Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilNuméros19Italians in the AmericasTranscontinental approachesItalians in Argentina: an Interna...

Italians in the Americas
Transcontinental approaches

Italians in Argentina: an International Relations Perspective. Images, Identities and States

Les Italiens en Argentine : une perspective des relations internationales. Images, identités et États
Marta Graciela Cabeza
p. 11-19

Résumés

Cet article analyse les effets sur les relations bilatérales de l’obtention des droits politiques des immigrés et le phénomène du réseau italien des associations qui ont émergé en Argentine. Il applique le concept de « communauté transnationale » et conclut en affirmant que l’influence de la communauté italienne sur la politique extérieure argentine et sur les politiques publiques italiennes vers l’Argentine, a été limitée, circonstancielle et sans poids historique.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

1This paper is based on the analysis and insights of migratory processes from the point of view of international relations, shedding light on the effects these processes had on the role of the nation state, main object of study of this discipline.

  • 1 Ludger Pries, «La inmigración trasnacional y la perforación de los conte- nedores de los Estados na (...)

2We work on the assumption that international migrations are not only interpersonal matters, but are also influenced by political decisions and regulations1 from the host countries and the countries of origin of the migratory movements. Here we describe the situation of the Italian community in Argentina and its relation with the design of public policy, both from Argentina towards Italy and vice versa, which influence the Italian community in Argentina. This study takes into account two aspects of the Italian presence in the country: the relatively recent acquisition of political rights by Italians residing abroad and the old and persistent force of Italian associations in Argentina. These aspects are also related to the importance of the images and identities held by nation states and their power elites to reflect on the kind of « international community » that has been formed from the relations of these immigrants with their country of origin.

Argentina and Italian Migrations

  • 2 Ludger Pries, ibid.

3The socio-demographic spaces that shape international migrations have traditionally been the nation states. These were the main referents to define more traditional phenomena such as internal migration, international migration and cross-border migration, or more recent processes, such as transmigration, migratory systems or transnational communities2. Therefore, it is important to analyze how migratory movements from Italy to Argentina were perceived and dealt with from the point of view of public policy, that is, state policy.

  • 3 Even though, in absolute terms, the United States received 32.4 million immigrants between 1821 and (...)

4The starting point has to be the demographics of Argentina, the American country that received the largest foreign population from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th in relation to the native population3. In the one hundred years of Italian emigration that go from 1860 to 1960, 27 million people left Italy for other countries in the world. One of the main destinations for the different waves was Argentina, where over 2 million Italians settled between 1886 and 1975. Most of them settled permanently in the country, got into the job market and participated fully in society; because of this, approximately 20 million people who currently live in Argentina are Italian descendants, to varying degrees. A cultural fusion or mixture happened in the country between the different groups of immigrants (Spanish, Italian, German, Polish, among others), which is typical of a society that has no significant ethnical differences, at least in the central regions.

  • 4 AIRE is the registry of Italian population living abroad. It was created in 1990 by Law # 470 of Oc (...)

5However, to get a real understanding of the current importance of the Italian presence in Argentina, its global influence has to be considered. The Register of Italians Residing Abroad (Anagrafe degli Italiani Residenti all’Estero, AIRE)4, updated on December 31, 2008, has 3,853,614 people registered, distributed in the following districts:

6Residents in Europe: 2,157,537
Residents in South America: 1,118,338
Residents in North and Central America: 370,009
Residents in Africa, Asia, Oceania and Antarctica: 207,730

  • 5 Fernando Devoto, La historia de los italianos en la Argentina, Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos, 2008 (...)

