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Experiences in South and North Americas

Immigration, Negotiation and Cultural Exchange Italian Colonies in Mexico, 1881-1910

Immigration, négociation et échanges culturels. Les colonies italiennes au Mexique, 1881-1910
Marcela Martínez Rodríguez
Traduction de Paul Kersey
p. 33-40

Résumés

Cet article analyse un des projets de colonisation les plus significatifs du porfiriato et relève les différentes étapes du mouvement migratoire et de l’installation de familles italiennes au Mexique. Il souligne le processus d’adaptation d’un groupe d’immigrants italiens qui s’insèrent dans une réalité hétérogène qu’ils ne connaissent pas. Le projet officiel de colonisation reflète la politique économique du xixe siècle non seulement au Mexique mais aussi dans d’autres pays d’Amérique Latine.

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Notes de la rédaction

Translation by Paul Kersey, El Colegio de Michoacán, Mexico

Texte intégral

  • 1 Alejandro Tortolero, De la coa a la máquina de vapor. Actividad agrícola e innovación tecnológica e (...)
  • 2 Marcela Martínez Rodríguez, «El proyecto colonizador de México a finales del siglo XIX. Algunas per (...)
  • 3 In the late nineteenth century, Argentina was the largest recipient of European immigration, after (...)

1From 1876 to 1910, Mexico’s federal government prepared a series of projects through its Department of Development (Secretaría de Fomento) with the first aim of creating the infrastructure necessary for its economy. The country urgently needed to lay railroad lines, construct irrigation works, stimulate credit, and import machinery.1 Also, efforts were underway to implement agricultural training designed to integrate modern methods of farming; to promote mining, trade, agriculture, and industry; and to improve the existing means of communication. As in Chile, Brazil, and Argentina, immigration and colonization in Mexico were considered indispensable to the nation’s yearning for «progress».2 Though European immigration to Mexico was not large in numerical terms when compared to the inflow of migrants from Latin American countries,3 in 1881-1882 the government organized the settlement of immigrant Italian families in six agricultural colonies: «Manuel González» in Veracruz, «Porfirio Díaz» in Morelos, «Diéz Gutiérrez» in San Luis Potosí, «Aldana» in Mexico City and two in the state of Puebla, called «Fernández Leal» and «Carlos Pacheco».

  • 4 Colonization is understood as the movement of people out of an agrarian milieu; it is artificial in (...)
  • 5 El Siglo XIX, 22 October 1881, vol. 80, Hemeroteca Nacional, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Méxic (...)

2Promoting immigration from Italy constituted the Mexican government’s most important official effort to stimulate colonization.4 In numbers, the 3,000 foreign nationals who arrived in the country over that two-year period made up the largest population contingent to immigrate in such a short time in the 19th century. Another key point is the fact that while the initiative was promoted exclusively by the federal government, it met with tremendous support in public opinion in Italy. In Mexico, the contemporary press judged the project as the latest to «commence under the most favorable of auguries. The success of the initiative was due, above all, to the peace that our Republic now enjoys.»5 The objective of this essay is to call attention to one of the most important colonization projects during the Porfiriato, that is to say Porfirio Diaz presidency (1876-1910), and identify the different stages in the process that led to the migration and settlement of Italian families in Mexico. Also, it examines the adaptation of those groups of Italian immigrants who found themselves inserted into an unfamiliar heterogeneous reality.

Image colonias agricolas italianas en mexico 1882.

Image colonias agricolas italianas en mexico 1882.

Credits: ESRI Data & Mapas 2002

Promoting Immigration

3As mentioned above, the Italian colonies established on Mexican soil in 1881-1882 were the product of a policy developed in Mexico in the 19th century, one that resulted from negotiations between authorities there with immigration agencies in Italy. While the role of the Italian government was passive, i.e., it took no measures to prevent families from leaving, the press in Veneto, Liguria and Trentino, supported the project wholeheartedly and endowed it with a veneer of legitimacy. Meanwhile, Mexico’s regime facilitated the movement of the Italians through a series of legal decrees, tax exemptions, offers of ministrations, land sales, loans, and transportation facilities.

