysis for the Adaptive Reuse Assessment of Architectural Heritage: Towards an Integrated Approach,” 2020.

19 Veysel Apaydın, “The Entanglement of the Heritage Paradigm: values, meanings and uses,” International Journal of Heritage Studies, 24, 2018, p. 500.

20 Tubi Otitooluwa, Survey Report, Jaekel House | EWAP2031SG-STA-0009. Ebute-Meta Railway Compound (Nigeria) collection. Endangered Wooden Architecture Programme, 2023, [online] [https://doi.org/10.60491/ewap2031sg102024001]. See also [www.fopchen.org].

21 Titilola Halimat Somotan, “Popular Planners: Newspaper Writers, Neighborhood Activists, and the Struggles against Housing Demolition in Lagos, Nigeria, 1951-1956,” Journal of Urban History, 2023.

22 Ibid; Nkemakonam P. Okofu and Alexander Adeyemi Fakere, “Decolonising the Curriculum of Architectural Education in Nigeria: A case of negotiated pedagogy,” Journal of Asian and African Studies, 59, 2022, p. 978-999.

23 Daniel Immerwahr, “The Politics of Architecture and Urbanism in Postcolonial Lagos, 1960–1986,” Journal of African Cultural Studies, 19, 2007, p. 167. See also, Helene Andersson, Colonial urban legacies: An analysis of socio-spatial structures in Accra, Ghana (Development Studies C, Fall semester), Uppsala University, 2016, p. 1-34.

24 Ibid.

25 Remmete Lucas Koolhaas, Lagos: How it works, Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 2007. See also an earlier book, Remmete, Lucas Koolhaas, “Lagos”, in Stefano Boeri, Sanford Kwinter, Nadia Tazi and Hans Ulrich Obrist (eds.), Mutations, Actar, 2000, p. 652–719.

26 Ayodele Emmanuel Ikudayisi and Timothy Oluseyi Odeyale, “Designing for Cultural Revival: african housing in perspective,” Space and Culture, 24, 2019, p. 617.

27 CarstenStahn, “Colonial and Post-colonial Continuities in Culture Heritage Protection: narratives and counter-narratives”, Confronting Colonial Objects: Histories, Legalities, and Access to Culture, Cultural Heritage Law and Policy, Oxford, 2023, p. 345-413.

28 Anthony Bomi-Daniels Folasiji, “Assessing the State (Physical and Functional) of the Heritage Buildings in Lagos State,” African Journal of History and Culture, 14, 1, 2022, p. 7-18.

29 LuqmanOwamoyo and Baharak Tabibi, “The Impact of Globalisation on Traditional Architecture in Nigeria: a case study of Lagos Island,” Advances in Applied Sociology, 13, 2023, p. 636-650.

30 Adedotun Dipeolu, Eziyi Ibem and Akinlabi Fadamiro, “Influence of Green Infrastructure on Sense of Community in Residents of Lagos Metropolis, Nigeria,” Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 30, 2020, p. 743–759; See also, Justus Anih Nzube and Aimin Lyu, “Green Affordable Social Housing: a survey-based passive cooling design, with Focus on Jakande Housing Estate in Lagos, Nigeria,” World Journal of Engineering and Technology, 9, 2021, p 848-860.

31 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, “Historical Study and Strategies for Revitalisation of Burt Institute (A Railway Heritage Building),” The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice, 11, 2020, p. 43.

32 Stakeholders call to action on the listed sites preservation law [2011]. The project is currently in its second phase and will be implemented in five phases across the five divisions of Lagos: [online] [https://lawnigeria.com/2019/10/15/listed-sites-preservation-law/].

33 Francesca Giuliani, Anna De Falco and Luisa Offeddu Monia Santini, “A Stakeholder Analysis for the Adaptive Reuse Assessment of Architectural Heritage: Towards an Integrated Approach,” 2020.

