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Early employment networks of Paul Rapin-Thoyras: Huguenot soldier and tutor (1685-1692)

Premiers réseaux d’emploi de Paul Rapin-Thoyras : soldat et gouverneur huguenot (1685-1692)
Michaël Green
p. 101-114

Résumé

Paul Rapin-Thoyras (1661-1725), a Huguenot, is well-known for his book Histoire d’Angleterre. In this article, we focus on his early days, from his youth to his appointment as the head-tutor to Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock, son of the powerful associate of King William III, Hans William Bentinck, the Earl of Portland. By following education, the choices he made in life and career, by reconstructing his rather elaborate networks, we trace how the young Huguenot refugee manages to move beyond military service and achieve this high nomination. Finally, Rapin’s path is compared to other refugees who found themselves in a similar situation.

Paul Rapin-Thoyras (1661-1725) est un Huguenot bien connu pour son livre Histoire d’Angleterre. Le but de cet article, qui concerne la première partie de sa vie, est de montrer les mesures par lesquelles Rapin-Thoyras est devenu le gouverneur du fils de Hans Willem Bentinck, earl de Portland, un des favoris de Roi Guillaume III d’Angleterre. Reconstruire son éducation, les choix qu’il a effectués et ses réseaux va permettre de découvrir comment un jeune émigré huguenot a échangé une carrière militaire pour un poste d’éducation dans la haute société. Finalement, une comparaison est faite avec d’autres huguenots qui se trouvaient dans une situation semblable.

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  • 1 See for example, the letter sent by Rapin to the Earl of Portland, Vienna, 4 January 1702, Nottingh (...)

1Finding employment is an important step in the life of every refugee or immigrant. In order to obtain a suitable position, in addition to skills and knowledge they rely mostly (not exclusively) on their connections. Of course, networks differ from person to person, and each person connects to them according to his own disposition. Before becoming the renowned Huguenot historian of the early eighteenth century, Paul Rapin-Thoyras, (or Thoyras-Rapin as he calls himself in his letters), was a young refugee who needed to make his living in exile after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes1. Rapin differs from the widely studied examples of upper class Huguenot migrants, because despite having a small network and lack of substantial connections outside France, he managed to obtain a respected position as tutor to the son of the Earl of Portland. Yet there is a gap in understanding his earlier career path and the means by which he achieved his position, which this study aims to fill. We will show how he built and extended his networks in order to secure employment. This echoes the strategies of similar Huguenots, and perhaps all migrants more broadly. In this article we will explore how Rapin became tutor to the son of the Earl of Portland in England through the use of his personal qualities, qualifications, and elaborate web of connections, and assess how his experience correlates with other Huguenot migrants of the same social standing.

  • 2 See: Lina Eriksson, Rational Choice Theory: Potential and Limits, New York, Basingstoke, 2011.

2To achieve this goal, I will use the method of rational choice theory, which focuses on the various choices a person had at every significant point of his life, based either on the person’s personal situation or based on common practice at that time2. The subject of biographical study thereby becomes an active thinker who makes his own decisions based on factors that have to be examined, rather than a person whose life is determined by outside circumstances. Each event has its own internal structure, cultural circles connected with actions in the contemporary context. By examining these, we will reconstruct the world that surrounded Rapin at given points in time, thus providing explanations for his decisions. Of course, we will also examine why Rapin was hired as a tutor.

  • 3 Paul D. McLean, The Art of the Network: Strategic Interaction and Patronage in Renaissance Florence(...)
  • 4 Mark Greengrass, “Informal networks in Sixteenth-Century French Protestantism”, in Raymond Mentzer (...)
  • 5 Paul D. McLean, The Art of the Network…, op. cit., XIII, p. 1-4, 7.
  • 6 See for example: Pascale Casanova, The World of the Republic of Letters, Cambridge, Mass., London, (...)
  • 7 Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters, 1680-1750, New H (...)
  • 8 Jeremy Boissevain, Friends of Friends: Networks, Manipulators and Coalitions, Oxford, Blackwell, 19 (...)
  • 9 Bonnie H. Erickson, “Social networks and history”, Historical Methods, 30, 1997, n° 3, p. 149-157, (...)

3In recent years the study of historical networks has become increasingly popular, with major works in the field including Paul McLean’s The Art of Network3. In the field of Huguenot studies there are also several extremely interesting studies relating to Huguenot networks, but usually there is hardly any reference to the notion of a “network” as such4. Therefore, to structure our analysis, it is important that we give it a proper definition. Here, McLean’s definition is particularly helpful. He states that a network is an informal structure, where various participants take part in order to promote their own interests. The greater the number of connections each participant has within the network, the more successful he can become. There is no limit to the number of networks an individual can belong to, based on professional, personal or any other interest5. In this way, we can define various types of connections between people as “networks” – for example, a family, students of a particular university, or believers of the same faith. A person can be born into a network, such as family or religion, or they can become part of one, as in the case of the Republic of Letters6. Establishing contact within these networks can be done in person or by correspondence, and such contact always has personal advancement in mind7. Any consistent relationship between people can be seen as a network8. Even when one is part of a network, there is a certain difficulty in gaining access to all of its members, especially the higher-positioned ones. Bringing together people sharing the same interests is the task of the “broker”, a concept which will be explained later9.

  • 10 On the Huguenot Refuge, see: Michelle Magdelaine, Rudolph von Thadden (eds.), Le Refuge huguenot, P (...)
  • 11 Robin D. Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain, 2nd re (...)

4To be able to trace such networks, we need to narrow our focus to a particular group. Among the tens of thousands of Huguenots fleeing France before and after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685), we find representatives of all classes and professions. An important difference between Huguenots and other non-Reformed migrants of the time is that Huguenots were literate to at least some extent, as reading the Bible was a fundamental principle of Calvinism. Indeed, when investigating their career options, we see that this literacy was an important factor in their employability. Many of the Huguenot refugees were skilled workers and professionals, who would bring with them French technologies previously unknown10. Weavers in England, for example, have particularly benefited from Huguenot knowledge, but such techniques were also previously unknown in the German States11.

  • 12 Karin Maag, “The Huguenot academies: Preparing for an uncertain future”, in Raymond Mentzer and And (...)