4One of the papers most often used to disseminate propaganda on colonization was El Raccoglitore (The Collector), published in the city of Rovereto, in the Trentino region. True to its name, perhaps, it is quite likely that this paper actively recruited peasants and small landowners from the region, and had among its main objectives the task of regularly printing news on emigration opportunities and colonization projects abroad. In fact, propaganda on foreign colonization and the advantages of emigration filled its columns not only publicizing such initiatives but also legitimizing them, at least to some degree. Other papers had a different way of stimulating emigration that consisted in publishing follow-up reports on the large contingents of people who were leaving Italy for America. In itself, the fact that so many people abandoned their country suggested to others that emigration was a secure option. An additional element that spurred the exodus was the publication and widespread dissemination of invitations issued directly by foreign nations or migration companies in Italy or elsewhere. It is abundantly clear that the Italian press actively sought out and publicized colonization programs, as in the case of the propaganda aimed at recruiting Italian families to go to Mexico, where they would settle on the six aforementioned agricultural colonies:

  • 6 Il Raccoglitore, 25 June 1881, year XIV, n° 75, Biblioteca comunale di Trento (hereinafter BCT).

The government of the United States of Mexico has [negotiated] with the Società G. Rovatti y C. de Livorno [and] agreed [to offer] the concession for the colonization and transport of a determined number of families to Mexico under the direction of the Mexican government to prevent private speculation and abuses, [and] assure that no harm comes to those families.6

5The propaganda about the colonization in Mexico appeared approximately two months before the date fixed for the departure of the first emigrants (late August 1881). During that time, reports in the newspaper often underlined the advantages of making such a trip, always emphasizing that because the emigration process was based on accords with that country’s government, both the voyage and the colonization project were safe undertakings.

6In addition to direct invitations, propaganda promoting emigration included announcing the most alluring features of the country interested in attracting foreign emigrants. Then, as the departure date neared, a different kind of display appeared, as El Raccoglitore complemented its invitations with detailed information on the conditions of the trip, the cost of passage, the amenities on board, the virtues of the travel company, and glowing descriptions of the destination. In the case of Mexico, a month before the scheduled departure, Il Raccoglitore published the following announcement on ten consecutive days:

  • 7 Il Raccoglitore, 30 July 1881, year XIV, n° 90, BCT.

Colonization to Mexico. Under the supervision of the Mexican government. Livorno-Veracruz Línea. A first class steamship flying the national banner Atlántico […] equipped by Dufour and Bruzzo […] will leave on August 31, 1881. […] Price of passage: 1st class 1000 lira, 2nd class 900 lira, 3rd class 275 lira. Reduced rate for farmers who depart for Mexico in accordance with the conditions of March 28 1881 announcement by the concession society, G. Rovatti and Cía. de Livorno. 85 lira [for those over 11 years of age]; 42.50 lira for those aged 2-11; and one free child under 2 years per family.7

7This announcement stressed that colonization in Mexico would be monitored by the watchful eye of the Mexican government and that, as the March 28 1881 advertisement stipulated, farmers wishing to become colonists there would pay a lower price for undertaking the transatlantic journey. Thus, when offers of colonization in Mexico, Brazil, or other countries were sponsored directly by the nation’s government, they were more warmly received than those promoted by clandestine agents or independent firms.

8The amount of space that the press devoted to offers for Mexican colonization was significant. For months on end, announcements of emigration to Mexico occupied entire pages, even receiving priority over other news items related to emigration. In the 1880s, in Italy, emigration to Mexico was deemed particularly important for several reasons: first, it was more uniform, as the vast majority of emigrants were peasants or small landowners who shared the same set of social characteristics; second, the agents and propaganda were directed at a clearly defined population sector, since the conditions stipulated in the colonization programs were designed to recruit farmers; third, when advertisements on emigration to Mexico appeared in newspapers, reports on other kinds of emigration tended to decrease, thus raising the profile of Mexico’s colonization programs; and, finally, and perhaps most notably and significantly, the entire enterprise enjoyed strong support in public opinion in Italy – even among some priests – due to its insistence on the legal character of the colonization contracts negotiated between the Mexican government and the Società Rovatti; that is, the terms of the accords guaranteed the colonists stability and, moreover, allowed the Italian government to protect its subjects through the auspices of a duly authorized company.