7Of the almost 1.2 million Italian-South Americans, approximately half of them live in Argentina, even though only 440,000 are registered in AIRE. This figure is particularly significant since Argentina uses the criteria of « dual citizenship », which enables people to simultaneously obtain citizenship based on the principles of ius solis and ius sanguinis, i.e. to be Italian and Argentinean at the same time, each nationality based on a different right, questioning the traditional relations between citizenship, nationality and nation states. This leads to the peculiarity that, according to the 2002 statistics, « approximately two thirds of the Italian citizens in Argentina were born in this country and only a third in Italy »5. Therefore, in this case more than in others, it is true that emigration and Italians living abroad are two different phenomena. This means that not all Italians residing in Argentina are emigrants, since two thirds are native Argentineans who obtained the Italian citizenship for their Italian ancestry, which enabled them to obtain the corresponding political rights. This fact grants very remarkable peculiarities to this social group in terms of language proficiency, knowledge of current events in the peninsula, and the frequent contact with Italy and its population. Strengths in these aspects tend to fade away in descendants of the third and fourth generations.

  • 6 Rapporto italiani nel mondo, Fundazione Migrantes, Scheda di síntesis, 2008, p. 6, available at: ht (...)

8Due to the unique characteristics of the Italian presence in different countries in the world in general, and in Argentina in particular, in the Italian peninsula, Italians living abroad « are still considered a part of Italy, but this participation needs to be seen differently than in the past »; these transformations « sometimes are not taken into account and require an innovative perspective to be understood »6. These characteristics, which have several social and political connotations, lead us back to the more complex current situation and force us to change our concepts and theories on international migrations, which provide us with more modern definitions of migratory processes and their effects.

Political Rights and Civic Associations

  • 7 Other countries also grant the right to vote to citizens living abroad, with different methods and (...)
  • 8 Fulco Lanchester states that this tendency to show an increasing respect for the rights of Italians (...)

9Parallel to this change in concepts, and to the globalization and internationalization processes, there is an increasing need to protect the political rights of immigrants in their new place of residence and of emigrants with respect to their countries of origin7. Within this general tendency, Italians won their right to vote abroad in the Italian Constitutional Amendment of 2000 (which modified articles 48, 56 and 57), introducing a foreign constituency and determining in eighteen the number of legislators to be elected. Proving that the sanction of the constitutional amendment was accompanied by a political will that translated into concrete actions, that same year the first Italians in the World Conference and the first meeting of parliamentarians of Italian origin was organized. Later on, with Law # 459 — also called Tremaglia Law —, sanctioned on December 27, 2001, Italians living abroad were granted the right to vote and be elected as parliamentarians and to participate in referendums held in Italy8. The right to vote and be elected was not applicable to municipal, provincial or regional elections, as we will see henceforth. The foreign constituency is divided into four geographical districts: Europe (including Asian territories, the Russian Federation and Turkey); North and Central America; South America; and Africa-Asia-Oceania-Antarctica. This foreign constituency is entitled to 18 seats, which represent the almost 4 million Italians residing outside of Italy. Five of them (three representatives and two senators) are assigned to South America. From the number of registered voters, Argentina has the biggest Italian presence in the world, second only to Germany. As was previously noted, the importance of Argentina as a host country is remarkable also at a regional level: half of the Italians in South America live in Argentina. The first time that Law # 459 was applied, in April 2006, almost 60% of the Argentinean electoral register went to vote, one of the highest rates in the world. This participation proves that the interest that Italian-Argentineans show for Italy is still current, prevailing even after all the years gone by since the first migratory wave at the beginning of the 20th century.

10The massive migratory phenomena from Italy to Argentina also gave rise to intense national and regional exchanges between the members of the civil society, forming a wide net of associations that are still currently visible and active, with over eight hundred entities created by Italians or their descendants to promote the culture and language, provide social assistance, and promote relations between nations. Civic associations vary from mutual organizations that provide direct help to compatriots, to associations that gather Italians according to their regional origin and associations in specific sectors, such as education, healthcare, Catholicism, veteran affairs, among others. Mutual organizations have a strong presence in villages and small towns, and are less in contact with Italy but have more influence on local authorities, whereas associations handle relations with Italy almost exclusively and appeared mainly during the 1970s.

  • 9 Ludger Pries, op. cit., p. 571-597.