5No less important among the refugees were the free professions. Those included journalists, doctors, scholars, and pastors, all educated in the Huguenot academies in France, some of which had a particularly good reputation, such as Saumur, Montauban, Puylaurent, Sedan, etc12. It is on this second category of migrants that we will focus in this article. How could educated people find a suitable position in a new country? Were they already looking for one before their emigration, or was this only possible once they arrived in the country? How did their networks contribute to their success? Of course, not everyone was successful in obtaining a good working position. We will focus here on the employment of Paul Rapin-Thoyras, the renowned Huguenot historian of English political institutions, who provides a valuable example because, as we will see below, he trod a rather typical path on the way to securing employment by trying to make use of his existing connections and, when he realised that these were useless, trying to establish new ones. We will assess whether his career choices were accidental or had clear strategy. Having defined our analysis, we can now examine Rapin-Thoyras’s employment path in his first years after the Revocation.

Sources for the biographical details of Paul Rapin-Thoyras

  • 13 Nelly Girard d’Albissin, Un précurseur de Montesquieu : Rapin-Thoyras. Premier historien français d (...)
  • 14 Hugh Trevor-Roper, “Our first Whig historian: Paul de Rapin-Thoyras”, in From Counter Reformation t (...)
  • 15 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras, sa famille, sa vie et ses œuvres. Étude historique suivie de géné (...)
  • 16 Michaël Green, “Reporting the Grand Tour: The correspondence of Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock, (...)
  • 17 On Rou, see: Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou (1638-1711): Scholar, Educator, Civil Servant, Pa (...)

6To reconstruct Rapin’s employment networks, we should access the wealth of sources available. The most important modern work on Rapin was by Nelly Girard-D’Albissin, Un precurseur de Montesquieu, which focuses on Rapin as an historian13. Hugh Trevor-Roper also examines him from this angle14. However, both draw heavily on the only biography of Rapin, by Cazenove, which had a print run of only 300 copies in Paris, 186615. This deals mainly with his life and works, and is an important source of knowledge on Rapin’s family, a significant source for examining his networks. It contains numerous citations of primary documents, though often without any reference. Rapin’s employment as an educator and his correspondence with the Earl of Portland related to this employment have also been previously addressed16. The problems of Rapin’s biography lies in the fact that there is just one contemporary account of his early life, as mentioned previously, by his friend Jean Rou (1638-1711), in his Mémoires published in 185717. This is a rare source on Rapin’s life in The Hague. No known letters of Rapin discuss any of his employment strategies during his youth. In order to do understand Rapin’s employment path, we will cross-examine the accounts of Rou and Cazenove, and by using contextualisation and comparison with other Huguenots in the same situation, we will determine the motions behind Rapin’s employment.

Rapin-Thoyras and his employment networks. A noble Huguenot family in France

  • 18 On hierarchy and the early modern society, see: Natalie Zemon-Davis, Society and Culture in Early M (...)
  • 19 See the definition of “Patron”, Dictionnaire de l’Académie Françoise, Paris, 1694.
  • 20 See for example the situation in the United Provinces, in which the senior Orange branch, living in (...)

7To better situate Paul Rapin-Thoyras in his proper social context, it is important to start with his family history. These connections, i.e. his family network, played an important role in his employment. The social status of the family determined employment possibilities. Indeed, as has been shown by various researchers, early modern society was very hierarchical, so the role of the broker was very important in connecting potential clients with patrons18. This patron-client relationship, though not the core of this article, needs a brief explanation. A patron was a highly-positioned person who distributed or obtained financial benefits on behalf of his clients. The patron, or protector, would usually gain political influence and prestige as, for example, a supporter of arts, while the client would support the patron while enjoying the financial support and protection of the patron. In their turn, a broker could be the patron of another person, who in his turn could be a broker or a patron of a third19. Not only in France was the Royal or princely court the place where financial benefits were distributed20. The monarch was the primary source of these benefits, making it necessary for those seeking financial backing to get as close to him as possible. Therefore, the courtiers, who were close to the king or prince, were considered an excellent choice for a patron. The mutual interest of the involved parties was the driving force behind the network.

  • 21 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 19-26.

8Rapin’s family was no different, originating from the Valloires in the Duchy of Savoy, descendants of Humbert Rapin de Valloires, ennobled in 1250, thus becoming part of the nobility network. Three brothers of the Rapin family, Jacques, Antoine and Philibert, of whom the last two were Protestants, relocated to France during the reign of Francis I (1515-1547)21. The Rapin family was therefore a respected family, with a good position among its Protestant peers and connections to the French royal court. This is particularly important in light of the networks that the family eventually had access to.

  • 22 Montauban was a French city where the Reformed population played a prominent part. See: Karin Maag, (...)
  • 23 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 85-88.
  • 24 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 304-305.
  • 25 On Paul Pellisson, see: “Pellisson”, Eugène and Émile Haag (eds.), La France protestante ou Vies de (...)
  • 26 See for example the Duke of Monausier (1610-1690), tutor to the Dauphin, who converted to Catholici (...)

9However, the social position of Rapin’s parents was even more decisive. Paul’s father Jacques was born in Mas-Ganier in December 1613. Despite being initially intended for the military, he was sent to study law at the Academy of Montauban22. He became a lawyer at the Chambre de l’Édit in Castres23. He was one of the founders, together with the Huguenot Pellisson brothers Georges and Paul (Georges was his colleague at the Chambre de l’Édit), of the provincial Academy of Castres on 24 November 1648. This was closed in 1670. In 1654 he married Jeanne de Pellisson, sister of the two brothers24. Later, through this marriage, Jacques gained access to the French court, where Paul Pellisson was held in high regard, especially after he converted to Catholicism, becoming one of the fiercest persecutors of his former co-religionists and gaining a great influence at the French Court25. Indeed, we could say that Pellisson acted as an opportunist, one of many who converted to Catholicism for personal benefits26. He did not cut his ties with the Huguenot side of the family, but instead tried to employ his influence to persuade them to convert. Through his family, Rapin gained access to two other important networks in his life: the Huguenots and the nobility. Being born Huguenot, he immediately became part of what we can define as the Huguenot network uniting all Huguenots in and outside France. Its members were united by their faith and common interests – to escape persecution and to make a living. Through this network he could also count on the help and acceptance of fellow Huguenots outside France.

An unaccomplished lawyer

  • 27 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 305.

10Having seen how the family network was constructed, we should give particular attention to Rapin’s personal situation. He was born in Castres on 25 March 1661, the second son of the family27. With regards to Rapin’s noble status, European nobles were interconnected with each other and had many common causes and interests. French noblemen were acquainted with the Dutch and the French, thus facilitating brokerage and information exchange. Having assessed above the elevated positions that the Rapin family held in France over the years, we can certainly assume that they possessed numerous acquaintances among the French elite. As we will see below, Rapin tried to use those networks to the full extent, though success was not always at his side. It is important to stress that these networks often overlap; a person could be a member of several networks simultaneously.

