Navigation – Plan du site

The Myth of Don Juan Onstage up to and through Victorian Times

Le mythe de Don Juan sur scène avant et à l’époque victorienne
Rocío G. Sumillera

Résumés

Le dernier tiers du dix-septième siècle fut le témoin de l’introduction en grande pompe du thème de Don Juan en Angleterre grâce à The Libertine de Thomas Shadwell, une pièce qui fut pour la première fois mise en scène à Dorset Garden en juin 1675 et publiée l’année suivante. Shadwell n’avait pas lu El burlador de Sevilla de Tirso de Molina ; c’est de France que lui était venue l’inspiration, tout particulièrement de l’œuvre Le nouveau festin de Pierre ou L'athée foudroyé de Claude La Rose, Sieur de Rosimond, qui pour sa part trahissait d’incontestables emprunts aux déclinaisons de ce thème chez Dorimon, Villiers et Molière (Le festin de Pierre ou le fils criminel et Don Juan ou le Festin de Pierre). Toutes ces pièces ont en commun des Don Juan aux connotations sérieuses et viles, se démarquant ainsi fortement du traitement léger de l’histoire de Don Juan qui prédomina en Angleterre et en France au cours du dix-neuvième siècle. Cet article a pour objet d’étude le passage de la vision moralisatrice de Don Juan au dix-septième siècle à son homologue comique de l’époque victorienne. Il retrace les trajectoires inséparables des œuvres juanesques dans les deux pays et explique comment le Don Juan initialement tragique devint le personnage favori des spectacles de divertissement entre les années 1837 et 1901 des deux côtés de la Manche.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

1The story of literary influences is rarely unidirectional and conveniently clear-cut, and the more universal the topic, the author and the work, and the richer their trajectory as referents and models in the context of different national traditions and genres, the more enmeshed such a story will be. Critical narratives on the development of genres that are characteristic of the nineteenth century cannot avoid an honest acknowledgement of the complexity of the web of influences that are integral to the formation and establishment of such genres. Suffice it to remember Michael R. Booth’s words on melodrama in England and France, and his emphasis on how genres and national literatures dovetail, to the extent that melodrama, which is a key concept in the drama of the nineteenth century, appears as the result of whirling back-and-forth trips across the Channel and across genres on both shores, which prevents critics from adopting a simplistic ‘A is the result of B’ formula that can be comfortably applicable to either English or French melodrama:

What gave melodrama impetus were Gothic novels of terror and the supernatural, and Gothic tragedies, some of them adaptations of the novels performed both before and after 1790. . . . The English sentimental drama and novel in turn influenced the French comédie larmoyante and drame bourgeois; indeed, there was considerable interaction between these forms and current English drama on the one hand and English Gothic, German Gothic, and French boulevard melodrama of the post-Revolutionary period on the other. This Parisian melodrama . . . possessed the same ingredients of violence, show, moral simplicity, emotional distress, rhetoric, and music as early English melodrama, which of course it strongly influenced. Yet Parisian melodrama was in turn derived from English Gothic, and it would be wrong to say that English melodrama was a French product. By 1800 the pattern of melodrama was set, . . . French plays continued to supply plots for melodramatists, and the novel proved fruitful for the adapter. (Booth 24)

2Such problems of presenting a well-defined and lineal account of influences among works of various traditions are also manifested in terms of plot and genre, and in the portrayal of characters, in the consideration of stories that have been elevated to the category of myth. Especially in such instances, even when the beginning of the dissemination of the myth is well documented (which is not always the case), at one stage the myth inevitably begins to develop independently from the source and away from it, instead it is subject to both domestic literary trends and international artistic currents. Recording such progression of a myth and determining in detail the impact of models and landmark works upon it can prove to be challenging, as is illustrated in the tracing of the development of the early modern myth of Don Juan in England up to and through Victorian times.

3Don Juan arrives in England in the seventeenth century from France and through French adaptations from the previous Italian versions of Tirso de Molina’s El burlador de Sevilla. England thus receives news of an originally Spanish play that changes in its voyage through the mindsets of several Italian and French authors who apprehend, in their own languages, the significance of Don Juan, and who, in the process, reinterpret it. Thomas Shadwell’s The Libertine reflects the tracks of this European voyage, and it reveals the hybrid imprint of the French Don Juan tradition in England, as is discussed in the first part of this article. The nineteenth century produces two landmark works of highly dissimilar natures that condition the subsequent approach to the Don Juan theme throughout Europe: Lord Byron’s poem Don Juan and José de Zorrilla’s play Don Juan Tenorio. Furthermore, as is considered in the second part, what unites the English and French performances of Don Juan in the period from 1837 through 1901 is no longer what linked them in the seventeenth century, specifically, a Don Juan story that encouraged reflection on serious moral issues and that contained eminently moral teachings through negative exemplarity. Instead, the commonality among the onstage productions of Don Juan in England and France from 1837 through 1901 is the adaptation in both countries of Don Juanesque stories to popular theatre (i.e., to subgenres including vaudeville, burlesque and extravaganza); the shared move is thus one towards light entertainment. Rather than discussing the idea of influence as a parenting concept (one that could be expressed in logical terms as ‘A engendered B’), the stress here is on how different countries (e.g., England and France) coincide in their choice of treatment (in terms of dramatic form) of a theme that connects their national traditions from the moment such theme entered them (i.e., the seventeenth century). After all, after roughly two centuries of being a part of the dramatic repertoire in France and England, in Victorian times the Don Juan theme had become publica materies, and by the nineteenth century it had become a topic that illustrates the complexities of the history of the exchange of influences between the two countries.

4Fray Gabriel Téllez (1581?-1648), the Spanish Mercedarian friar behind the pseudonym Tirso de Molina, created the myth of Don Juan in the play El burlador de Sevilla y convidado de piedra, which was written in the period between 1612 and 1616, and it was published for the first time in Barcelona in 1630 in a collection of twelve plays by various authors entitled Doze comedias nuevas de Lope de Vega Carpio, y otros autores. The action of Tirso’s El burlador de Sevilla y convidado de piedra is well known: it begins in Naples and first moves to the Spanish seashore and eventually to Seville, which Tirso establishes as the site of the King of Castile’s palace. Don Juan seduces two lower-class women, Tisbea in Tarragona and Aminta in Dos Hermanas, Seville, and two noblewomen, the Duquesa Isabela in Naples, and in Seville, Doña Ana, the daughter of the commander of the city. In seducing the two lower-class women, Don Juan takes advantage of his rank and promises them marriage; in the case of the noblewomen, he takes on a different identity and disguises himself as the men who are in fact loved by these women (Duque Octavio and the Marqués de la Mota, respectively). However, in seducing Doña Ana, Don Juan is challenged by her father, who is slain by Tenorio. Later, Don Juan is forced to hide in a church where he by chance discovers the burial site of the Commander of Seville and his stone statue. In jest Don Juan invites the stone statue of the Commander to dine with him, and the statue returns the offer and invites Don Juan to dinner the night after. Don Juan shows up to the meeting, and after few words, grasping Don Juan by the hand, the statue pulls him down to hell.