34 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, op. cit., p. 43; Maureen Ukaegbu, Neil Carr and Pat Uche Okpoko, “Local People’s Perceptions of the Potential Implications of Cultural Revitalisation Through Tourism in Benin, Nigeria,” Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 18, 2020, p. 468.

35 Sabri Reyhan and Oluseyi Olagoke, “Safeguarding the Colonial Era’s Ecclesiastical Heritage: towards a sustainable protection-use model,” Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 2020.

36 Ali Naubada and Qi Zhou, op. cit., p. 43.

37 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “African Cities Cultural Heritage, Urban Fragmentation, and Territorial Spatial Development,” Handbook of Research on Cultural Heritage and Its Impact on Territory Innovation and Development, 2020, p. 154-166.

38 Titilola Halimat Somotan, op. cit.

39 Tribune Online, “Lagos Pulls Down Igbosere, Nigeria’s Oldest High Court, as Rebuilding Begins,” Gbenga-Ogundare, 2022, [online] [https://nigeriareposit.nln.gov.ng/handle/20.500.14186/1110].

40 David Aradeon, “Change and Continuity,” Glendora Review, 1, 3, 1996, p. 72-85.

41 Erica Avrami, op. cit., p. 215.

42 Nathalie Peutz, “Heritage in (the) Ruins,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 49, 2017, p. 721.

43 Niamh Moore, “Valorizing Urban Heritage? Redevelopment in a Changing City,” 2016.

44 Tokie Laotan-Brown, “Unveiling the Immaterial: The Premier Building Restoration Project at The Hope Waddell Institution,” Beyond the Visible, Edinburgh Architecture Research (EAR), vol. 39, 1, 2024.

45 At its core, “indigenizing” means to bring something under the control, influence, or ownership of the indigenous (native) people.

46 Olufemi Peter Agboola and Modi Sule Zango, “Development of Traditional Architecture in Nigeria: a case study of hausa house form,” International Journal of African Society, Cultures, and Traditions, 1, 2014, p. 61.

47 Anthony Bello Laotan, “The Torch Bearers: Or old Brazilian colony in Lagos,” Ife-Olu Printing Works,1943, p. 1-33.

48 Salim Bashir Umar and Ismail Said, “Conservation Challenges of Heritage Building Reuse in Nigeria: A review of decision-making models,” Asian Journal of Environment-Behaviour Studies, 2018.

49 Titilola Halimat Somotan, op. cit.

50 Adekunle Adeyemo and Bayo Amole, “Understanding the Multiple Architectural Modernities in Colonial and Postindependence Nigeria,” Curator: The Museum Journal, 67, 1, 2023, p. 159–182.

51 J. E. Tunbridge and Gregory John Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict, John Wiley & Sons, 1996, p. 299; Hilton Judin, Falling Monuments, Reluctant Ruins: The Persistence of the Past in the Architecture of Apartheid, Wits University Press, 202, p. 336.

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Référence électronique

Tokie Laotan-Brown, « Valorization and Destruction: Colonial Buildings in Lagos State, Nigeria, as Sites of Contestation »Les Cahiers de la recherche architecturale urbaine et paysagère [En ligne], 23 | 2025, mis en ligne le 15 juin 2025, consulté le 12 avril 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/craup/16773 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/144tr

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Auteur

Tokie Laotan-Brown

Tokie Laotan-Brown is currently lecturing at the State University of New York, Cortland. As a practitioner in sustainable architecture and heritage conservation, and an expert in architectural heritage, she presently focuses on the intersection of cultural preservation, decolonization, and environmental sustainability. Her work spans projects across Africa and Europe, with a particular emphasis on developing sustainable, culturally relevant architectural practices. She is also a founding member of Merging Ecologies Studio and a consultant for global heritage initiatives. Dr. Laotan-Brown’s latest publications explore themes such as adaptive reuse of heritage sites and the role of traditional knowledge in sustainable design. She has contributed to various international journals on architectural history and heritage conservation.
tokielbrown@icloud.com.

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