11In addition, several public or mixed entities represent the interests of the Italian identity in Argentina. Among them, we can mention the Italian Chambers of Commerce, the National Tourism Board, charitable foundations, the Italian Institute of Culture, the Italian Institute of Foreign Trade (ICE) and the Comitato degli Italiani all’Estero (Committees of Italians Living Abroad), which are funded by the Italian government. These aspects lead us to use the concept of « transnational community » to describe the establishment of historical bonds between the two societies being studied. This concept states that between two national societies there can be « a transnational community formed by the host region of the international migration and the customs and traditions of the migrants »9. In the case studied, this community is favored by the recognition of their political rights and their participation in the life of both national spaces, building a unique and different identity that is decreasingly defined by the traditional national borders.

Influence of the Italian Community on Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations

  • 10 Florentino Rodao, « Imágenes y proceso de toma de decisiones », paper presented at the Third Confer (...)
  • 11 Florentino Rodao, ibid.

12The impact that images and perceptions have on decision-making is under discussion in theories about international relations, and many times it has been discounted for being impossible to measure or predict with an acceptable degree of accuracy. However, one theory considers these influences and states that they should not be discarded simply because they are difficult to quantify or measure. According to Rodao10, images « turn reality into an abstraction that can be processed by the human mind; therefore, the main problem with them is the processing stage, which is always selective ». This author, building upon the studies advanced by Abraham Kaplan and Herbert Blumer, adds that the way the elite sees reality is distorted by the attitudes, ideas, and methods used by each individual. This leads to the development of a « normative-affective model » that takes into account emotional and social factors, which have a clear and evident influence on the decision-making process. These conclusions are essentially based on a Lockean conception of man, who is considered a social animal, framing individual actions in a social context11.

  • 12 Robert Jervis, Perception and Mis- perception in International Politics, Princeton: Princeton Unive (...)
  • 13 Robert Jervis, op. cit. p. 3-8.

13This approach is complemented by the insights of Robert Jervis, Professor at Columbia University, as regards to what he calls misperceptions, which consist in the automatic assimilation of incoming information into our pre-existing theories or images, playing down the importance of contradictory data and thus arriving to a distorted interpretation of reality12. He states that the perceptions that government officials carry to their public office can be detected and understood; people often see what they expect to see and assimilate new data to pre-existing images, attaching new meanings to them13.

  • 14 Marcos Marini, La diplomacia pública: una oportunidad para recon- tar la Argentina a los italianos, (...)
  • 15 Marcos Marini, ibid, p. 99.

14Analyzing mutual perceptions between Argentina and Italy, we can see that the Italian ruling class and public opinion perceive Argentina as a minor player in international affairs, which only comes to the attention of the world when they are affected by particularly traumatic and problematic phenomena14. This author adds that « the occasional news that attract the most attention are negative and cause the biggest emotional and media response: governments seen as regimes (as in the case of vernacular Peronism), dictatorships and economic crises »15.

  • 16 Aldo Albonico, « Emigración y polí- tica en la imagen de la Argentina en Italia, 1930-1955: las raz (...)

15For the most part of the 21st century, the reciprocal flow of influence seems to be stronger only in one direction: Italian associations emerge in Argentina throughout the 20th century without a counterpart in Italy; newspapers specialized in Italian-Argentinean topics are printed in the American continent, but a similar phenomenon cannot be observed in the country of origin. These are just a few examples of this tendency. We agree with Albónico when he states, referring to historical periods during the first half of the 20th century, that « rapprochement between the two countries must be considered insufficient if we consider the impact of the human exchange between Italy and Argentina »16. This means that, from the perspective of the states involved, the Italian community had a relatively stronger influence in Argentina than in Italy. Given this predominant dynamics, the influence that the Italian community has had on Italian public policy towards Argentina has been virtually nil.