  • 1 As Ungerer remarks, ‘There are a number of reasons why this Spanish play caught on with the Paris a (...)
  • 2 ‘The most common misunderstanding is between the Tenorio and the libertine. ‘Donjuanismo’ is not sy (...)
  • 3 ‘Don Juan vive y respira en esa ciudad que dibujan vallas y reglas, y claro es que no la define, no (...)
  • 4 One of the most recent translations into English of Molière’s play is contained in Molière, The Mi (...)
  • 5 Villiers’s text was also published in the nineteenth century: Le festin de pierre, ou, Le fils crim (...)

5In Italy Tirso’s play became an instant success: in Naples and other Italian cities the play was soon imitated, on many occasions in the form of farces, and by 1640 it was well known throughout the country. Among the first Italian versions are Solofrano da Giliberti’s, which is now lost, and Giacinto Andrea Cicognini’s Il convitato di pietra, opera essemplare, in prose and in three acts. From Italy the story entered France in 1657, and in 1658 Cicognini’s Convitato di pietra was performed in Paris. Two French versions share the same title (Le festin de pierre ou le fils criminel) then ensued, the first written by Dorimon (performed in 1658, printed in 1659), the second by Claude Deschamps, Sieur de Villiers (performed in 1659, published in 1660).1 Their versions present a wicked Don Juan, who is well on his way to becoming an atheist and a coward; he is hypocritical and almost perverse. Molière transforms this Don Juan into Dom Juan ou le festin de pierre, which is first performed in 1665. With Molière Don Juan ‘becomes a courtly libertine whom the wits could wink at a small distance away from the throne’ (Mandel 1971, xi). However, as is stressed by Ramón Pérez de Ayala, whereas Tirso’s Don Juan is a sui generis libertine, Molière’s libertine is not a Don Juan in Tirso’s sense.2 Moreover, in Molière Don Juan is an atheist and an evil man; by contrast, Tirso’s Don Juan is no atheist or free-thinker: he believes in the power of God and in his divine punishment; however, he regards death as a distant reality, with God’s punishment being far off. For Salvador de Madariaga, Molière’s Dom Juan is a failure of the original Don Juan in the sense that the protagonist goes against moral and social laws because he objects to them.3 Molière’s Dom Juan was withdrawn after fifteen performances: it caused such scandal that after the second performance Molière was obliged to suppress certain passages in the dialogue. The play was not to be staged again during the author’s lifetime (in fact, it was not taken up again in its original form until November 17, 1841), and it was not published until 1682, in Volume VII of the Oeuvres.4 However, De Villiers’s version ‘proved so successful that his piece remained on the stage for a considerable time after that of Molière had disappeared from it’ (Kerby 37). With borrowings from Villiers, Dorimon and Molière, Claude La Rose, Sieur de Rosimond, put on Le nouveau festin de pierre ou l’athée foudroyé in 1669. As Rosimond explains in his ‘Au Lecteur’: ‘Les comédiens italiens l’ont apporté [ce sujet] en France, et il a fait tant de bruit chez eux, que toutes les troupes en ont voulu régaler le public’ (Rosimond 323).5 To comply with the French tradition, Rosimond’s Don Juan is hypocritical, cynical and vile, and he is an unashamedly evil atheist.

  • 6 Singer (1965) also notes the existence of James Shirley’s The Opportunity (1634), which, although s (...)
  • 7 For more on the variations of the myth of Don Juan in sixteenth-century France, see Balmas, who dis (...)
  • 8 Shadwell is probably best known for his comedy of humours The Virtuoso, performed in 1676, which ri (...)

6Don Juan first found his way into English literature in the mid-seventeenth century. Sir Aston Cockayn’s (or Cockain, Cokain, Cockayne) The Tragedy of Ovid (1662, 1669) contained an episode that was reminiscent of Tirso’s play: Hannibal, a libertine, asks a corpse that hangs on a gibbet to sup with him. The dead man accepts the invitation and, in the end, Hannibal is dragged down to Hades.6 It seems that Cockayn’s work was never performed, and it is likely that he knew Cicognini’s Il convitato di pietra. In the eyes of the Victorian critic James Fitzmaurice-Kelley ‘Cokain’s piece, the worst in the world, is deservedly forgotten’ (Fitzmaurice-Kelley 511). It was Rosimond’s Don Juan that caught Thomas Shadwell’s attention, and thus it was Rosimond’s text that became the principal source for Shadwell’s The Libertine, which was the main exponent of the Don Juan theme in seventeenth-century England (Mandel 1986).7 Shadwell was the leading writer of the Whigs, and after the revolution of 1688 and the deposition of the leading poet of the Tories (i.e., John Dryden) as poet laureate, the post was awarded to Shadwell, who was thus made Poet Laureate and Historiographer Royal under the reign of King William and Queen Mary, a position that he enjoyed until his death in 1692.8 The Libertine was written in approximately three weeks, and it was produced for the first time at Dorset Garden in June 1675 (possibly on the 15th, and on that occasion it was seen by the King), and it was published in 1676. Shadwell’s play became ‘immensely successful and was played season after season to crowded houses’ (Summers 11). In the preface Shadwell acknowledges the play’s literary debts, and by doing so traces the dissemination of the myth across Europe:

The story from which I took the hint of this Play, is famous all over Spain, Italy and France: It was first put into a Spanish Play (as I have been told) the Spaniards having a Tradition (which they believe) of such a vicious Spaniard, as is represented in this Play. From them the Italian Comedians took it, and from them the French took it, and Four several French Plays were made upon the Story.

The Character of the Libertine, and consequently those of his Friends, are borrow’d; but all the Plot, till the later end of the Fourth Act, is new: And all the rest is very much varied from any thing which has been done upon the Subject. (Shadwell 21)

  • 9 For Borgman ‘The influence of Molière upon Shadwell has been overemphasized’; Borgman believes The (...)