Colonization Contracts

  • 8 Grupo documental colonias, Colonia Manuel González, exp. 12, exp. 4, p. 446, Archivo histórico de t (...)

9The Mexican government signed its first contract with Italian immigration house Rovatti y Cía. in early 1881, in accordance with Mexico’s 1875 colonization law. As a direct result of this accord, an expedition sailed from Genoa the same year. The second contract with Rovatti y Cía., dated December 1881, authorized the transport of at least 800 additional emigrants.8 Those agreements brought three shiploads of Italian immigrants to the port of Veracruz. From there, they were taken inland to set up agricultural colonies in the states of Veracruz, Morelos, San Luis Potosí and Puebla, as well as in the Federal District.

  • 9 Legación de México en Italia, file 14–12–58, p. 91 and 99, Archivo de la Secretaria de Relaciones E (...)
  • 10 Legación de México en Italia, file 14, p. 94, file 12, p. 95, file 58, p. 100, AHSRE.

10Every contract stipulated, among other things, the number of Italian families that each agent was to send to Mexico, and the amount – in pesos per person – that the government promised to pay to the agency’s representative. The first document, for example, called for the transport of «150 families made up of 500 individuals above the age of two, farmers and natives of northern Italy»9, and specified that the government would pay «$75 for each person over 12, and $37.50 for each individual below that age, [but] over two.»10 All contracts established that the immigrants were to be farmers from the north of Italy, because Mexican officials wanted the new «settlers» to help expand agriculture, cattle-raising and trade, so as to generate economic growth in the country.

  • 11 Grupo documental colonias, Colonia Manuel González, exp. 12, p. 231, AHTN.
  • 12 Secretaría de Fomento.

11Once in Mexico, the groups of Italian settlers were distributed to the colonies according to their province of origin. The first group arrived in Huatusco, Veracruz, in 1881, while later immigrants disembarked in 1882. Manuel Fernández Leal observed that the Tyroleans were assigned to Mazatepec, Puebla, the Venetians to San Luis Potosí, and those from Milan to Barreto, in the state of Morelos.11 The colonists maintained communications among themselves not only through the authorities appointed for each site, the Department of Development12, and the press, but also thanks to their own freedom of movement. As mentioned previously, Italian emigration to Mexico was regulated mainly by the colonization contracts celebrated by the Rovatti y Cía. emigration agency and the Mexican government, not by laws extant in Italy. The fact that the accords were drafted by representatives of both parties allows us to glimpse the specific interests of the two institutions: while the Rovatti agency perceived the operation as a simple business transaction, for the Mexican government it constituted a means of bringing to fruition a project designed to initiate the entry of hardworking, industrious Italian colonists despite the considerable monetary cost. The Italian government did not participate directly in any negotiations, preferring to stay on the sidelines, confident that the terms of the accords were legal under Mexico’s colonization laws, and that the intermediation by the Rovatti agency was also legitimate.

Cultural Exchange and Adaptation

12After their settlement in Mexico, each family acquired a plot of land of 4-to-6 hectares in size (11-to-15 acres), and a lot on which to build a house. The colony’s director gave all heads of household seeds, agricultural tools, and draught-animals so that they could begin their agricultural work. Some colonists opted to grow corn, beans, potatoes, chick peas, and vegetables, while others preferred to cultivate coffee or sugarcane. The other activities that they could practice were livestock-raising and dairy farming. From 1881 to 1910, some of those families grew and intermarried, but others opted to emigrate once again, sometimes to the United States, sometimes to other states in Mexico, or back to Italy. Those who remained in Mexico had to do their best to adapt, replace their old codes with new ones, and struggle to survive.