  • 28 This academy was eventually closed in 1685, together with the rest of the remaining Reformed academ (...)
  • 29 François Laplanche, Didier Poton, “Les temps de la controverse (1621-1685)”, in Hubert Landais (ed. (...)
  • 30 Albert Gootjes, Claude Pajon (1626-1685) and the Academy of Saumur: The First Controversy over Grac (...)
  • 31 Ruth Whelan, “La correspondance d’Élie Bouhéreau (1643-1719): les années folâtres”, Littératures cl (...)

11Like many young noblemen at the time, he began his studies at home, where a private tutor was employed to teach him Latin. Having made little progress he was sent to the Academy of Puylaurens, probably to first attend its collège28. It is not clear when, but at some point Rapin left Puylaurens and continued his studies as a teenager at the Academy of Saumur. Saumur attracted many Huguenot youngsters, including the theologian Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713), Jean Rou (1638-1711) and Elie Bouhereau (1643-1719). It was the place where lifelong friendships were forged, together with a taste for literature, theology, and philosophy. Just before Rapin’s arrival, renowned theologians such as Moses Amyraut (1596-1664) and Louis Cappel (1585-1658) had been teaching there, though causing substantial problems to the Calvinist orthodoxy29. These problems continued the next generation of scholars during the time of Jacques Cappel as the principal, with the next theology professor of Saumur – Claude Pajon (1626-1685), whose teachings were condemned in 167730. Nevertheless, a strong religious element was at the centre of the curriculum and this may explain Rapin’s strong attachment to the Reformed faith, which would have a major influence later in life. Furthermore, academic studies provided him with the knowledge necessary for his future employment as a tutor. While an academy or university is a place where one establishes connections that might have great importance in the future, in the case of Rapin we do not know anything about his social life from that time. He never mentioned or referred to his former colleagues. Therefore, it is highly possible that he did not make any significant contacts there. At the same time, we do know of others who certainly used this time efficiently: from 1656-1662 Elie Bouhereau attended the Academy, where he was held in high regard by his teachers Tanneguy Le Fèvre and Etienne Gaussen, and his scholarly reputation helped him to establish future connections. We will return to Bouhereau below31. Jean Rou got acquainted with Pierre Jurieu during his stay in Saumur, a friendship that eventually led him to the position of the tutor of the Van Aerssen Van Sommelsdijk family in The Hague.

  • 32 David Van der Linden, “Predikanten in ballingschap”, art. cit.
  • 33 Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., see Chapter 1.
  • 34 On law jobs at the Parlement, see: Michaël Green, “Justice, corruption and religious struggle: The (...)

12Having accomplished his study course at Saumur, Rapin went to study law to please his father, although his personal inclination was towards a military career like the rest of his family. In the early modern period, it was common practice for the eldest son to follow in his father’s footsteps. For example, Isaac Claude, the son of the Huguenot minister Jean Claude, also became a minister32. An even better example is Jean Rou, who just like Rapin went to study law, and even worked in the same Parlement de Paris where Jean’s father Jacques worked, but nevertheless, just like Paul, abandoned the profession33. It is not clear whether Rapin actually passed the law exams, but in any case he never practised law, though being a lawyer at the time provided a decent income34.

Networks at work: Fleeing France

  • 35 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 128-129.
  • 36 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 305. He was still alive at the time of Rou writing his memoirs (...)

13October 1685 was a black time in the lives of thousands of Huguenots – the “irrevocable” Edict of Nantes was revoked by Louis XIV, forcing Huguenots to convert to Catholicism or face the consequences. This resulted in a wave of mass migration, despite royal orders that forbade doing so. The options that any Huguenot faced at the time of the Revocation were: conversion, exile, or continuous persecution. If we apply these options to Rapin, we see that he could either stay in France and suffer persecution, or abjure his religion and benefit to the full extent from his family connection to Pellisson. The third option, which he eventually chose, was to flee abroad. The first option was not readily acceptable to the young man, because of his inability to find the means to maintain himself if persecuted. The second option was not available to him because of his strict religious convictions, as we will see below. Therefore, in March 1686, at the age of twenty-five and just several months after the Revocation, Paul Rapin yielded to the persuasions of his mother and departed for England with his brother Salomon35. The family acted like most Huguenot families at the time: they needed safety, and this was only to be found in Protestant countries across the border. Most went to the United Provinces of the Netherlands or to England; fewer went to the German States. Paul’s eldest brother, Charles, went at some point to Utrecht, while their mother remained in France36.

  • 37 On Paul Barillon, see: Steven Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution, New Haven, London, Yale Un (...)
  • 38 David C.A. Agnew, Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV: or The Huguenot Refugees (...)

14Rapin’s decision to leave for England also illustrates his use of networks: upon arrival in England, he contacted Abbot De Denbeck, a friend of Paul de Pellisson, nephew to the Bishop of Tournay. We see therefore that he most likely left for England hoping to benefit from such family connections. Otherwise, he could have gone to the United Provinces as did many other Huguenots and then had the chance to disregard the Catholic side of his family. While there is no known reference to the particular requests that Rapin had for the abbot, we can assume that he needed help to settle in Britain and find an occupation, a typical request when arriving in a new country. Instead, the abbot tried to convert him to Catholicism. On the recommendation of Denbeck and Pellisson himself, Rapin was received by Paul De Barillon (1630-1691), French ambassador in England since 167737. With the assistance of Marquis de Saiffac and François Dusson, seigneur De Bourepans, Barillon tried to bribe Rapin into conversion by offering him a clerical position and the Priory of Saint-Orens d’Auch38. The nature of Denbeck and others’ business in England remains unknown, but their acquaintance with Barillon points in the direction of being some kind of diplomatic mission. As we see, Rapin was strongly relying on his family network, especially his uncle Pellisson, who acted as broker and introduced him to Denbeck and Barillon. The two-way relationship of a network is clear: the uncle would win the King’s favour for converting a Huguenot, and the nephew would get a good position. Here we see the interconnections of networks: Pellisson as a broker in his family network connected him to other members of the nobility network, in which Barillon acted as broker to introduce Rapin to Bourepans and Saiffac. This particular segment of the network was linked to the French king, who was its dominant figure.

Facing choices, withstanding challenges

  • 39 See: Matthew Glozier, Huguenot Soldiers of William of Orange and the Glorious Revolution of 1688: T (...)
  • 40 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 130-133.
  • 41 For the importance of these connections, See: Sharon Kettering, Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Se (...)

