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Italians in the Americas
Experiences in South and North Americas

Mobility and the Shaping of Identity: Fossato di Vico and its Migrants (1900‑1914)

La mobilité et la construction de l’identité. Les migrants de Fossato di Vico, 1900‑1914
Thierry Rinaldetti
p. 82-90

Résumés

Les modalités migratoires des migrants de l’Apennin eugubinogualdais (Ombrie) soulèvent des interrogations quant à la pertinence du couple mobilité/stabilité dans l’étude des communautés italiennes aux États-Unis. Il semblerait qu’il faille considérer le fait de la mobilité comme une composante identitaire à part entière, d’autant que l’expérience migratoire contribua à renforcer le sentiment d’appartenance régionale des migrants.

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Texte intégral

1Migrant mobility, arguably one of labor migrations’ main features in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, is only rarely taken into account in the study of immigrant communities in the United States. Several reasons may explain the situation. Relying though it does on communities and networks, mobility remains above all an individual and family process, one which proves hard to document on a significant scale – as one often has to limit oneself to studying the migration moves of but a (very) small number of migrants. Besides, mobility, and the instability it so obviously implies, is often left out of the study of ethnic identity formation, which tends to focus primarily on the migrants who settled permanently in the United States and on their descendants.

2The complex migration moves of a thousand migrants from Fossato di Vico, a small town (of about 2,000 inhabitants in 1900 and 3,500 in 1911) located in the Eugubinogualdese Apennines (Umbria), have been analyzed after a data base was created to collect the information from several Italian, American and Luxembourg nominal sources in which the names of the migrants appeared.1 The migration patterns of this group of migrants will first lead us to question the relevance of the mobility / stability couple in the study of Italian communities in the United States. We’ll then argue that the migrants’ networks influenced their sense of identity by strengthening, at least initially, the feeling they had of belonging to the Eugubinogualdese area.

«Birds of Passage» and Italian Immigrants

3During the Grande Emigrazione, many Italians actually only stayed for a short while in the United States. Many others traveled back and forth between their homeland and America. Others still, like the migrants from Fossato di Vico, circulated for years between several places of migration on both sides of the Atlantic. So who were these «birds of passage»? What was the place of the United States in their trajectories and in their lives? Were they really very different from their fellow countrymen who finally became Italian immigrants? Such questions need to be answered, if only because all migrants undoubtedly left some traces in the communities where they settled, even in a most transient manner.

  • 2 Dirk Hoerder, Labor Migration in the Atlantic Economies: The European and North-American Working Cl (...)
  • 3 Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

4From 1900 to 1914, the inhabitants of Fossato di Vico migrated massively to eleven different countries located on both sides of the Atlantic, and on three continents. Besides such less-traveled places of migration as Brazil, Argentina, Austria-Hungary, the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey, four Western European countries, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Germany, and France, were all major destinations, so that throughout this long decade of international migrations the United States only represented 39% of the migration flows from Fossato di Vico. The multidirectional dimension of labor migrations in the late 19th and early 20th centuries has been extensively documented since Dirk Hoerder’s work on the Atlantic economies and Samuel Baily’s village-outward approach initiated a change in perspective with the analysis of migration flows from their starting points in Europe.2 But the case of Fossato di Vico is not just another example of a very small town from which many distinct migration routes radiated, for the analysis of the migrants’ trajectories reveal that mutidirectional migration patterns were to be found, not only on a village scale, but on a family and individual scale too. Indeed, from one move to the next, the migrants did not always return to the same place: 60% of those who migrated twice between 1900 and 1914 actually changed destinations, and those who left their homes at least three times only rarely chose the same country every time – as 52% went to two different places, and 33% to three different places3.

  • 4 Registri di domande di nulla osta and Registri della popolazione, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico
  • 5 Letter from Filippo to Efrem Bartoletti, Apr. 13, 1910, http://romanoguerra.it/efrem.php (accessed (...)

5The family patterns of migration weren’t much different. In most of the households with several migrants, destinations were split between Europe and the United States, often in proportions which made it impossible to say which of the two continents the families actually favored. In a family of sharecroppers for instance, six of Giovanni Fofi’s children and one of their first cousins all together made fourteen trips abroad between 1902 and 1913, seven to the United States and seven to some European destinations4. Between the potential places of migration available to them, migrants thus had to make a choice, relative yet real, as was most certainly the case for those of the Fofis who left at a time when some of their family members were in Europe and others in America. In his letter to a fellow townsmen in Minnesota, a migrant who had returned home after working abroad for a few years wrote of a possible migration project in these terms: «I haven’t decided to leave yet, as I’m not sure where I want to go.»5

6Undeniably, in Fossato di Vico as in many other regions of the Old World, the United States was not the migrants’ only destination. And yet, the reality was more complex than appears at first sight, for if this country truly did not occupy the central position it was once given in the history of American immigration, it did appeal to the migrants in a way that would not be predicted from its relatively modest share in the migration flows from Fossato di Vico (39%). Indeed, as years went by, the United States grew more and more popular amongst migrants: over the second half of the period under scrutiny (1908‑1913), its share in the migration flows rose by 53% – as compared with the first half of the period (1901‑1907) – while in the meantime the aggregate share of the four major European destinations decreased by 5%.