  • 13 Miguel Alberto Bartolomé, Gente de costumbre y gente de razón. Las identidades étnicas en México. M (...)

13The immigrants could obtain Mexican nationality if they desired to by appealing to the 1886 naturalization and foreign relations law. Upon signing the contract that converted them into settlers, the heads of family acquired a certain migratory status in the country, but in addition to dealing with the tangible, legal aspects of their situation, the groups of Italian immigrants also had to adopt, or reject, new customs. The reconstructed identity that resulted from that process was based on «privileged cultural components that come to be adopted as selected emblems.»13

14While the main objective of this colonization initiative was to procure «economic success», it also strove to integrate the Italian settlers into Mexican society through adaptation, the exchange of customs and, especially, intermarriage with Mexican citizens. Economic activities and miscegenation on the one hand, the Mexican revolution on the other, plus the external conflicts that marked the period, all combined to condition the adaptation of those colonists to the Mexican nation. The groups of Italian immigrants who arrived in Mexico came in search of economic and social integration through negotiation, and some of those families obtained the Mexican nationality as part of their adaptation and thirst for recognition. Not all of those colonies passed through the same acculturation process, nor is there one sole factor that might explain the differences among colonists in terms of their integration, adaptation and miscegenation, because the same event or circumstance – e.g., the armed revolutionary movement of 1910 – could set off very distinct reactions in different places. Their success in preserving their customs and maintaining the continuity of the agricultural nucleus as an Italian community depended on a series of factors that go well beyond the limits of this study. However, most of these families decided to integrate entirely into their new reality by reconstructing their identities and selecting and resignifying cultural parameters that allowed them to survive in improved conditions in Mexico. Italian immigrants tried to maintain some cultural elements whereas others chose to change or were obliged to replace some traits of their cultural heritage, such as their Italian language, culinary and religious customs, and some economic activities.

  • 14 Franco Savarino, «Un pueblo entre dos patrias. Mito, historia e identidad en Chipilo, Puebla. (1912 (...)

15As mentioned above, the colonization agreements stipulated that the heads of family in each colony could purchase a house lot or garden area (solar), but this need to acquire a new plot of land also served as a motivation for men to seek marriage and form new families. The Italian families in the «Manuel González» colony in Veracruz found that exogamy constituted a necessary survival strategy; one that also served to foster their integration into, and recognition within, Mexican society. As a result, miscegenation increased as their settlement became more consolidated, especially in 1889, when numerous Mexican families arrived and then, again, during the Mexican Revolution. This process accelerated the settlers’ adaptation to Mexican society and this, in turn, improved relations with the native population, which facilitated exogamy. In contrast, at the «Fernández Leal» colony in Puebla, endogamy predominated. There, the colonists sought to establish family unions within the group in order to avoid being forced to divide up their properties excessively and share their patrimony with people that did not belong to their community. Moreover, during the Revolution, they decided to seal themselves off almost hermetically from the outer society as a means of self-defense.14

16Endogamy made it easier for the inhabitants of that colony to preserve their Venetian dialect. For as long as the women remained inside the community and avoided marriage to Mexican men, el dialeto – the group’s mother tongue – would continue to thrive. In the other five colonies, immigrants learned to speak Spanish and did not preserve their original language, though they did maintain some other characteristics from their homeland, such as culinary practices, past-times, and religious devotions, as Efraín Croda, a descendant of the first Italians that settled in Veracruz, points out:

  • 15 Efraín Croda, Colonia Manuel González, interviewed in October 2009.

They [Mexicans drank] brandy, but Italians [drank] wine, the Italians would visit their neighbors to ask for wine and so began to get acquainted with each other; in Italy the women worked, here they didn’t. They were never looked down on and… yes, sure… they exchanged many things… [The Italians] learned to eat tortillas and beans. The government sent people to orient and train them, but the local people also taught them how to do [the work].15

  • 16 Amelia Croda, Colonia Manuel González, interviewed in October 2009.