16This leads us to conclude that the « transnational community » formed by the Italian migrations in Argentina during the 19th and 20th centuries has this limitation. The « new social spaces » created between both countries — mainly based on the complex network of associations, the civil rights of Italians residing in the country and the framework of political and trade relations — are conditioned by these contradictory aspects.

  • 17 Opinions expressed in the inter- view given to Marcos Marini (2008), and which appeared on La diplo (...)
  • 18 Part of the electoral platform of the left-wing party « Arcobaleno », an alliance of 4 left-wing pa (...)

17On the political arena, some opinions such as that of Italian senator Franco Danieli, who served as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for Italians in the World during Romano Prodi’s second term in office (April 2006-January 2008), confirm that the country has underestimated the importance of the Italian community living abroad for a long time, a tendency which has just started to change two or three decades ago, when Italian politicians started to pay more attention to world affairs17. In the last decade, especially from Italian left-wing parties, some political lines emerged that tried to take advantage of the opportunities generated by the Italian presence in the world, stating that « the battle for open, cross-cultural and democratic societies is one and the same with the battle for the global interest, ecologically and socially sustainable development and the consolidation of universal human rights »18. To protect the rights of Italians living abroad, an active engagement of the Italian State was proposed from this end of the political spectrum, which would, among other measures, ensure and expand the services offered by the consular corps. The State would also guarantee the right to maintain or recover the knowledge of the Italian language and culture, and the right to receive professional training, requalification and career advice in all cases where Italians face unfavorable conditions.

  • 19 CGIE is a Governmental and par- liamentary consultative body on mat- ters of interest to Italians l (...)
  • 20 All these measures were included in the electoral platform of « Arcobaleno ».

18In addition, these political groups express the need to establish an equal treatment for Italians living abroad as regards pensions and taxes, in order to provide the economic basis for a decent and tranquil old age. These proposals include the right to reapply for citizenship by introducing measures to avoid excessive wait periods, and a full and democratic representation of the Italian communities living abroad through a reform of the Committees and the Consiglio Generale degli Italiani all’Estero (General Councio of Italians living abroad, CGIE)19. This would represent a redesign of the ties between Italian emigrants and the Italian government, based on the participation and representation of women and young people20.

19The productive fabric formed by hundreds of small and medium-sized businesses established by emigrants with direct investments from Italy, which were sometimes facilitated by a shared identity, also has to be protected. People of this political persuasion point out that new emigration is led by researchers and professionals, as well as young and not-so-young people who end up in a marginal and precarious situation.

  • 21 Donna Rae Gabaccia, « Per una storia italiana dell’emigrazione », AltreItalie, 1997, n° 16, p. 8.
  • 22 Marcelo De Cecco, « Italia e Argen- tina: due economie e due società sorelle », Presentation for Ac (...)

20Another right that was supported by left-wing parties was the right to vote for Italians abroad. Senator Danieli links this accomplishment to the increased awareness of the importance of the « Italian ethnic network ». The eighteen Italian legislators elected abroad in 2006 played a vital role in the formation of Prodi’s staff and are still vital for Berlusconi’s administration to maintain a majority in parliament. On that election, eight slates were put forward and the results were so close between Romano Prodi and Silvio Berlusconi that the vote of the 18 legislators representing Italians living abroad — especially senators — had an unexpected influence on Prodi’s victory. This important participation has partially brought the attention back to the topic of Italians living abroad and their role, although there is still no evidence of the desired analytical perspective and, most of the times, this topic is dealt with in a superficial way for short-term political purposes. Many people state that there is still not a real understanding of the importance of the Italian community, and public opinion is yet to fully accept the « other Italy ». This is quite true if we consider the history of the Italian nation, which has ignored emigration almost completely, considering it nothing more than the consequence « of a backward and regionally limited industrialization, and of a economic delayed of the Mezzogiorno (Southern Italy) »21. At the same time, the neglect shown by Italy can also be explained22 by the limited economic development of the host country (Argentina), which is constantly facing structural crises that make it unappealing for Italian politicians and public opinion.