7Even if Shadwell owes his material primarily to Rosimond, we can also assume the influence of Cicognini, Dorimon and Villiers (Summers 9). However, Tirso exerted no direct influence on Shadwell, and Molière was probably not a direct influence: certainly the preface lacks any direct acknowledgement of Molière, even if it was Molière the playwright that Shadwell imitated the most throughout his career. Shadwell’s first play, The Sullen Lovers (premiered in May 1668), owes its plot to Molière’s Les Fâcheux, as Shadwell declares, but it is also indebted to Le Misanthrope and Le Mariage Forcé. Similarly, for The Miser Shadwell borrowed extensively from Molière’s L’Avare, and in England Tartuffe became the unpublished The Hypocrite (1669).9

  • 10 Van der Weele (86–133) discusses the critical reception of Restoration comedy among the Victorians, (...)

8If in France Don Juan was rendered perverse and brutal, and if Rosimond’s Don Juan was a libertine, an atheist, and a parricide, in Shadwell Don John has been married six times and engaged sixteen times in one month, he is a rapist who has killed his own father and has behind him as many as thirty other murders. In Shadwell, Don John is a brutal criminal who dies unrepentant, whereas in Tirso he repents, although he is equally damned. As Ungerer notes, ‘In terms of Restoration drama, Shadwell’s Don John must be defined as a Hobbesian stage rake, […] a callous anti-matrimonialist who pits his entire being against all Christian ideas of love, law and order’ (Ungerer 228). Shadwell’s debauched hero raised moral objections on the part of Victorian scholars and critics, who overall did not favour restoration drama: ‘Critics of the Victorian era were generally hostile to the writers of Restoration drama because of its bitter satire, lascivious wit, and hedonistic values’ (Hacht and Hayes 589), and so, ‘Critical evaluation of Shadwell’s dramatic output . . . has also been impaired by moral objections which Victorian scholars and critics raised to Restoration drama as a whole’ (Ungerer 223-24).10 For instance, in the eyes of James Fitzmaurice-Kelley, Shadwell’s The Libertine is ‘Ill-constructed, dull, and salacious’ (Fitzmaurice-Kelley 511); and yet, The Libertine was staged on occasion in Victorian times.

  • 11 These are not exhaustive enumerations; see Singer for a complete list of titles for all genres.

9Between the years 1837 and 1901, the theme of Don Juan proves to be a favourite in France among authors of all genres. Among the narrative poems, Jules Ferrand’s Le mariage de Don Juan (1883) stands out, and among the dramatic poems, Arthur de Gobineau’s Les adieux de Don Juan (1844), Gustave Vinot’s Dona Juana (1873), Jean Aicard’s Don Juan 89 (1889) (issued in 1893 with a new title, Don Juan ou la comédie du siècle), and Loriot-Lecaudey and Charles de Bussy’s Don Juan au cloître (1898). Honoré de Balzac publishes his story L’élixir de longue vie in 1830, followed by Don Juan-themed novels such as Paulin Niboyet’s Don Juan de Paris (1880), Gustave Claudin’s Lady Don Juan: Iseult (1882), Anne Gabrielle de Cisternes de Courtiras’s La fin d’un Don Juan (1882), Philibert Audebrand’s La Sérénade de Don Juan (1887), Paul Duplan’s Le Capitaine Jean (1888), Edmond Lepelletier and Clement Rochel’s Les amours de Don Juan (1898) and Marcel Barrière’s Le nouveau Don Juan (vols. I-III, 1900). As for the operas, which often adapt into French Mozart’s Don Giovanni, we can count Orgeval’s Le Don Juan de village (1863), Henri Meilhac and Ludovic Halévy’s Barbe-bleue (1866), Gautier’s Don Giovanni (1866), and Durdilly’s Don Juan (1896).11 Because the list of plays is too long to include here in full, I refer readers to Appendix I, ‘Theatrical versions and adaptations of the Don Juan theme in France: 1837-1900’. Appendix I gathers twenty-three titles, from one-act dramas in verse, to a seven-act play, to revues, vaudevilles and a ballet-pantomime. Such variety of approaches is indicative that in France the Don Juan theme is the raw material for serious and elevated dramas as well as for joyful performances that merely provide entertainment.

  • 12 See also McDowell.
  • 13 It is Lansdown’s claim that Don Juan ‘appears to play a part in the generation of certain specific (...)

10Lord Byron’s long satiric poem Don Juan becomes a milestone in the treatment of the Don Juan theme in nineteenth-century England, and it is a crucial influence on subsequent nineteenth-century English rewritings of Don Juan for the stage. Byron employs the Don Juan myth for the purposes of social satire, and far from being the epitome of the womaniser, his Don Juan is turned into an easily seduced man. Sure enough, Byron’s Don Juan opens in Seville and includes a review of women and romantic adventures, a fleeing ship that loses its way in the middle of a storm, and the random arrival of the protagonist to an island where he is rescued by a young beauty. Nonetheless, Byron’s constitutes an ironic understanding of Don Juan, for his ‘Don Juan is seduced rather than seducing and there is no stone guest to carry Juan off to hell’ (Beatty 4). The traditional Don Juan legend is thus turned upside down, and the protagonist ‘becomes trapped in the hypocritical moral code of his society’ (Wilson 248).12 In particular, Cantos X-XVII, which are commonly known as the ‘English cantos’ (Don Juan arrives in the tenth canto outside of London), visibly ‘reduce the pace of the adventure, and concern Juan’s slow but inexorable involvement in the social life of the British aristocracy’ (Lansdown 121).13 Byron was not uninfluenced by the French Don Juan tradition, for he was aware of Molière’s version (Cochran 149), who in fact happens to be mentioned by name in Stanza 94, Canto XIII, of his poem.

  • 14 See also (Haslett 36–51).

11Byron’s satirical approach to the Don Juan theme is illustrative of the generalised comic treatment of Don Juan in his own time and later in Victorian England. As has been remarked, ‘during Byron’s lifetime there was a craze for the character in popular London theatres, which rivalled each other with numerous burlesques and pantomimes, where the Don had metamorphosed from an impious overreacher, thankfully consigned to Hell, into the pasteboard villain of musical comedy’ (Franklin 19).14 The weakness of the Victorians for theatrical parody, the musical play and the extravaganza is rightly represented in their productions of the Don Juanesque subject: most of the Don Juan stagings of the period are in the form of burlesque plays, farces or pantomimes, as can be gathered from Appendix II, ‘Theatrical versions and adaptations of the Don Juan theme in England: 1837-1900’. From the seventeen distinct performances of Don Juan-themed plays that were put on British stages from 1837 to 1901, thirteen are burlettas, pantomimes, burlesques, vaudevilles and farces, and only four are dramas that are unrelated to these popular forms. The first of these four is an anonymous Don Juan that was performed on February 12, 1855, as well as on February 26, 1858; a second is the staging of an English translation of Molière’s Le festin de pierre on December 15, 1899, which was organised by The Elizabethan Stage Society under the direction of William Poel; the remaining two are translations and/or adaptations from José de Zorrilla’s Don Juan Tenorio (1844): Edgardo Colonna’s Don John of Seville (produced at the Elephant and Castle, September 30, 1876) and Gabriela Cunninghame-Graham’s Don Juan’s Last Wager (first performed February 27, 1900).