17The custom of drinking wine with virtually all meals soon disappeared because the colonists’ attempts to cultivate vineyards were unsuccessful. Certain gastronomic customs have been transmitted from generation-to-generation, so even today some people continue to produce mortadela, polenta and a kind of cheese called puina. Also, they continued to enjoy playing bochas (a kind of bowling) and celebrating the Day of the Virgin of the Rosary. Their devotion to this Virgin was brought over by the earliest Italian settlers, who went so far as to ensure that the image at the church located in one sector of the ranch called «El Rosario», in Veracruz, crossed the Atlantic with them. Today, one aspect of the worship of this Virgin induces «[organizing] a novena, a procession, and the fiesta where [people eat] mole, rice and spaghetti.»16 In stark contrast to these elements of familiarity, most of the economic activities that the heads of families had to practice in order to survive in Mexico were unknown to them; the new settlers had to abandon their earlier work habits and adapt to the geographical conditions of each region. It was only in the «Fernández Leal» colony that some Italians were able to cultivate grain in much the same way as they did in the old country, and so could use the same tools, like the sickle, which distinguished their methods of cultivating the land. They implemented a form of intensive agriculture and raised cattle in stables to improve yields. Also, they stored feed for their animals, together with hay and forage, and used manure to fertilize their fields.

18The situation in the «Manuel González», «Carlos Pacheco» and «Diéz Gutiérrez» colonies was distinct, as settlers there were obliged to diversify production and learn new techniques right from the time they occupied those lands, because the crops and industries that predominated there were unknown in Italy: namely, the cultivation of beans, coffee plantations, sugarcane, and making brown sugar (panela), which entailed learning to operate a sugar mill (trapiche). Growing and then marketing goods such as coffee and sugarcane quickened the process of cultural exchange. Thus, contrary to what the authorities had anticipated, it was not the Italians who took the lead in innovation by introducing new techniques and seeds for cultivating grapes, olives and silk worms, because those initiatives were unsuccessful. Rather, the new immigrants received knowledge and instruction from their Mexican neighbors.

  • 17 Ian Chambers, Migración, cultura, identidad, Buenos Aires, Argentina: Amorrortu, 1994, p. 45.

19But this ongoing process of cultural exchange was not the only element that the different Italian colonies in Mexico had in common. Individuals managed to develop their own communities and integrate them into their new surroundings; their legacy of «culture, history, language, tradition, and sense of identity was not destroyed, but only displaced, questioned, restructured, interwoven.»17 In the beginning, the migration/colonization contracts and policies conditioned the place that the immigrants could occupy in Mexican society, but the colonists also constructed their territory in accordance with the economic and social relations they established with their surroundings. The environment and, above all, the need to satisfy their immediate necessities determined the daily practices of Italian origin that they opted to preserve, and those they chose to adopt from the Mexican people. Various historical conjunctures also influenced these colonies and the settlers’ attachment to their origins and traditions; in this respect we could mention the Mexican Revolution and Fascism in Italy. As we have seen through these examples, the degree of integration of these settlers, their collective and social identities, and their processes of cultural exchange emerged from the need to survive in a new environment and negotiate not only with the authorities but also with local populations.

  • 18 Moisés González Navarro, Los extranjeros en México y los mexicanos en el extranjero, 1821-1970, 3 v (...)
  • 19 Jane Dale Lloyd, «Las colonias mormonas porfiristas de Chihuahua: ¿un proyecto de vida comunitaria (...)
  • 20 Luis Aboites, «Xenofobia local, xenofilia federal. Los primeros años de los menonitas en Chihuahua, (...)
  • 21 Carlos Martínez Assad, «Los inmigrantes libaneses y sus lazos culturales desde México», Dimensión a (...)
  • 22 Delia Salazar, «Xenofilia de elite: los franceses en la ciudad de México en el porfiriato.» Xenofob (...)
  • 23 María del Socorro Herrera Barreda. Migrantes hispanocubanos en México durante el porfiriato, México (...)
  • 24 Catalina Velázquez, «Los chinos y sus actividades económicas en Baja California 1908-1932», Dimensi (...)
  • 25 David Skerrit, Los colonos franceses y modernización en el Golfo de México, Xalapa: Universidad Ver (...)
  • 26 Rogelio Everth Ruíz Ríos, De colonos prósperos a extranjeros reticentes rusos molokanes en el Valle (...)