  • 23 Gian Antonio Stella, « Italians abroad ‘betrayed’ », Il Corriere Della Sera, March 10, 2010. Availa (...)

21Another minority school of thought offers an alternative explanation that considers the issue of Italians living abroad and the attention they deserve as an « outstanding debt », a political problem which served a purpose as long as it was useful for the party system, but which was forgotten once again « when it went out of fashion », as stated by investigative journalist Gian Antonio Stella in an article published in one of the main Italian newspapers, Il Corriere della Sera23. This article states that Italian governments have always feared to make deep cuts on the cost and privileges of a public administration that could be greatly « slimmed down » by reducing obsolete structures and unnecessary subsidies. On the other hand, politicians do not hesitate to make cuts on all budget items related to Italians living abroad, neglecting the « historical debt » that Italy holds towards these citizens.

  • 24 Just before this paper was written, a constitutional amendment proposal presented by Silvio Berlusc (...)
  • 25 Against these wishes, political parties that emerged since Italians living abroad gained the right (...)

22The explanation found by Gian Antonio Stella is clearly political in nature: Italians living abroad do not vote in administrative elections (municipal, provincial and regional) and, therefore, cannot react to the budget cuts imposed. This is so even after getting the right to vote as the result of years of struggle; nowadays, Italians living abroad are represented by eighteen members of Parliament. For the time being, this participation is perceived as a distant threat: the next election in which Italians living abroad will participate is in 2013; in fact, large sectors of the current majority in government, together with some members of the opposition, want to eliminate24 or neutralize25 this participation. Regardless of the weight given to the different causes mentioned, the limited role that emigration has played on Italian foreign policy should change; this issue should gain the importance it deserves, including the current aspects of this phenomenon, an investigation of the compatriots lives and livelihoods, and the aspects that can be improved by working together.

  • 26 As an example, we can mention the Memorandum of Association of the Italian Regional Association Fam (...)
  • 27 For example, Deputy Angeli endorsed Carlos Alberto Reutemann’s campaign for governor (Partido Justi (...)

23Looking at this issue from the other side, the same limitations can be observed as regards the influence of the Italian community on public policy designed by Argentina (towards Italy or other countries), at least until 2004, when Italians residing abroad won the right to vote in the Italian elections. Italians lacked influence in spite of their strong presence in Argentina, which was mentioned previously. The numerous civic associations created in the country to represent the interests of Italians frequently had a clause that expressly prohibited discussing politics on their premises, and combining the activities carried out inside the association with political participation was frowned upon, creating forced neutrality towards Argentinean and Italian politics26. This attitude towards politics started to change in 2004, when the participation in the Italian parliamentary elections enabled the Italian community (through the different committees) to slowly gain some political influence and be involved in issues more linked to power. From then on, Italian representatives and senators elected for the « foreign constituency » started to endorse — formally or informally — local politicians at the national, provincial or local levels, and also to support or reject — directly or indirectly — some decisions and initiatives of the Argentinean executive27. This is another proof that identity (in this case political identity) is increasingly derived without considering national borders, overcoming the old structure of the nation state.

24The role of the Italian community both on Argentinean foreign policy and on Italian public policy towards this country has been limited, circumstantial and lacking in historical importance. Mutual perceptions were unable to establish an equal correspondence that would stimulate and multiply binational bonds. Even though it can be said that a « transnational community » was formed between these two countries, essentially based on the wide network of associations, and political and trade relations, this tendency was truncated by Italy’s relative lack of interest in Italian emigrants and their descendants. A wind of change seems to be blowing since the recognition of the political rights of Italians living abroad. This change enabled and encouraged the political participation of the different members of this community, allowing new alliances to be formed and the discussion of topics that used to be forbidden. At the same time, the discourse in Italy was about overcoming this governmental indifference towards compatriots in Argentina, both from academic and political circles that could begin to reverse this tendency. The Italian presence in Argentina — with all its different aspects and variations, ranging from the strength of civic associations to the relative loss of the Italian culture by the descendants of the fourth and fifth generations — seems to be current and active enough to give the « international community » formed by the migratory movements a chance to grow in strength and numbers, slowly replacing the structure of traditional nation states.