15No matter how sure Rapin was of his decision to turn to his uncle, his initial choice was wrong: Pellisson could not offer him the support of any Englishman, nor help him settle there. Rapin also realised that he would only get benefits from the nobility network through his uncle on the French side, via conversion. The attempt to convert Rapin failed and he escaped into the countryside, where he might still have had the chance to benefit from James II’s Declaration of Indulgence, which offered protection to the French Huguenots. Rapin faced a choice to either conform to the request of his relative and have financial security and a respectable position in France, or to deny it and look for an alternative39. Given his strict religious upbringing in Saumur, he decided to leave England for the United Provinces sometime between 1686 and 168840. Having severed ties with the French nobility and failed to create new ones with the local English nobles, his prospects of obtaining a well-paid position were low. Eventually his link to French nobility was cut off completely when Pellisson died on 7 February 1693. His brother Salomon, who was serving at the time at Andover in England, wrote to Paul a letter describing the details of Pellisson’s death. From the same letter, we learn that Claude de Rapin, their brother, was at that time in Paris, and was presented to Louis XIV. This shows that Rapin’s family still had connections at court41.

Army as a network

  • 42 Martin Dinges, “Huguenot poor relief and health care in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries”, i (...)
  • 43 Matthew Glozier, Huguenot Soldiers…, op. cit., p. 54.
  • 44 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 143.
  • 45 Ibid., p. 152-153. On Schomberg, see the biography: Matthew Glozier, Marschal Schomberg, 1615-1690: (...)
  • 46 William Pierrepont, 4th earl of Kingston-upon-Hull (ca. 1662-1690), an English nobleman from Nottin (...)
  • 47 It is possible that Fielding mentioned here is Israel Fielding, commissary-general of the provision (...)
  • 48 R. de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 160-161.

16The Dutch episode of Rapin’s life was rather brief. What prospects did Rapin have in the United Provinces? While he could have turned to the country’s rather extensive support system for refugees founded by their compatriots, he decided not to42. He did not have any profession, nor had he any strong networks in the country, therefore his choice was very limited. He did have however a family network reaching into the military sphere, with Daniel de Rapin and his brother being military men. He settled in Utrecht, probably because his eldest brother was already there, and he found a place among the young Huguenot cadets in Utrecht’s garrison as many young Huguenots did43. He was fed, housed and even had a small allowance of 6 sous a day44. While this was not a lot of money, it was still a steady income and offered him the possibility to pursue the career that he had initially intended while still in France, and to improve his connections. The cadets were formed mostly of newly arriving refugees and were eventually used by William III of Orange as his own army during his campaign to capture the English throne after the deposition of James II. Marshal Frédéric-Armand de Schomberg (1615-1690), together with his son Viscount Meinhardt (1641-1719), were among the leaders of this military campaign45. Rapin was part of the expedition to Ireland in the regiment of Lord Kingston, a place he obtained through his family network (via his relative Daniel de Rapin)46. He participated in the siege of Carrick-Fergus, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Chevalier Fielding47. Apparently his career in the military field was promising, as Fielding assured him that he would become lieutenant by the end of the year (1689)48.

  • 49 Pierre de Belcastel, seigneur de Montvaillant, marquis d’Avèze, originally from Languedoc, commande (...)

17Paul’s brother Salomon was himself appointed lieutenant by Pierre De Belcastel, in the presence of Daniel de Rapin49. Regarding his reasons for taking this job, Salomon writes:

  • 50 Marquis de Belcastel was also a Huguenot. He commanded a regiment William III’s army. He was natura (...)
  • 51 “la première que je dois tascher de plaire à M. de Belcastel pour pouvoir en attendre du bien; la s (...)

The first [reason] that I need to address [is] to please M. de Belcastel50 in order to have to expect [something] good; the second, is that this post teaches much profession. Other than that, it is [this job] under M. de Rapin [Daniel de Rapin], and this job allows to make many acquaintances in the army, and often allows to get to know the generals51.”

18Salomon Rapin, as we see from the passage above, openly speaks about making connections and using them for his personal advancement, as well as the need to have a profession: Belcastel had the potential to be a broker for his cause, and perhaps finding him a suitable patron. He also points to the family network: Daniel Rapin would help him to get many contacts in the army, which would benefit him. Paul, on the other hand, could count on Weller and Daniel Rapin as his brokers.

In search of a patron

  • 52 See letter from Rapin to Portland, Venice, 3 March 1702. NULSP, PwA 1055/1-3. Possibly James Dougla (...)
  • 53 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 175. James Waller was the son of William Waller, a (...)

19Although Rapin had numerous connections, he hardly had a proper patron to look after his interests. He identifies only James Douglas, the commander of his regiment, as his protector who helped him advance his rank in the army52. It was therefore Douglas, acting as broker to Rapin, who extended Rapin’s network within the army and helped him find his patron, for he saw in Rapin a young man of certain potential. The outcome of this brokerage is seen as early as 1693, when Rapin was given a regiment in Kinsale. There he befriended the city’s governor Chevalier James Waller (d. 1702), with whom he often debated politics and history – interests particularly important for his future employment as a tutor53. As we see, in this period of his life, while Rapin was retaining family connections with Pellisson despite major differences betweem the two, he was also establishing new connections within military circles. These connections would prove to be very useful in the near future. Could this hint at the opportunistic nature of Rapin, attempting to retain his connection with the Catholic side of the family? Perhaps, but we should keep in mind that he had very few options to maintain his living.

  • 54 Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., p. 125-160.
  • 55 Gerard Cerny, Theology, Politics and Letters at the Crossroads of European Civilization: Jacques Ba (...)

20When discussing Rapin’s quest for a patron, we should consider what Rapin could potentially offer. The broad education that was given at Huguenot academies, equivalent to Catholic universities, was well received by the society. We see a number of Saumur graduates who found rather good positions – Pierre Jurieu became professor in Sedan and later at the Ecole Illustre of Rotterdam, and Jean Rou became the translator to the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands54. Jacques Basnage, a theologian and later a minister in the United Provinces, also studied there55. The Academy of Saumur provided a strong background in the study of Classics, including Latin, a broad knowledge of history, and modern languages. Therefore the graduates were prepared for a profession that demanded such broad knowledge: tutorship, such as Rou’s tutorship of the Van Aerssen van Sommelsdijk family, Jean Lemonmon at the family of Hendrik Casimir II, Abel Boyer with the family of William III, and many others.