20In addition, it is difficult to imagine that peasants from Venice, Lombardy and Piedmont would have shared the feelings of a national identity so soon after the unification of Italy (in 1860), a factor that also clearly facilitated the construction of new identities. This applies not only to Italian colonization, but also to other foreign communities and some minority groups who reacted similarly, for example, the Spanish,18 Mormons,19 Mennonites,20 Lebanese21 and French merchants,22 Cuban23 and Chinese workers,24 and French25 and Russian agricultural settlers.26

21Today, at least three of the original six agricultural colonies established in 1881 still exist. Their inhabitants, descendants of the first colonists, are Mexican, though they recognize their common origin, attempt to preserve their roots, and have even forged links with sectors of Italian society.

22The flow of Italian immigrants to Mexico was not immense and did not initiate the emergence of migratory chains as occurred in Argentina and the U.S. In that sense, the official project of colonization failed to achieve all its original objectives. Indeed, after just a few trials, the Mexican authorities decided that it was more convenient to leave the transportation and installation of foreign immigrants in the hands of private agencies. Thus, even though Italian colonization does not stand out in Mexican historiography, the case described herein is significant because it represents a study that reflects the political economy of the 19th century, not only in Mexico but also elsewhere in Latin America.

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Notes

1 Alejandro Tortolero, De la coa a la máquina de vapor. Actividad agrícola e innovación tecnológica en las haciendas mexicanas: 1810-1914, México: El colegio mexiquense – Siglo XXI, 1995, p. 362.

2 Marcela Martínez Rodríguez, «El proyecto colonizador de México a finales del siglo XIX. Algunas perspectivas comparativas en Latinoamérica.» Secuencia, n° 76, Jan – April 2010, p. 105.

3 In the late nineteenth century, Argentina was the largest recipient of European immigration, after the United States. Between 1830 and 1930, simillion immigrants arrived in Argentina. Arnd Schneider, «Inmigrantes europeos y de otros orígenes» in Mónica Quijada, Carmen Bernard and Arnd Schneider (eds.), Homogeneidad y nación con un estudio de caso: Argentina, siglos XIX y XX, Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas/Centro de Humanidades – Instituto de Historia, 2000, p. 15.

4 Colonization is understood as the movement of people out of an agrarian milieu; it is artificial in the sense that it is induced or stimulated by a government through specific policies. Luis Aboites, Norte Precario Poblamiento y colonización en México 1760 – 1940, México: El Colegio de México/CIESAS, 1995, p. 14.

5 El Siglo XIX, 22 October 1881, vol. 80, Hemeroteca Nacional, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (hereinafter HNUNAM).

6 Il Raccoglitore, 25 June 1881, year XIV, n° 75, Biblioteca comunale di Trento (hereinafter BCT).

7 Il Raccoglitore, 30 July 1881, year XIV, n° 90, BCT.

8 Grupo documental colonias, Colonia Manuel González, exp. 12, exp. 4, p. 446, Archivo histórico de terrenos nacionales (hereinafter AHTN).

9 Legación de México en Italia, file 14–12–58, p. 91 and 99, Archivo de la Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores «Genaro Estrada» (hereinafter AHSRE).

10 Legación de México en Italia, file 14, p. 94, file 12, p. 95, file 58, p. 100, AHSRE.

11 Grupo documental colonias, Colonia Manuel González, exp. 12, p. 231, AHTN.

12 Secretaría de Fomento.

13 Miguel Alberto Bartolomé, Gente de costumbre y gente de razón. Las identidades étnicas en México. México: Siglo XXI/INI, 1997, p. 76.