  • 15 The Reader, 11 April 1863, p. 368.
  • 16 The Athenaeum, nº 1992, December 30, 1865, p. 933.
  • 17 For more on Henry James Byron, see (More 1979-1981).
  • 18 The Theatre, I New Series, 1 March 1880, p. 143.

12In the Victorian era, the renowned and prolific playwright Henry James Byron (whose father, Henry Byron, was second cousin to Lord Byron) proved to be key in the transmission of the Don Juan myth onstage, for in the 1860s and 1870s he authored highly successful burlesque and pantomimic versions of the Don Juanesque theme partly drawing on Lord Byron’s Don Juan and Mozart’s Don Giovanni (More, 1982). Involved in the production of over a hundred and fifty dramatic pieces, H. J. Byron released three burlesque plays with music on the subject: Beautiful Haidée; or the Sea Nymph and the Sallee Rovers, which was performed for the first time in the Princess’s Theatre in London on 6 April, 1863; Little Don Giovanni, or Leporello and the Stone Statue, which was first performed at the Prince of Wales’s Theatre in London on 26 December, 1865, and An Original, Musical, Pantomical, Comical Christmas Extravanganza, Entitled Don Juan!, which was performed in London in 1873. Beautiful Haidée was, according to the critic of The Reader, ‘to Mr. Byron’s benefit, capitally well cast and played’, and its plot partly derived from the Haidée episode in Byron’s Don Juan; however, ‘Instead of Don Juan, her lover is Lord Bateman, a young English nobleman, travelling “foreign countries for to see,” in company with, or rather attended by, his tiger’.15 Little Don Giovanni was welcomed by the Prince of Wales’s Theatre with a note that was published in The Athenaeum that emphasised that, although the ‘subject is familiar’, ‘the puns through which it is expressed are of the newest mint. They superabound, perhaps, but they are of rare excellence’.16 Not for nothing was H. J. Byron acknowledged as ‘the supreme punster of the late nineteenth-century theatre’ (Thomson),17 and his comedies were said to be ‘more frequently performed than  . . . the comedies of any other author’.18

13By contrast, in France, of the twenty-three distinct performances of Don Juan-themed plays that were put on French stages during the same period, four are vaudevilles, one is a stage revue, and another a ballet-pantomime. In this respect, consider the table below, which arranges chronologically these light-hearted popular pieces (burlettas, pantomimes, vaudevilles, burlesques and farces) produced in France and in England during the Victorian era; the French pieces have been underlined and indented to facilitate visual recognition.

1844 — Moncrieff. Don Giovanni in London; or, The Libertine Reclaimed. (Burletta first performed at the Olympic Theatre, London, 26 December 1817.)

1850 — Anonymous. Don Juan; or, The Feast at [of?] the Spectre. ‘Serio-comic pantomime’.

1858 — Deslandes, Paulin, and Charles Potier. Vingt ans ou la vie d’un séducteur. Drame-vaudeville.

1859 — Deslandes, Raimond, and Hippolyte Rimbault. Le Dompteur des femmes. One-act vaudeville.

1861 — Flan, Alexandre, and Ernest Blum. Un souper à la maison d’or. Stage revue.

1862 — Blum, Ernest, and Auguste Rouff. The Lovelace du quartier latin. One-act comédie-vaudeville.

1863 — Byron, Henry James. Beautiful Haidée; or the Sea Nymph and the Sallee Rovers.

1864 — Cooper, Frederick Fox. Giovanni Redivivus; or, Harlequin in a Fox and Pantaloon on Horseback. Pantomime.

1865 — Byron, Henry James. Little Don Giovanni, or Leporello and the Stone Statue. Burlesque play in verse.

1865 — Saint-Georges, Henri de. Les amours de Don Juan. Ballet-pantomime.

1866 — Sand, George and Maurice Sand. Les Don Juan de village. Vaudeville in three acts.

1870 — Anonymous. Don Juan. Farce.

1870 — Anonymous. Don Juan Considerably Aided. Burlesque.

1870 — Spry, Henry. Don Juan, the Little Gay Deceiver. Burlesque.

1873 — Byron, Henry James. An Original, Musical, Pantomical, Comical Christmas Extravanganza, Entitled Don Juan!

1874 — Anonymous. Don Giovanni, M. P. Burlesque.

1875 — Brennen, John Churchill (?). Don Giovanni, Jr.; or, The Shakey Page, More Funkey Than Flunkey.

1880 & 1888 — Reece, Robert and E. Righton, ‘the brothers Prendergast’. Don Juan Junior. Burlesque (vaudeville).

1893 & 1894 — Lutz, Meyer. Don Juan. Burlesque. Satire on Byron’s Don Juan.

14These productions highlight the profound changes that the interpretation of the Don Juan story underwent in nineteenth-century France and England. Indeed, the overwhelming preference for humorous performances of the Victorians drastically contrasts with the serious morality that characterised Molière’s Le festin de pierre or Shadwell’s The Libertine. Judging from the table above it would appear that England took the lead in producing whimsical versions of the Don Juan theme. However, even if quantitatively this proves accurate for the period from 1837 through 1901, the origins of the move towards the Don Juanesque burlesque are to be found in the eighteenth century, and again through a back-and-forth exchange of English and French literary influences across genres.

  • 19 For a detailed account of all of these, see Gendarme de Bévotte.

15In the eighteenth century, it was mainly the théâtre de la foire that maintained the Don Juan myth that was in vogue in France in a comic fashion. Jean François Le Tellier’s comic opera Le festin de pierre (1713) was the basis for numerous works that were produced throughout the rest of the century and even into the following one. Performed at la foire Saint-Germain that year and the next, it was indebted to the Italian commedia dell’arte, ‘then experiencing a renaissance with Parisian audiences’ (Stilwell 56), and it was characterised by setting a buffo tone that was quickly imitated. Many anonymous variants of it ensued, for instance in 1715 Don Joan ou le Festin de pierre was produced; in 1759 a burlesque that bore the same title as Le Tellier’s work was produced; there are records of a marionette play that was produced in 1777 and of revised performances that were staged in 1781 (Le grand festin de pierre, ou L’athée foudroyé) and in 1793 (Le grand festin de pierre). In addition, Lalauze models his Le festin de pierre (1721) on Le Tellier, as do Jean Restier and Jean-Francois Colin with their Le grand festin de pierre (1746), a pantomime-ballet with fireworks, Arnould with Le vice puni ou le nouveau festin de pierre (1777), and Rivière with his musical drama Le grand festin de pierre (1811). These works would often blend the pieces by Dorimon, Villiers, Molière and Corneille with Le Tellier’s proposal, and in so doing they set a trend that would be eagerly followed in both England and France in the nineteenth century.19