Scholarly connections and tutorship

  • 56 Bruno Bürki, “Reformed worship in Continental Europe since the seventeenth century”, in L. Vischer (...)
  • 57 Gerard Cerny, Theology, Politics…, op. cit., p. 172. De La Bastide authored several books on contro (...)
  • 58 Hugh Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot historian…”, art. cit.

21While it seems that Rapin lost all of his connections with Pellisson, it was in fact not so: having been injured together with Salomon Rapin at Limerick, he received 50 pistols from his uncle, through the hands of Marc-Antoine Crozat de La Bastide (1624-1704), a renowned literary figure in France, closely related to both Pellisson and to Valentin Conrart, member of the Académie française56. Having arrived in London at a young age and worked initially for the French embassy, De La Bastide subsequently returned to France and authored books on religious controversy57. It is important to notice that, thanks to Pellisson, Rapin’s connections extended not only within the nobility network, but also linked him to the scholarly figures of the Republic of Letters, the unofficial society that united scholars across disciplines and beliefs at that time. He would make use of these connections later in life while working on his history of England58.

  • 59 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 190.
  • 60 David Onnekink, The Anglo-Dutch Favourite: The Career of Hans Willem Bentinck, 1st Earl of Portland (...)

22Towards the end of 1693, Rapin was called to London by direct order of William III59. William’s personal friend and one of the most influential people of the reign, Hans William Bentinck, the Earl of Portland, needed a head tutor for his son, Henry, Viscount Woodstock60. It was only natural that William III, who was childless himself, was very much interested in the upbringing of his favourite’s son.

  • 61 Ruth Whelan, “Marsh’s library and the French Calvinist tradition: The manuscript diary of Élie Bouh (...)

23How did the nobility network operate? Rapin’s case offers an excellent example: in order to find the best suitable candidate, William III turned to none other than Henri de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny the son, who was the biggest broker of the Huguenot Refuge. Ruvigny was crucial for the successful employment of many Huguenots thanks to his (and his father’s) former position as the Huguenot representative to the King of France. He became even more important when he joined William III of Orange after the latter’s ascension to the English throne following the Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689. Ruvigny was given the title Earl of Galway and became one of the closest associates of the new king. His extensive web of connections allowed him to support many Huguenot refugees, among them Rapin. Another refugee helped by Ruvigny was Elie Bouhereau (1643-1719) from La Rochelle, who eventually became a keeper at Marsh’s library in Ireland. Bouhereau was born to a family of Reformed ministers and studied at Saumur, as many other Huguenot youngsters did, including Jean Rou and Pierre Jurieu. Through his interest in belles-lettres he attracted the attention of Valentin Conrart of the Académie Française, who was very highly positioned at the Royal Court, and once back at home in La Rochelle Bouhereau was in contact with Marquis de Ruvigny. While there is no definitive evidence, it is highly possible that in 1689, thanks to Ruvigny, he was appointed secretary to Thomas Coxe, envoy to William III, especially given that he became secretary to Ruvigny himself in 169761.

  • 62 Marion E. Grew, William Bentinck…, op. cit., p. 301; E. Lawrence, The Lives of the British Historia (...)
  • 63 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 193-195.
  • 64 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 226.
  • 65 Ibid.
  • 66 Ibid., p. 203, n. 1.
  • 67 Two letters from Rapin to Portland, Livorno, 4 August 1702. NULSP, PwA 1065, PwA 93.

24Ruvigny was well acquainted with his Huguenot soldiers, and probably had several candidates in mind for the position of the tutor for the Earl of Portland’s son62. He was acquainted with Rapin from the military campaign in Ireland, and highly recommended him to the king. It is important to note that Rapin had previously learned some English during his military campaign, in addition to the Italian and Spanish which he mastered; it is said that he had some knowledge of the Germanic languages63. Furthermore, from Rou’s memoirs, it is clear that Rapin and William III were personally acquainted from the same military campaign. He writes that William even promised Rapin a “distinguished position in the army64”. However, the king found him to be more suitable as Woodstock’s head tutor than as a commander, especially because he possessed the manners, spirit and intelligence that would be necessary for the youngster’s upbringing65. According to Rou, the king signalled to Rapin that this position would open before him the way to further benefits. This was an offer that he of course could not refuse. He took this task upon himself and acted as Woodstock’s tutor until 1702, when their ways split during the Grand Tour in Europe. William III granted Rapin a pension for life of 11,000 florins, on 1 January 170066. This however was no longer being paid as of 170267.

  • 68 See references above.
  • 69 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 197.

25Now let us look closely at the appointment of Rapin to his position as tutor: William III, through the brokerage of Galway, chose Rapin. Why was Rapin chosen for this position and no one else? As I have established in my previous research, the Huguenot tutors would benefit from their French background; that is, their manners and language, as well as Calvinism68. All this is of course valid, yet by looking at Rapin’s networks we can discover additional motives. While it was through his Huguenot and nobility networks that he was acquainted with top Huguenot military commanders, his family network again played an important part. It is very plausible that his family connections with various courtiers and scholars in France, established via Pellisson, were of interest for William III. In fact, Rapin, as Woodstock’s tutor, accompanied Portland on his diplomatic mission to Paris in 1698 to negotiate the Spanish Succession69.

  • 70 A critical edition of this correspondence is currently in preparation by the author of the present (...)
  • 71 For example, Pierre Flournoys was a tutor to Charles Spencer, the Earl of Sunderland, and then beca (...)
  • 72 See, letter from Rapin to Portland, Venice, 3 March 1702. NULSP, PwA 1055/1-3.

26He certainly had connections with European courts, as the Grand Tour with Woodstock demonstrates70. This all makes clear that William III was interested not only in Rapin’s own knowledge, so highly regarded by Rou, but being a pragmatic politician with future perspectives in mind, he was also interested in Rapin’s networks and connections. Rapin, in his turn, would gain from this appointment the patronage of Portland and support of the king. He was probably also hoping, initially, for a position at Portland’s household, as was sometimes the case with former tutors71. Nine years later, however, Rapin states in a letter to Portland that after all this time he saw no real benefit from this appointment. It was in his opinion a dead end position. He regretted not having had the chance to develop his military career, and complained about the financial difficulties he had at the time he wrote the letter72. Why did he regret this post? Coming back to the question of choice, we can assume that initially Rapin was more inclined to a military career, as his commander and the king had promised him. However, at the time, Rapin surely assumed that William III would take care of him, and he would earn a place somewhere close to court. This did not happen because the king died, and with his pupil growing up he was not offered any possibility to continue his employment with the Portland family either. He faced difficult choices because he had no financial support and had only himself to rely on. However, his good personal skills opened many doors to him.