  • 6 Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

7Interestingly, the increasing popularity of the United States was not only due to the younger generations of migrants who left in the last years before WWI, making new migration choices, for more experienced migrants too started to cross the Atlantic in greater numbers, even when they had made several sojourns in Europe before. What’s more, after a first experience in the United States, 75% of the migrants never returned to France, Luxembourg, Germany or Switzerland for work – at least not until the 1920s6. Whatever reasons the inhabitants of Fossato di Vico might have had for turning away from well-traveled routes in Europe, the very fact that they somehow chose to go to the United States is not insignificant when it comes to understanding what it meant to be a Fossatano or, for that matter, an Italian in America.

  • 7 Registri anagrafici and Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

8The complex individual trajectories of Fossato di Vico’s migrants cast some new light on their collective experience in the United States, as the proportion of those who were frequently on the move must have been high amongst them. Very often, the sojourn on American soil was a mere episode in a complex migration history, a stage in the “career” of a migrant. Of all those who arrived in the United States after 1901, about a quarter had left by the start of World War I, and they were then employed in the mining regions of the Lorraine and Luxembourg. Others followed in their footsteps in the 1920s after the introduction of immigration quotas in 1921 and 1924 made repeated moves to the United States more problematic. Others still eventually returned home definitively. Although return moves to Fossato di Vico have not been recorded, the consultation of the town’s death registers revealed that almost 90% of the migrants whose death certificates could be found had ended their lives in Italy, almost invariably in Fossato di Vico itself or in nearby towns. Only 10% had died abroad, in the United States in most cases, or in Luxembourg, France or Germany. Of course, little can be said of all the migrants whose names did not appear in the death registers (53% of all migrants in the data base), but even if they had all settled abroad permanently – which seems most unlikely – their return rate would still be 42%7.

9Within migrant communities, mobility and instability did not only concern the many individuals who sojourned in the United States only temporarily and left one day, never to return. From 1901 to 1914, very few families from Fossato di Vico actually resettled together in the United States. Only after men had been traveling several times back and forth between the paese and different places of migration did some families eventually consider resettling abroad.

10The distinction between «birds of passage», almost exclusively thought of as excessively or uncommonly mobile individuals, and more stable migrants, destined to go through different stages of integration from foreigners to immigrants to hyphenated Americans, seems thus to be of little relevance for the study of Italian communities in the United States. For mobility was truly a way of life, shared by a majority of migrants; as such, it deserves to be granted a central place in the study of identity formation.

  • 8 Quoted by Mark Wyman, Round Trip to America: The Immigrants Return to Europe, 1880‑1930, Ithaca: Co (...)
  • 9 Luciano Tosi (ed), La terra delle promesse. Immagini e documenti dell’emigrazione umbra all’estero, (...)
  • 10 «L’emigrazione italiana della R. Agenzia Consolare in Scranton, Pensilvania», Bollettini dell’emigr (...)
  • 11 The Morning Sun, Pittsburg (Kansas), December 6, 1998.
  • 12 Estimate based on all data base migrants who indicated Iron Mountain (MI), Frontenac (KS), LaSalle (...)

11Contrary to social Darwinist views according to which the American nation was thought to be the result of a process of selection of the fittest immigrants, and which allowed some contemporary American observer to claim that «a portion of the normal eastward movement is a self-elimination of the unfit from our working force»8, migration abroad – in Europe and in the United States – was almost systematically thought of as a transitory and cyclical process by the people of Fossato di Vico, most of whom were familiar, through direct or indirect experience, with the traditional seasonal migrations and the long-established routes to the Roman or the Tuscany countryside. And indeed the similarities were striking between the makeshift shelters erected in the Roman countryside by the Umbrian seasonal migrants9 and the wooden huts with their tar-covered walls hastily built in Pennsylvania’s anthracite region10. Beside such extreme dwelling conditions, the boarding house, another temporary mode of residence, tended to be used much longer than would have been necessary – or convenient – if repeated moves had not been the norm amongst migrants from Fossato di Vico. And as such transitory housing arrangements could last for long, migrants sometimes lived transient lives for decades: some of them were actually still staying in boarding houses in 1910, even though their first sojourn in the United States dated back to the turn of the 20th century or the 1890s! This instability which could take some extreme forms, as in those mining camps of Kansas which were taken down and set up again in new places when the shafts were exhausted,11 obviously had some impact on the way the migrants were perceived. As the many, often deprecatory, comments and phrases used to describe or refer to them show, temporary migrants rarely went unnoticed. And yet, the presence of the most mobile individuals was sometimes totally ignored, their very existence denied. For example, the shortest-lived mining camps and communities were not always mentioned in the local city directories, their inhabitants not systematically registered in the population censuses. This probably happened to many of Fossato di Vico’s mobile migrants (for instance in Franklin and Chicopee, two mining camps in Kansas), a situation which probably explains, if only partially, why only 20 % of the migrants whose final destinations in the United States were known could be found in the corresponding census schedules12. The more mobile the migrants were, the less visible they tended to become, and the harder it is today to include them in our studies of immigrant communities, even though they were an essential part of them.