16The England of the eighteenth century also contributes to the joint history of Don Juan on English and French stages by providing another decisive figure in the dissemination and understanding of Don Juan in the nineteenth: the character of Robert Lovelace, who is key in Samuel Richardson’s novel Clarissa Harlowe (1748), was instantly recognised by his contemporaries as a Don Juan. Richardson’s sources for the crafting of Lovelace are diverse, and they include Philip Massinger and Nathaniel Field’s tragedy The Fatal Dowry (1623), which moreover constitutes a source for Nicholas Rowe’s highly successful tragedy The Fair Penitent (1703). Lothario, the unscrupulous seducer of women in Rowe’s tragedy, is furthermore one of the protagonists of the History of the Curious-Impertinent, which is included in Cervantes’s Don Quixote, Part 1 (1605). Even if Richardson ‘is unlikely to have read Tirso, Molière, or other continental Don Juan plays, . . . he could have heard of them’ (Bueler 101); by contrast, ‘he probably read or attended Shadwell’s play’ The Libertine, as a close analysis of the plot and characterisation of Clarissa Harlowe seems to suggest (Harris). As has been remarked, Clarisse Harlowe had a decisive influence in eighteenth-century France:

Le succès du roman de Richardson a empêché les écrivains français de reprendre le thème de Don Juan. C’est d’après le type de Lovelace qu’ils ont conçu et peint le libertin. C’est de Richardson qu’ils se sont inspirés. (Gendarme de Bévotte 249)

17At the roots of such influence were Abbé Prévost’s rapid translations into French of Pamela (1742, two years after its publication in English), Clarissa (1751, three years after it was published in English) and Sir Charles Grandison (1755, a year after its publication in English), which partly enabled Richardson’s great popularity in France. Even Denis Diderot writes laudatory words on Richardson and his novel. Months after Richardson’s death in July 1761, Diderot publishes in Journal étranger in January 1762 his Éloge de Richardson, which is believed to have fundamentally stemmed from his admiration towards Clarisse Harlowe: ‘De l’émotion produite par ces lectures de Clarissa naît l’écriture de l’Éloge’ (Chartier 651). Diderot is not at all sparing in his praise of Richardson:

O Richardson, Richardson, homme unique à mes yeux ! tu seras ma lecture dans tous les temps. Forcé par des besoins pressants, si mon ami tombe dans l’indigence, si la médiocrité de ma fortune ne suffit pas pour donner à mes enfants les soins nécessaires à leur éducation, je vendrai mes livres, mais tu me resteras; tu resteras sur le même rayon avec Moyse, Homere, Euripide et Sophocle, et je vous lirai tour à tour. (Diderot 196)

18Nor is he immune to the widespread fascination that is raised by the Don Juanesque Lovelace, whom he acknowledges as embodying ‘les qualités les plus rares, et les vices les plus odieux, la bassesse avec la générosité, la profondeur et la frivolité; la violence et le sang-froid, le bon sens et la folie’; in sum, Lovelace constitutes for Diderot a fascinating ‘scélérat qu’on hait, qu’on aime, qu’on admire, qu’on méprise, qui vous étonne sous quelque forme qu’il se présente, et qui ne garde pas un instant la même’ (Diderot 203). For the purposes of illustration, focusing only on productions for the stage that are written by French authors who were influenced by the character of Lovelace, we can count the five-act play in verse Le séducteur (1783) by Le marquis de Bièvre (pseudonym of Maréchal); Jacques-Marie Boute Monvel and Alexandre Duval’s five-act play in prose La jeunesse du duc de Richelieu ou le Lovelace français (1796); Lambert Thiboust’s the three-act play Madame Lovelace (1856); Ernest Blum and Auguste Rouff’s one-act vaudeville The Lovelace du quartier latin (1862), and Paul de Choudens and Jules Barbier’s opera Clarissa Harlowe (1896), which was later renamed and revised as Lovelace (1898).

19The Don Juan that is performed onstage in Victorian England is thus the result of a centuries-long exchange of literary influences with France, a country that at times behaves as an exporter of themes, characters and approaches, and on other occasions as an importer thereof. It is from France, and mediated through the French tradition, that the myth of Don Juan arrives in England in the seventeenth century in the guise of a ruthless criminal and an unrepentant atheist. However, by 1837, Don Juan metamorphoses into a household character of burlettas, pantomimes, burlesques, vaudevilles and farces, and thus entirely leaves his evil past behind in England. Even if, during the Victorian period, France preserves Don Juan as a serious character, much indebted to Richardson’s eighteenth-century Lovelace, Don Juan is also clothed in comic, musical and entertaining garments. In England, when Henry James Byron humorously approaches the myth in the 1860s and 1870s for his burlesques and pantomimes, he does so through Lord Byron’s satirical poem Don Juan, which was written at a time when Don Juan was already widely acknowledged as being material for comedy. Indeed, the comic potential of Don Juan was explored and exploited in early seventeenth-century France in the context of the théâtre de la foire, with artificers of musical comedies such as Jean-François LeTellier at the forefront of the form. In the same manner that the mediation of France determined that Don Juan be introduced in England as a despicable villain in the seventeenth century, the origins of the comic understanding of Don Juan that is so characteristic of Victorian England partly resides in the development of Don Juan in France from the eighteenth century onwards. Such development is, as has been shown, notably tied to English proposals: by 1837 the Don Juan myth was well established in England; by that time the English had already written abundantly on the Don Juan story, and, particularly in genres other than drama, a number of Don Juanesque English works gained international recognition. Thus, led by Richardson and Lord Byron, the English in their turn influenced French authors who would subsequently again leave an imprint on the English. In this intricate web of influences, Don Juan’s many trips across the Channel become representative of the inextricable workings of the English and French dramatic traditions up to, and through, Victorian times.

Haut de page

Bibliographie

Balmas, Enea Henri. Il mito di Don Giovanni nel Seicento francese, 2 Vols. Milan: Cisalpino-Goliardica, 1977−78.

Beatty, Bernard G. Byron’s Don Juan. Cambridge: CUP, 1985.

Booth, Michael R. Prefaces to English Nineteenth-Century Theatre. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1980.

Borgman, Albert Stephens. Thomas Shadwell; His Life and Comedies. New York, B. Blom, 1969.