Conclusion: choosing the right network

27From our examination above, we can conclude that the employment path of Paul Rapin-Thoyras in the first half of his life was determined not so much by his skills, but by three main networks that made use of those skills: family, nobility and the Huguenots. Through these networks he acquired, with the help of well-positioned brokers, a place in the army of William III and later the patronage of the Earl of Portland. The web of connections that he operated within was not only relevant to his own advancement, but also made him important to the king, who probably intended to use him as a broker in extending connections for Bentinck’s heir, Henry Woodstock. The struggle between his Huguenot belief and his options available through the family and nobility networks prevented him from achieving a high position either in France or in the England of James II.

  • 73 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., p. 227-229; Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., p. 342- (...)

28These three networks were prominent not just for Rapin and Bouhereau, but also for Jean Rou, whose memoirs provide us with important information on Rapin’s appointment. Rapin was in a way an opportunist driven by the will to survive, and therefore took the job he was offered in the hope of rising, but then he remained true to his religious principles. This shows he had no employment strategy, or perhaps that it simply did not work. Contrary to Rapin, Rou was so successful in his use of networks that he became translator to the States General in the United Provinces – the highest position available to a foreigner there. Like Rapin, he took the employment he was offered without having a clear employment strategy. Indeed, Rapin’s case could be seen as representative of upper-echelon Huguenot refugees. Those who managed to obtain prestigious positions usually did so with the help of networks, and by using their education. Careful use of networks was also the prerogative of the theologian Pierre Jurieu, who benefited from three of these networks in order to achieve his position at the École illustre of Rotterdam. The philosopher Pierre Bayle used his Huguenot network to find a place in the same École illustre. The minister Jacques Basnage gained his position thanks to his theological education in Geneva as well as his family connections with Jurieu, and by extension William III. Furthermore, Rapin managed to help at least one of his peers: Jean Rou benefited from Rapin’s position in Portland’s household when Rapin offered him a position as history tutor to Woodstock in mid-170073. All in all, as Paul McLean states, one’s success during the period was dependent on one’s connections and the use made of them. This study gives us an insight into the means by which education and connections were translated into employment in a new country for the learned Huguenots. This is how Rapin became the head tutor for Woodstock. At the same time, Huguenot scholarship can benefit from a more structured in-depth examination of the various networks functioning at the time of the Revocation. This would offer the possibility to determine the strongest patrons and brokers within various centres of refuge and shed light on the centres of power of the Huguenot diaspora, such as for example Ruvigny.

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Notes

1 See for example, the letter sent by Rapin to the Earl of Portland, Vienna, 4 January 1702, Nottingham University Library, Special Collections (NULSP), Pw A1048.

2 See: Lina Eriksson, Rational Choice Theory: Potential and Limits, New York, Basingstoke, 2011.

3 Paul D. McLean, The Art of the Network: Strategic Interaction and Patronage in Renaissance Florence, Durham, London, Duke University Press, 2007.

4 Mark Greengrass, “Informal networks in Sixteenth-Century French Protestantism”, in Raymond Mentzer and Andrew Spicer (eds.), Society and Culture in the Huguenot World, 1559-1665, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 78-97. See also: Ole P. Grell, “The creation of transnational, Calvinist network and its significance for Calvinist identity and interaction in early modern Europe”, European Review of History, 16, 2009, n° 5, p. 619-636; David Van der Linden, “Predikanten in ballingschap. De carrièrekansen van Jean en Isaac Claude in de Republiek”, De Zeventiende Eeuw: Cultuur in de Nederlanden in interdisciplinair perspectief, 27, 2011, n° 2, p. 141-161; David W. Voorhees, “Jacob Leisler and the Huguenot network in the English Atlantic World”, in Randolph Vigne and Charles Littleton (eds.), From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland, and Colonial America, 1550-1750, London, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 322-333.

5 Paul D. McLean, The Art of the Network…, op. cit., XIII, p. 1-4, 7.

6 See for example: Pascale Casanova, The World of the Republic of Letters, Cambridge, Mass., London, Harvard University Press, 2004; Hans Bots, Françoise Waquet, La République des Lettres, Paris, De Boeck, 1997; Hans Bots, Françoise Waquet (eds.), Commercium Litterarium: Forms of Communication in the Republic of Letters, 1600-1750, Amsterdam, Maarsen, APA-Holland university press, 1994.

7 Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters, 1680-1750, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1995, explores the personal relationships within the Republic of Letters.

8 Jeremy Boissevain, Friends of Friends: Networks, Manipulators and Coalitions, Oxford, Blackwell, 1974, p. 24.

9 Bonnie H. Erickson, “Social networks and history”, Historical Methods, 30, 1997, n° 3, p. 149-157, here 149.

10 On the Huguenot Refuge, see: Michelle Magdelaine, Rudolph von Thadden (eds.), Le Refuge huguenot, Paris, A. Colin, 1985; Myriam Yardeni, Le Refuge protestant, Paris, Honoré Champion, 1985; Willem Frijhoff, “Uncertain brotherhood: The Huguenots in the Dutch Republic”, in Bertrand van Ruymbeke, Randy J. Sparks (eds.), Memory and Identity: The Huguenots in France and the Atlantic Diaspora, Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 2003, p. 128-171. On the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, see: Élisabeth Labrousse, “Une foi, une loi, un roi ?” Essai sur la révocation de l’Édit de Nantes, Geneva, Labor et Fides, 1985; Hans Bots (ed.), La révocation de l’Édit de Nantes et les Provinces-Unies, 1685, Amsterdam, Maarsen, APA – Holland University Press, 1986.

11 Robin D. Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain, 2nd revised edition Brighton, Portland, The Huguenot society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2001; Robin D. Gwynn, Huguenots of London, Brighton, Portland, The Huguenot society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1998.

12 Karin Maag, “The Huguenot academies: Preparing for an uncertain future”, in Raymond Mentzer and Andrew Spicer (eds.), Society and Culture…, op. cit., p. 139-156; Jean-Paul Pittion, “Instruire et édifier: Les protestants et l’éducation en France sous l’Édit de Nantes”, in Geraldine Sheridan, Viviane Prest (eds.), Les huguenots éducateurs dans l’espace européen, Paris, Honoré Champion, 2011, p. 19-45.

13 Nelly Girard d’Albissin, Un précurseur de Montesquieu : Rapin-Thoyras. Premier historien français des institutions anglaises, Paris, C. Klincksieck, 1969.