14 Franco Savarino, «Un pueblo entre dos patrias. Mito, historia e identidad en Chipilo, Puebla. (1912-1943)», Cuicuilco, Jan - April 2006, vol. 13, n° 26, p. 283-284.

15 Efraín Croda, Colonia Manuel González, interviewed in October 2009.

16 Amelia Croda, Colonia Manuel González, interviewed in October 2009.

17 Ian Chambers, Migración, cultura, identidad, Buenos Aires, Argentina: Amorrortu, 1994, p. 45.

18 Moisés González Navarro, Los extranjeros en México y los mexicanos en el extranjero, 1821-1970, 3 vols., México: El Colegio de México, 1993-1994; Leticia Gamboa Ojeda, «Empresarios asturianos de la industria textil de Puebla, 1895-1930», Dimensión antropológica, Sept-Dec. 2008, vol. 44, p. 15-56.

19 Jane Dale Lloyd, «Las colonias mormonas porfiristas de Chihuahua: ¿un proyecto de vida comunitaria alterna?», in Delia Salazar Anaya (ed.), Xenofobia y Xenofilia en la historia de México siglos XIX y XX. Homenaje a Moisés González Navarro, México: Instituto Nacional de Migración/ INAH/ DGE Ediciones, 2006, p. 203-232.

20 Luis Aboites, «Xenofobia local, xenofilia federal. Los primeros años de los menonitas en Chihuahua, 1922-1933», in Delia Salazar Anaya (ed.), ibid., p. 309-322.

21 Carlos Martínez Assad, «Los inmigrantes libaneses y sus lazos culturales desde México», Dimensión antropológica, Sept-Dec., 2008, vol. 44, p. 133-155; Vianey Ramírez, «Inmigrantes del medio oriente en San Luis Potosí. Primeras tres décadas del siglo XX», Master Dissertation, El Colegio de San Luis. A.C, 2010.

22 Delia Salazar, «Xenofilia de elite: los franceses en la ciudad de México en el porfiriato.» Xenofobia y Xenofilia en la historia de México siglos XIX y XX. Homenaje a Moisés González Navarro, in Delia Salazar Anaya, op. cit., p. 233-266.

23 María del Socorro Herrera Barreda. Migrantes hispanocubanos en México durante el porfiriato, México: UAM/Porrúa, 2003.

24 Catalina Velázquez, «Los chinos y sus actividades económicas en Baja California 1908-1932», Dimensión antropológica, Sept-Dec. 2008, vol. 44, p. 57-98.

25 David Skerrit, Los colonos franceses y modernización en el Golfo de México, Xalapa: Universidad Veracruzana, 2005.

26 Rogelio Everth Ruíz Ríos, De colonos prósperos a extranjeros reticentes rusos molokanes en el Valle de Guadalupe, Baja California, 1906-1958, Ph. D. Dissertation, El Colegio de Michoacán, 2008.

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Titre Image colonias agricolas italianas en mexico 1882.
Crédits Credits: ESRI Data & Mapas 2002
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/1773/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 344k
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Marcela Martínez Rodríguez, « Immigration, Negotiation and Cultural Exchange Italian Colonies in Mexico, 1881-1910 »Diasporas, 19 | 2011, 33-40.

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Marcela Martínez Rodríguez, « Immigration, Negotiation and Cultural Exchange Italian Colonies in Mexico, 1881-1910 »Diasporas [En ligne], 19 | 2011, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2019, consulté le 25 septembre 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/1773 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.1773

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Auteur

Marcela Martínez Rodríguez

Professor of history in Colegio de San Luis, San Luis Potosí, México. She published «El proyecto colonizador de México a finales del siglo XIX. Algunas perspectivas comparativas en Latinoamérica», Revista Secuencia, n° 76, January – April, 2010, and «Crisis agraria en una región de montaña. El caso del Tirol meridional a finales del siglo XIX» in Chantal Crammaussel, (ed.), Los caminos Transversales, forthcoming.

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