Bueler, Lois E. Clarissa’s Plots. Newark, Delaware: U of Delaware P, 1994.

Chartier, Roger. ‘Richardson, Diderot et la lectrice impatiente’. Modern Language Notes, 114.4 (1999): 647−66.

Cochran, Peter. ‘The Mainstream Juans, and Byron’s Juan’. In Aspects of Byron’s Don Juan. Ed. Peter Cochran. Newcastle upon Tyne: CSP, 2013, 144−88.

Diderot, ‘Éloge de Richardson’, Arts et lettres (1739–1766), Critique I. Ed. Jean Varloot. Paris: Hermann, 1980, 181−208.

Fitzmaurice-Kelley, James. ‘Don Juan I’. The New Review 13 (1895): 504−14.

Franklin, Caroline. Byron. London: Routledge, 2007.

Gendarme de Bévotte, Georges. ‘Les « Don Juan » Français après Molière (xviie et xviiie siècle)’. La légende de Don Juan, son évolution dans la littérature, des origines au romantisme. Paris: Hachette, 1906, 235−81.

Hacht, Anne Marie and Dwayne D. Hayes, Gale Contextual Encyclopedia of World Literature: D-J. Gale, Cengage Learning, 2009.

Harris, Jocelyn. ‘King Lovelace’. Samuel Richardson. Cambridge: CUP, 1987, 66−85.

Haslett, Moyra. Byron’s Don Juan and the Don Juan Legend. Oxford: Clarendon P, 1997.

Kerby, William Moseley. Molière and the Restoration Comedy in England. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Rennes U, 1907.

Lansdown, Richard. ‘The Novelized Poem and the Poeticized Novel: Byron’s Don Juan and Victorian Fiction’. Critical Review 39 (1999): 119−41.

Madariaga, Salvador de. Don Juan y La Don-Juanía. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1950.

Mandel, Oscar. ‘Introduction’. Three Classic Don Juan Plays. Ed. Oscar Mandel. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1971.

Mandel, Oscar. ‘Rosimond and Shadwell’. In The Theatre of Don Juan: A Collection of Plays and Views, 1630-1963. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1986, 164−70.

McDowell, Robert E. ‘Tirso, Byron and the Don Juan Tradition’. The Arlington Quarterly I.1 (1967): 52−68.

Miles, Dudley H. The Influence of Molière on Restoration Comedy. New York: Octagon Books, 1971.

More, Elizabeth A. ‘Henry James Byron: His Career and Theatrical Background’. Theatre Studies 26-27 (1979-1981): 51−63.

More, Elizabeth A. ‘Henry James Byron and the Craft of Burlesque’. Theatre Survey: The Journal of the American Society for Theatre Research 23.1 (1982): 55−70.

Nicoll, Allardyce. History of English Drama, 1660-1900. Vol. 5, Part 2. Cambridge: CUP, 2009.

Pérez de Ayala, Ramón. Las máscaras. Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1919.

Rosimond, Sieur de, Claude La Rose. ‘Le nouveau festin de pierre, ou l’athée foudroyé’. Les contemporains de Molière: recueil de comédies, rares ou peu connues, jouées de 1650 à 1680, avec l’histoire de chaque théâtre. Vol. III. Ed. Victor Fournel. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1875, 312−78.

Saenz Alonso, Mercedes. ‘Don Juan en Shadwell, Fielding, Lord Byron y Bernard Shaw’. In Don Juan y el Donjuanismo. Madrid: Ediciones Guadarrama, 1969, 183−91.

Shadwell, Thomas. The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell. Vol. III. Ed. Montague Summers. New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968.

Singer, Armand E. Don Juan Theme. Versions and Criticism: A Bibliography. Morgantown, West Virginia UP, West Virginia U Bulletin. Series 66. No. 6-4. 1965.

Stilwell, Jama. ‘A New View of the Eighteenth-Century “Abduction” Opera: Edification and Escape at the Parisian “Théâtres de la foire”’. Music & Letters 91.1 (2010): 51−82.

Summers, Montague, ed. Shadwell, Thomas. The Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell. Vol. III. New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968.

Thomson, Peter. ‘Byron, Henry James (1835–1884)’. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, OUP, 2004; online edition, January 2008 <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/4280> [accessed 1 Jan 2016]

Ungerer, Gustav. ‘Thomas Shadwell’s The Libertine (1675): A Forgotten Restoration Don Juan Play’. SEDERI: Yearbook of the Spanish and Portuguese Society for English Renaissance Studies 1 (1990): 222−39.

Van der Weele, Steven John. The Critical Reputation of Restoration Comedy in Modern Times up to 1950. Salzburg: U Salzburg, 1978.

Wilson, James D. ‘Tirso, Moliere, and Byron: the Emergence of Don Juan as Romantic Hero’. South Central Bulletin 32 (1972): 246−48.

Haut de page

Annexe

Appendix I – Theatrical Versions and Adaptations of the Don Juan Theme in France: 1837-1900

The following entries have been taken from Singer. Singer marks with an asterisk items that he ‘did not actually see or at least find listed in two or more mutually independent and trustworthy secondary sources (catalogues of the Library of Congress or the British Museum, Biblio, H. W. Wilson Company’s various publications, etc.)’ (Singer 6). The number that Singer assigns to each title I include in brackets at the end of each entry. This also applies to Appendix II.

1841Molière. Le festin de pierre. 17 November 1841, Théâtre de l’Odéon. [Not included in Singer’s]

1848 — Levavasseur, Gustave. Don Juan Barbon. One-act drama in verse. Fr. (817)

1853 — Viard, Jules. La vieillesse de Don Juan. Play. Fr. Staged (1238).

1856 — Duflot, Joachim, and Paulin Deslandes. Un enfant du siècle. Three-act play. Fr. (548)

1856 — Dumanoir, Philippe François Pinel, called, and Edmond Desnoyers de Biéville. Les fanfarons de vices. Three-act play. Fr. (550)

1856 — Thiboust, Lambert. Madame Lovelace. Three-act play. (1524)

1857 — Jourdain, Éliacim (pseud. of Séraphin Pélican). Don Juan. Drama. Fr. (750)

1858 — Deslandes, Paulin, and Charles Potier. Vingt ans ou la vie d’un séducteur. Drame-vaudeville. Fr. The Chevalier d’Estaing is nicknamed Don Juan. (522)

1859 — Deslandes, Raimond, and Hippolyte Rimbault. Le Dompteur des femmes. One-act vaudeville. Fr. (523).