14 Hugh Trevor-Roper, “Our first Whig historian: Paul de Rapin-Thoyras”, in From Counter Reformation to Glorious Revolution, London, Pimlico, 1993, p. 249–265; Hugh Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot historian: Paul Rapin”, in Irene Scouloudi (ed.), Huguenots in Britain and their French Background, 1550-1800, London, Macmillan, 1987, p. 3-19. Rapin’s Histoire d’Angleterre is the topic of a doctoral dissertation by Miriam Franchina “Writing an Impartial History in the Republic of Letters: Paul Rapin Thoyras and his Histoire d’Angleterre (1724-1728)”, Ph.D. Thesis at the Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg.

15 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras, sa famille, sa vie et ses œuvres. Étude historique suivie de généalogies, Paris, Chez August Aubri, 1866.

16 Michaël Green, “Reporting the Grand Tour: The correspondence of Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock, and Paul Rapin-Thoyras with the Earl of Portland, 1701-1703”, Paedagogica Historica, 50, 2014, n° 4, p. 465-478.

17 On Rou, see: Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou (1638-1711): Scholar, Educator, Civil Servant, Paris, Honoré Champion, 2015. His memoirs were published in the nineteenth century: Jean Rou, Mémoires inédits et opuscules de Jean Rou, Francis Waddington (ed.), 2 vols. and supplement, Paris, 1857. See, p. 303-304.

18 On hierarchy and the early modern society, see: Natalie Zemon-Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France: Eight Essays, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1975; Yves Durand (ed.), Hommage à Roland Mousnier: clientèles et fidélités en Europe à l’époque moderne, Paris, 1981. On patron-client relationship, see: Sharon Kettering, “Brokerage at the court of Louis XIV”, The Historical Journal, 36, 1993, n° 1, p. 69-87; Sharon Kettering, Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986; Roland Mousnier, “Les fidélités et les clientèles en France aux xvie, xviie, et xviiie siècles”, Histoire sociale, 15, 1982, p. 35-46. On court society, see: Norbert Elias, The Court Society, Dublin, College Dublin Press, 2006. Criticism on the theory of Elias, by: Jeroen Duindam, Myths of Power: Norbert Elias and the Early Modern European Court, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 1995.

19 See the definition of “Patron”, Dictionnaire de l’Académie Françoise, Paris, 1694.

20 See for example the situation in the United Provinces, in which the senior Orange branch, living in The Hague, of the Orange-Nassau family were patrons of the junior Nassau branch, located in Friesland: Simon Groenveld, J.K. Huizinga, Yme Kuiper (eds.), Nassau uit de schaduw van Oranje, Franeker, Van Wijnen, 2003.

21 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 19-26.

22 Montauban was a French city where the Reformed population played a prominent part. See: Karin Maag, “The Huguenot Academies”, art. cit., p. 141.

23 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 85-88.

24 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 304-305.

25 On Paul Pellisson, see: “Pellisson”, Eugène and Émile Haag (eds.), La France protestante ou Vies des protestants français, 10 vols., Paris, 1846-1859.

26 See for example the Duke of Monausier (1610-1690), tutor to the Dauphin, who converted to Catholicism when married Julie d’Angennes, the daughter of the Marquise de Rambouillet.

27 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 305.

28 This academy was eventually closed in 1685, together with the rest of the remaining Reformed academies. Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 118-123. More on Huguenot education is in: M. Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., p. 265-377; Michaël Green, “A Huguenot education for the early modern nobility”, Huguenot Society Journal, 30, 2013, n° 1, p. 73-92; Michaël Green, “Educating Johan Willem Friso of Nassau-Dietz (1687-1711): Huguenot tutorship at the court of the Frisian Stadtholders”, Virtus –Yearbook of the History of the Nobility, 19, 2012, p. 103-124; Jean-Paul Pittion, “Instruire et édifier…”, art. cit., p. 19-45.

29 François Laplanche, Didier Poton, “Les temps de la controverse (1621-1685)”, in Hubert Landais (ed.), Histoire de Saumur, Toulouse, Privat, 1997, p. 165-186, in particular 167-169; Louis-Jules Méteyer, L’Académie protestante de Saumur, Paris, Éd. la Cause, 1933.

30 Albert Gootjes, Claude Pajon (1626-1685) and the Academy of Saumur: The First Controversy over Grace, Leiden, Boston, Brill, 2014.

31 Ruth Whelan, “La correspondance d’Élie Bouhéreau (1643-1719): les années folâtres”, Littératures classiques, 71, 2010, n° 1, p. 91-112.

32 David Van der Linden, “Predikanten in ballingschap”, art. cit.

33 Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., see Chapter 1.

34 On law jobs at the Parlement, see: Michaël Green, “Justice, corruption and religious struggle: The case of the prosecutor Jacques Rou (1647)”, Juridical Journal: The Law Journal of Ukrainian Branch of ILA, 168, 2016, p. 118-123.

35 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 128-129.

36 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 305. He was still alive at the time of Rou writing his memoirs in mid-1711.

37 On Paul Barillon, see: Steven Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution, New Haven, London, Yale University Press, 2009, p. 126, 181-184, 309, 318. Unfortunately, I could not trace more information on Abbé de Denbeck.

38 David C.A. Agnew, Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV: or The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 2, London, 1871, p. 169. Marquis de Saissac was called Louis de Quilheim de Castelnau, Count de Clermont de Lodeve (c. 1632-1705). He was Master of the Robe of Louis XIV. He married Jeanne-Thérèse-Pélagie-Charlotte d’Albert on 16 March 1698. Died in Paris. See: Mercure historique et politique, contenant l’état présent de l’Europe, 38, The Hague, 1705, p. 528. See also: Le Grand Dictionnaire historique, vol. 1, Paris, 1759, p. 277. This book mistakenly states the year of his death as 1706. De Bourepans was an extraordinary envoy to London, see: “Dusson (François)”, in Louis Gabriel Michaud (ed.), Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne, Paris, 1811-1862.

39 See: Matthew Glozier, Huguenot Soldiers of William of Orange and the Glorious Revolution of 1688: The Lions of Judah, Brighton, Portland, The Huguenot society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2002, p. 33-34, where he explains on the swift conversion of members of the Huguenot nobility to Catholicism.

40 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 130-133.

41 For the importance of these connections, See: Sharon Kettering, Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986.

42 Martin Dinges, “Huguenot poor relief and health care in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries”, in Raymond Mentzer and Andrew Spicer (eds.), Society and Culture…, op. cit., p. 157-174; Raymond A. Mentzer, La construction de l’identité réformée aux xvie et xviie siècles: le rôle des consistoires, Paris, Honoré Champion, 2006; Willem Frijhoff, “Uncertain Brotherhood…”, art. cit.