Haut de page

Notes

1 Ludger Pries, «La inmigración trasnacional y la perforación de los conte- nedores de los Estados nación», Estudios Demográficos Urbanos, Septem- ber/December 2002, vol. 17, n° 3, p. 571-597.

2 Ludger Pries, ibid.

3 Even though, in absolute terms, the United States received 32.4 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, compared to the 6.4 million that went to Argentina, the ratio of immigrants with respect to the native population was the highest in the world: in 1895 it was 25.5% and in 1914 it reached 30%, whereas in the United States the ratio of foreign population to total population came close to 15% (Various authors, Argentina Histórica 2008, available at http://argentinahistorica.com.ar/intro_libros.php?tema=1&doc=57&cap=440, accessed on March 25, 2011).

4 AIRE is the registry of Italian population living abroad. It was created in 1990 by Law # 470 of October 27, 1988 (Registry and Census of Italians Living Abroad) and its regulation, the Presidential Decree (DPR) # 323 of May 30, 1989. This registry has data on the Italian citizens who have freely declared to be living abroad for a period of over 12 months and who have established legal residence. AIRE depends on communes; each of them keeps a record. There is also a national AIRE, which is kept by the Ministry of the Interior and gathers the data collected by the communal AIREs.

5 Fernando Devoto, La historia de los italianos en la Argentina, Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos, 2008, p. 452.

6 Rapporto italiani nel mondo, Fundazione Migrantes, Scheda di síntesis, 2008, p. 6, available at: http://www.eformazionecontinua.it/sezioni/Italiani_Estero/Rapporto%20Italiani%20nel
%20Mondo%20-%20scheda%20in%20italiano.pdf, accessed on August 2, 2010

7 Other countries also grant the right to vote to citizens living abroad, with different methods and regulations: Finland, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, the United States, Canada, Colombia and Argentina.

8 Fulco Lanchester states that this tendency to show an increasing respect for the rights of Italians living abroad is a double standard, since, at the same time, the prerogatives of foreigners residing in Italy are being limited, or at least immigration issues are increasingly complex and polarized. See Lanchester Fulco, « La Legislación Electoral Italiana y el derecho de sufragio de los no ciudadanos », paper presented before the Seminario Internacional Participación Política e Integración de los Inmigrantes: presente y futuro del voto extranjero en Europa, Universidad de Málaga Law School, October 26, 2007.

9 Ludger Pries, op. cit., p. 571-597.

10 Florentino Rodao, « Imágenes y proceso de toma de decisiones », paper presented at the Third Conference on Image, Culture and Technology, Madrid, 2004.

11 Florentino Rodao, ibid.

12 Robert Jervis, Perception and Mis- perception in International Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, p. 14-15.

13 Robert Jervis, op. cit. p. 3-8.

14 Marcos Marini, La diplomacia pública: una oportunidad para recon- tar la Argentina a los italianos, 2008, available at https://fr.scribd.com/document/3720992/La-Diplomacia-Publica-Matias-Marini, accessed on August 2, 2010, p. 75-80.

15 Marcos Marini, ibid, p. 99.

16 Aldo Albonico, « Emigración y polí- tica en la imagen de la Argentina en Italia, 1930-1955: las razones de una incomprensión », CICLOS, 2004, vol. XIV, n° 28, p. 115-142.

17 Opinions expressed in the inter- view given to Marcos Marini (2008), and which appeared on La diplomacia pública: una oportunidad para recon- tar la Argentina a los italianos, 2008, available at: http://www.scribd.com/doc/3720992/La-Diplomacia-Publica-Matias-Marini, accessed on August 2, 2010, p. 102-110.