1860 — Barriere, Théodore. Le feu au convent. One-act play. Fr. First played, Paris, March 13, 1860. The two male leads are out of the Don Juan tradition. (345)

1861 — Flan, Alexandre, and Ernest Blum. Un souper à la maison d’or. Stage revue. Fr. (598)

1862 — Blum, Ernest, and Auguste Rouff. The Lovelace du quartier latin. One-act comédie-vaudeville. Fr. (1078)

1863 — Alton-Shée, Edmond de Ligneres, comte de. Le mariage du duc Pompée, ou le séducteur marié. Play. Fr. In Revue des Deux Mondes, Dec. 15, 1863 (214)

1864 — Laverdant, Désiré. Don Juan converti. Seven-act play. Fr. This play was meant as an illustration of the theories that are expressed in his Les Renaissances de Don Juan; see No. 4162. (794)

1865 — Saint-Georges, Henri de. Les amours de Don Juan. Ballet-pantomime. Fr. (1117)

1866 — Sand, George and Maurice Sand. Les Don Juan de village. Vaudeville in three acts. Fr. (1125)

1874 — Augier, Émile, and Jules Sandeau. Jean de Thommeray. Five-act play from Sandeau’s novel (1873) of the same name. Fr. (332)

1874-1881 —* Autran, Joseph. Don Juan de Padilla. One of his ‘drames et comédies’. In vol. VI of his Oeuvres comp. 1874-1881. Fr. I do not know with what Don Juan Autran is dealing. (333)

1886 — Hayem, Armand. Don Juan d’Armana. Drama. Fr. Done as a complement to his study Le Donjuanisme. (687)

1887 — Boulanger, Victor. Un jeune homme qui n’aime que les femmes mariées. Play. Fr. (402)

1897 — Porto Riche, Georges de. Le Passé. Play. Fr. Many of his plays include Don Juan-like situations and characters. This one serves as a good sample. (1030)

1897 — Sardou, Victorien. Le spiritisme. Three-act play. Fr. (1129).

1897 — Strada, José de (Gabriel Jules Delarue de Strada). Don Juan. Drama in verse. Fr. Paris (1183)

1898 (First performed; printed in 1901) — Haraucourt, Edmond. Don Juan de Mañara. Five-act drama in verse. Incidental music by Paul Vidal. Fr. (677).

Appendix II – Theatrical Versions and Adaptations of the Don Juan Theme in England: 1837-1900

To complement Singer’s list, I have added, preceded by a double asterisk, the performances mentioned by Montague Summers in the ‘Theatrical History’ of The Libertine whenever they are not recorded by Singer (Summers 11−17).

Neither Singer’s nor Summers’s catalogues register a pantomime that is titled ‘Harlequin Don Juan’ (R. Living Marionettes, 27/12/52), mentioned in Nicoll (688).

1844 —** Moncrieff. Don Giovanni in London; or, The Libertine Reclaimed. A burletta first performed at the Olympic Theatre, London, 26 December, 1817, and then revived at the Victoria Theatre, London, in 1844.

1850 —* Anonymous. Don Juan; or, The Feast at [of?] the Spectre. A ‘serio-comic pantomime’. Playing at the Surrey Theatre in London, 1850. (316a)

1855 —* Anonymous. Don Juan. Drama. Given in London, February 12, 1855. Same (?) drama given in Soho, London, February 26, 1858. References out of Nicoll, No. 4303. (284)

1863 — Byron, Henry James. Beautiful Haidée; or the Sea Nymph and the Sallee Rovers. ‘A New and Original Whimsical Extravaganza. Founded on the Poem of Don Juan, the Ballad of Lord Bateman, and the Legend of Lurline’. London, (1863). Imitation of Byron’s Don Juan. The ballad that is referred to is doubtless The Loving Ballad of Lord Bateman, 1839; attributed to Thackeray and also to Dickens. (560)

1864 —* Cooper, Frederick Fox. Giovanni Redivivus; or, Harlequin in a Fox and Pantaloon on Horseback. Pantomime. London. Performed December 26, 1864. (654)

1865 — Byron, Henry James. Little Don Giovanni, or Leporello and the Stone Statue. Burlesque play in verse. Overture and incidental music by J. C. VanMaanan. London, (1867). Mainly from Mozart. First perf., London, December 26, 1865. (561)

1870 —* Anonymous. Don Juan. Farce. Given November 22, 1870, at Theatre Royal, Bradford, England. (285)

1870 —* Anonymous. Don Juan Considerably Aided. Burlesque. Given in Bradford, England, November 22, 1870. (297)

1870 —* Spry, Henry. Don Juan, the Little Gay Deceiver. Burlesque. Given at a London Theatre [Grecian], June 20, 1870. (1674)

1873 — Byron, Henry James. An Original, Musical, Pantomical, Comical Christmas Extravanganza, Entitled Don Juan! Music by Messrs. Offenbach, C. Lecocq, F. Clay, and G. Jacobi. Dances arranged by M. Dewinne. London, (1873). (562)

1874 —* Anonymous. Don Giovanni, M. P. Burlesque. Given in Edinburgh, April 17, 1874. (276)

1875 —* Brennen, John Churchill (?). Don Giovanni, Jr.; or, The Shakey Page, More Funkey Than Flunkey. Given May 17, 1875. Cited in Nicoll, No. 4303, who thinks that it is probably by him. (524)

1876 —** Colonna, Edgardo. Don John of Seville. Produced at the Elephant and Castle, September 30, 1876. This is a serious drama in blank verse, adapted from Zorrilla.

1880 & 1888 — Reece, Robert and E. Righton, ‘the brothers Prendergast’. Don Juan Junior. Burlesque (vaudeville). First performed November 3, 1880, in London. The title is that of G. R. W. Baxter (q. v.). Again given, revised, August 27, 1888. Music by Edward Solomon; adapted from H. J. Byron. Another source says music by Max Schroter. (1500-1501)

1893 & 1894 — Lutz, Meyer. Don Juan. Burlesque. Dialogue by James T. Tanner, lyrics by Adrian Ross, libretto by Arthur Reed – Ropes, music by Meyer Lutz. Eng. (?). First performed October 28, 1893, in London. Perf. again there, April 12, 1894 in revised form says Nicoll, No. 4303. C. 1894. It must have proved to be a popular work as it was still in print in the U.S. in 1912. Satire on Byron’s Don Juan. (1164) [Singer speculates that this might be the same as (1032a): Jones, Sidney, and Willie Younge. Linger Longer, Lou. Song with words by Younge and music by Jones. Reported as a great success in a gaiety burlesque called Don Juan perf. in London in 1893.]

1899 —** Under the direction of William Poel, The Elizabethan Stage Society gave an English translation of Molière Le Festin de Pierre at Lincoln’s Inn, December 15, 1899.