43 Matthew Glozier, Huguenot Soldiers…, op. cit., p. 54.

44 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 143.

45 Ibid., p. 152-153. On Schomberg, see the biography: Matthew Glozier, Marschal Schomberg, 1615-1690: “The Albest Soldier of his Age”, Brighton, Portland, The Huguenot society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2005. Schomberg was initially part of the entourage of William III’s father – William II (1626-1650), and among those who encouraged him to oppose the States General. After his death, he served various interests, including those of Louis XIV, Portugal, eventually serving under William III’s command in 1688.

46 William Pierrepont, 4th earl of Kingston-upon-Hull (ca. 1662-1690), an English nobleman from Nottinghamshire. In the army of William III, he served as Colonel of a Regiment of Foot. See: “Biography of William Pierrepont, 4th Earl of Kingston-upon-Hull (c.1662-1690)”, Manuscripts and Special Collections, University of Nottingham Library, [online website]. Accessed on 8 March 2016. URL: http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/manuscriptsandspecialcollections/collectionsindepth/family/manvers/biographies/biographyofwilliampierrepont,4thearlofkingston-upon-hull%28c1662-1690%29.aspx.

47 It is possible that Fielding mentioned here is Israel Fielding, commissary-general of the provisions in William’s army. See: John Childs, The British Army of William III, 1689-1702, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1987, p. 171, 249.

48 R. de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 160-161.

49 Pierre de Belcastel, seigneur de Montvaillant, marquis d’Avèze, originally from Languedoc, commander under Schomberg. According to Glozier, he raised a new regiment from the French refugees. See: Matthew Glozier, Huguenot Soldiers…, op. cit., p. 136.

50 Marquis de Belcastel was also a Huguenot. He commanded a regiment William III’s army. He was naturalized by William III’s edict. See: John Raithby (ed.), “William III, 1698: The Private Acts”, Statutes of the Realm, 7, 1695-1701 (s.l, 1820), p. 522-524. See also: John Childs, The British Army…, op. cit., p. 133.

51 “la première que je dois tascher de plaire à M. de Belcastel pour pouvoir en attendre du bien; la seconde, c’est que cet employ apprend beaucoup le métier. En outre, c’est sous M. de Rapin [Daniel de Rapin], & cet employ fait faire beaucoup de connoissances dans l’armée, & fait souvent connoistre les généraux”, Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 180.

52 See letter from Rapin to Portland, Venice, 3 March 1702. NULSP, PwA 1055/1-3. Possibly James Douglas, son of the 2nd earl of Queensberry, served in the English army until his death in 1691. Thanks to Vivienne Larminie for this suggestion.

53 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 175. James Waller was the son of William Waller, a commander during the Civil war and a former member of Parliament.

54 Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., p. 125-160.

55 Gerard Cerny, Theology, Politics and Letters at the Crossroads of European Civilization: Jacques Basnage and the Baylean Huguenot Refugees in the Dutch Republic, Dordrecht, Boston, Lancaster, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1987, p. 22.

56 Bruno Bürki, “Reformed worship in Continental Europe since the seventeenth century”, in L. Vischer (ed.), Christian Worship in Reformed Churches: Past and Present, Grand Rapids, Cambridge, W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2003, p. 32-65, here 35.

57 Gerard Cerny, Theology, Politics…, op. cit., p. 172. De La Bastide authored several books on controversy, among them Réponse au livre de M. de Condom, Quevilly, 1673, and Second réponse à Monsieur de Condom, s.l., 1680. Imprisoned in 1685, he escaped once more to England.

58 Hugh Trevor-Roper, “A Huguenot historian…”, art. cit.

59 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 190.

60 David Onnekink, The Anglo-Dutch Favourite: The Career of Hans Willem Bentinck, 1st Earl of Portland (1649-1709), Aldershot, Burlington, 2007; Marion E. Grew, William Bentinck and William III (Prince of Orange): The Life of Bentinck Earl of Portland from the Welbeck Correspondence, London, Ashgate, 1924.

61 Ruth Whelan, “Marsh’s library and the French Calvinist tradition: The manuscript diary of Élie Bouhéreau (1643-1719)”, in Muriel McCarthy, Ann Simmons (eds.), The Making of Marsh’s Library: Learning, Politics and Religion in Ireland, 1650-1750, Dublin, Portland, Four Courts, 2004, p. 209-234.

62 Marion E. Grew, William Bentinck…, op. cit., p. 301; E. Lawrence, The Lives of the British Historians, vol. 2, New York (1855), p. 227.

63 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 193-195.

64 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., 2, p. 226.

65 Ibid.

66 Ibid., p. 203, n. 1.

67 Two letters from Rapin to Portland, Livorno, 4 August 1702. NULSP, PwA 1065, PwA 93.

68 See references above.

69 Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras…, op. cit., p. 197.

70 A critical edition of this correspondence is currently in preparation by the author of the present article.

71 For example, Pierre Flournoys was a tutor to Charles Spencer, the Earl of Sunderland, and then became a member of his household. See: Michaël Green, “A Huguenot education”, art. cit., p. 88.

72 See, letter from Rapin to Portland, Venice, 3 March 1702. NULSP, PwA 1055/1-3.

73 Jean Rou, Mémoires…, op. cit., p. 227-229; Michaël Green, The Huguenot Jean Rou…, op. cit., p. 342-343.

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Michaël Green, « Early employment networks of Paul Rapin-Thoyras: Huguenot soldier and tutor (1685-1692) », Diasporas [En ligne], 31 | 2018, mis en ligne le 21 août 2018, consulté le 19 octobre 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/1423 ; DOI : 10.4000/diasporas.1423

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Michaël Green

Michaël Green is a collaborative researcher at the University of Cordoba, Spain. He has received his PhD from the University of Groningen. His book, The Huguenot Jean Rou (1638-1711): Scholar, Educator, Civil Servant (Paris, Honoré Champion, 2015), presented a biographical analysis of a persecuted Huguenot in France, as well as the social, scholarly, and political milieu of the period. Michaël Green works on early modern religious minorities, education, nobility and networks. Among his publications: “The Orange-Nassau family at the educational crossroads of the Stadholder’s position (1628–1711)”, Dutch Crossing: Journal of Low Countries Studies (2017 online, printed version forthcoming); “Reporting the Grand Tour: The correspondence of Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock, and Paul Rapin-Thoyras with the Earl of Portland, 1701-1703”, Paedagogica Historica (50, 2014, n° 4, p. 465-478).

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