18 Part of the electoral platform of the left-wing party « Arcobaleno », an alliance of 4 left-wing parties, envi- ronmentalists, and progressive socio- political and environmental organizations, for the early parlia- mentary election of April 2008, avail- able at: http://bellaciao.org/es/spip.php?article4925, accessed on August 31, 2010.

19 CGIE is a Governmental and par- liamentary consultative body on mat- ters of interest to Italians living abroad.

20 All these measures were included in the electoral platform of « Arcobaleno ».

21 Donna Rae Gabaccia, « Per una storia italiana dell’emigrazione », AltreItalie, 1997, n° 16, p. 8.

22 Marcelo De Cecco, « Italia e Argen- tina: due economie e due società sorelle », Presentation for Accademia Nazionali dei Lincei, 2002.

23 Gian Antonio Stella, « Italians abroad ‘betrayed’ », Il Corriere Della Sera, March 10, 2010. Available at http://www.corriere.it/cronache/10_marzo_22/italiani-estero-fondi-tagliati-giornali-stella_7d94528c-3580-11df-bb49-00144f02aabe.shtml accessed on August 5, 2010.

24 Just before this paper was written, a constitutional amendment proposal presented by Silvio Berlusconi was announced, aiming at reducing political costs and including the elimination of the right to vote for Italians living abroad. « Italy Might Abolish the Right to Vote Abroad », La Nación, July 29, 2011. Avaible at http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1390644-italia-podria-abolir-el-voto-en-el-exterior accessed on July 29, 2011.

25 Against these wishes, political parties that emerged since Italians living abroad gained the right to vote obtained unexpected achievements. Movimiento Asociativo Italianos en el Extranjero (MAIE), which has one representative (Ricardo Merlo) and one senator (Mirella Giai) in Parliament, was established in 2007. It is headquartered in Argentina and stands out as the only party formed abroad and not operating as an extension of the political factions of the Italian peninsula. On March 2009, this party sought to transcend the Italian borders by presenting a list in the European elections supporting the candidacy of Daniela Melchiorre, former Deputy Minister of Justice appointed by Romano Prodi.

26 As an example, we can mention the Memorandum of Association of the Italian Regional Association Familia Veneta de Rosario whose article 8 states: « This institution does not support any particular political orientation, religious belief, race, trade union or ideology. It is forbidden for its members to present, discuss, comment, analyze, resolve, promote or spread information related to these topics, and also related to immoral or indecent topics ». In « Acta de la Asamblea Constitutiva de la Asociacion Regional Italiana Familia Veneta de Rosario », 1989, p. 1-12.

27 For example, Deputy Angeli endorsed Carlos Alberto Reutemann’s campaign for governor (Partido Justicialista) on 2007. On February 2010, Esteban Caselli, former Argentinean ambassador to the Vatican and current Italian senator, launched an initiative in the Italian Senate to condemn oil exploration in the Falkland Islands, under British rule and whose sovereignty is reclaimed by Argentina. In addition, on October 27 of that same year, he presented a letter to Argentinean President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner opposing the bill that would regulate the termination of pregnancies.

Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Marta Graciela Cabeza, « Italians in Argentina: an International Relations Perspective. Images, Identities and States »Diasporas, 19 | 2011, 11-19.

Référence électronique

Marta Graciela Cabeza, « Italians in Argentina: an International Relations Perspective. Images, Identities and States »Diasporas [En ligne], 19 | 2011, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2019, consulté le 25 septembre 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/1728 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.1728

Haut de page

Auteur

Marta Graciela Cabeza

Professor of International Trade, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Rosario National University (UNR, Spanish acronym). She published Italia y Argentina: las claves para una relación privilegiada (CERIR, 2000) and La cooperación descentralizada de las provincias y regiones. El caso de la Provincia de Santa Fe (Argentina) y la República Italiana (EAE, 2011).

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

Licence Creative Commons
Diasporas – Circulations, migrations, histoire est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International.

Haut de page
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search