1900 — Cunninghame-Graham, Mrs. Don Juan’s Last Wager. Play. Eng. First performed February 27, 1900. Freely adapted by her from Zorrilla’s Don Juan Tenorio. (665)

Haut de page

Notes

1 As Ungerer remarks, ‘There are a number of reasons why this Spanish play caught on with the Paris audiences in those days. One was the peace negotiations conducted between France and Spain, in 1659, and sumptuously celebrated, in 1660, by the marriage contract between Louis XIV and Maria Teresa, daughter of Philip IV. The Spanish Infanta brought along with her a company of Spanish actors which was to stay on in Paris until 1672. It is reasonable to assume that the Spanish actors seized the opportunity to capitalize on the interest of the court and town audiences awakened by the Italian and French adaptations of the Burlador de Sevilla’ (Ungerer 222).

2 ‘The most common misunderstanding is between the Tenorio and the libertine. ‘Donjuanismo’ is not synonymous with licentiousness. Doubtless Don Juan was a libertine, but a sui generis libertine. On the other hand, most libertines are not Don Juans—and do not even aspire to become so’. (Pérez de Ayala 325. Unless specified otherwise, translations from the Spanish are mine).

3 ‘Don Juan vive y respira en esa ciudad que dibujan vallas y reglas, y claro es que no la define, no la analiza, no la discute. Ni siquiera le interesa. Ni siquiera se da cuenta de que existe como tal. La da por evidente […] No. Don Juan no afirma ni niega nada, porque Don Juan es’ (Madariaga 18–19). In English: ‘[Tirso’s] Don Juan lives and breathes in a city drawn by walls and rules, and surely he does not define, analyse or fight it. He is not even interested in it. He does not even realise that it exists as such. He understands it evident […] No. Don Juan does not affirm nor deny anything, for Don Juan simply is’.

4 One of the most recent translations into English of Molière’s play is contained in Molière, The Miser and other Plays; transl. John Wood and David Coward (London: Penguin, 2000).

5 Villiers’s text was also published in the nineteenth century: Le festin de pierre, ou, Le fils criminel (Heilbronn: Henninger, 1881).

6 Singer (1965) also notes the existence of James Shirley’s The Opportunity (1634), which, although suggested by one bibliographer, he considers to be rather a stretch to include among donjuanesque works (p. 144); William Congreve’s Love for Love (1695), which he believes is but a tenuous adaptation of Molière’s Don Juan (p. 67), and Thomas Flatman’s (also attributed to John Phillips) Don Juan Lamberto (1661), which he says has no connection with Don Juan Tenorio.

7 For more on the variations of the myth of Don Juan in sixteenth-century France, see Balmas, who discusses, among others, Dorimond, Villiers and Rosimond’s texts.

8 Shadwell is probably best known for his comedy of humours The Virtuoso, performed in 1676, which ridiculed the Royal Society and the scientific movement. Additionally, he is now known for his literary controversies with Dryden over dramatic ideas; if Shadwell praised Ben Jonson’s genius, Dryden did not share his enthusiasm.

9 For Borgman ‘The influence of Molière upon Shadwell has been overemphasized’; Borgman believes The Sullen Lovers ‘does not imply a knowledge of Le Misanthrope’, and that ‘In every one of his comedies except The Miser, which in the main plot is a close adaptation of L’Avare, Shadwell has used the situations derived from the French dramatist very freely’ (Borgman 252–53). However, Kerby is of the opinion that very possibly Shadwell ‘really based his play on the ‘Festin de Pierre’ of Molière who had previously supplied him with material, and whom, as has been seen, he utilised in later years’ (Kerby 37–38). Kerby’s work discusses the influence of Molière upon Shadwell particularly in pp. 30–38. For more on the influence of Molière upon Restoration drama, see Miles.

10 Van der Weele (86–133) discusses the critical reception of Restoration comedy among the Victorians, which is generally a criticism of its shamelessness and debauchery.

11 These are not exhaustive enumerations; see Singer for a complete list of titles for all genres.

12 See also McDowell.

13 It is Lansdown’s claim that Don Juan ‘appears to play a part in the generation of certain specific features—small and large—of the Victorian novel; or if not to generate them exactly, then help in their transmission from the novel as it was understood in Byron’s era to the novel of Dickens and George Eliot’ (Lansdown 130). See also Saenz Alonso.

14 See also (Haslett 36–51).

15 The Reader, 11 April 1863, p. 368.

16 The Athenaeum, nº 1992, December 30, 1865, p. 933.

17 For more on Henry James Byron, see (More 1979-1981).

18 The Theatre, I New Series, 1 March 1880, p. 143.

19 For a detailed account of all of these, see Gendarme de Bévotte.

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

Rocío G. Sumillera, « The Myth of Don Juan Onstage up to and through Victorian Times », Cahiers victoriens et édouardiens [En ligne], 86 Automne | 2017, mis en ligne le 01 novembre 2017, consulté le 21 mai 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cve/3289 ; DOI : 10.4000/cve.3289

Haut de page

Auteur

Rocío G. Sumillera

Rocío G. Sumillera is Assistant Professor of English language and literature at the University of Granada. Her research interests include history of translation and early modern rhetoric and poetics. She is co‑editor of the volumes The Failed Text: Literature and Failure (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013) and Language as a Scientific Tool: Shaping Scientific Language Across Time and National Traditions (Routledge, 2016). She is the author of the critical edition of Richard Carew’s The Examination of Men’s Wits (1594) and the first English translation of Juan Huarte de San Juan’s Examen de ingenios para las ciencias (1575) (Modern Humanities Research Association, 2014). She is currently working on a Spanish translation of John Knox’s The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Women (1558) to be published by Tirant lo Blanch in 2016.
Rocío G. Sumillera est maître assistant en littérature et langue anglaises à l’université de Grenade. Ses recherches portent sur l’histoire de la traduction, ainsi que sur la rhétorique et la poétique modernes. Elle est co-éditrice des ouvrages The Failed Text: Literature and Failure (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013) et Language as a Scientific Tool: Shaping Scientific Language Across Time and National Traditions (Routledge, 2016). Elle est aussi l’auteur de l’édition critique du livre de Richard Carew, The Examination of Men’s Wits (1594) et de la première traduction en anglais de l’œuvre de Juan Huarte de San Juan, Examen de ingenios para las ciencias (1575) (Modern Humanities Research Association, 2014). Elle travaille actuellement sur une traduction en espagnol du livre de John Knox, The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Women (1558), à paraître chez Tirant lo Blanch en 2016.

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

Licence Creative Commons
Cahiers victoriens et édouardiens est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International.

Haut de page
  • Logo Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée
  • Logo ERIH +
  • OpenEdition Journals