  • 13 A prominent migrant from Costacciaro, Efrem Bartoletti spent years working in the mines of Minnesot (...)
  • 14 Il Lavoratore Italiano, Pittsburg (Kansas), Jan. 16, 1906, Immigration History Research Center, Uni (...)
  • 15 Letter from L. Como (first name unknown) to Efrem Bartoletti written in the 1910s (exact year undec (...)

12Unsurprisingly given their frequent moves, the early migrants often expressed, in the testimonies they have left, a sense of homelessness. Referred to as the «pariahs of the two worlds» in Efrem Bartoletti’s poems13, the migrants from the Eugubinogualdese Apennines felt nowhere at home: «Dear Leonardo, just as your future started to look brighter, and the prospect of going home to kiss your loved ones made your last days in America delightful, the Grim Reaper came unexpectedly to pull you out of this damned valley.»14 These were the words Giovanni Galli used to report the tragedy which happened to one of his relatives, Leonardo Galli, who died, aged 23, in a train accident (in which five other Italian workers perished) on his way back in to Iron Mountain after a day’s work in the Treetes mine. In a letter to a friend, another migrant, who was finally «at home», evoked in the following words the difficulties he had been faced with since his return from Minnesota: «Since the very first day I went away from Hibbing, nothing good has happened to me, I’ve always had thorns in my feet.»15

From Paesani to Eugubinogualdesi in America

13An absolute prerequisite in a community whose members moved repeatedly to several places of migrations on both sides of the Atlantic – and sometimes even directly from Luxemburg to Pennsylvania without going back to Italy! – migration largely took place within networks of relatives, friends and acquaintances. New links could be established and previous contacts reactivated at basically every stage of the migration process, in Fossato di Vico or in the neighboring towns of the Eugubinogualdese Apennines, on the train to Le Havre or aboard the ship to Ellis Island, as well as in the migrant communities abroad. The migration patterns of the early migrants probably influenced the way they positioned themselves in American society, if only because their networks contributed to strengthening their sense of belonging to a wider world which spread, depending on local circumstances abroad, from their paese to the entire Eugubinogualdese area or to larger sections of Umbria and central Italy.

  • 16 Letter dated November 19, 1909, Museo Regionale dell’Emigrazione Pietro Conti, Gualdo Tadino.

14In their intercourse with other migrants from the region, the Fossatani sometimes still defined themselves not just as former residents of Fossato di Vico, but as natives from one of the small town’s hamlets (frazione) or parishes. In the letter Luigi Peschi sent to the priest of the Purello parish, Don Marinelli, to give him the names of thirty-four of his fellow migrants who had contributed a little money to the parish church, the names were classified according to the parishes of origin, Purello, Fossato, or Branca (in the nearby town of Gubbio)16. The letters Don Marinelli received from every corner of the United States confirm that many migrants maintained a special relationship with their native parish until at least World War I, offering their contribution to adorn the statue of the Madonna della Ghea with a diadem or to organize a religious ceremony.

  • 17 Catia Monacelli, Nicola Castellani, Storia e storie d’emigrazione. La comunità di Fossato di Vico, (...)
  • 18 Letter dated June 28, 1900, Museo Regionale dell’Emigrazione Pietro Conti, Gualdo Tadino.

15Owing to the complexity of the migrants’ trajectories, their paese naturally occupied a central place in their minds, all the more so as many families were scattered on both sides of the Atlantic. The people and the information circulated from one place of migration to another, often (though not systematically) passing through Fossato di Vico. Don Marinelli in particular, locally known as the «priest of the emigrants»,17 passed the information (he deemed relevant) both ways between Europe and America. For example, in his correspondence with the priest, Cruciano Galli, who was then established in Iron Mountain, Michigan, received regular news from other migrants who had settled elsewhere, in Europe or America: this is how he learned that his fellow townsmen in Germany had made a considerable donation to the parish church, whereupon he replied that they were not numerous enough in Minnesota to be as generous, but that he had nonetheless already managed to collect a nice sum of money18.

16The migrants from Fossato di Vico may have maintained strong bonds with their hometown or their native parish, but the mass migrations which affected the entire Eugubinogualdese area from 1900 to 1914 contributed nonetheless to redefining their social space and enhancing their sense of regional belonging, as they were most likely to meet and even rely on fellow migrants from the neighboring towns at each stage of the migration process, as, for example, during the journey to America.

17As a direct consequence of the 1901 Italian Emigration Law which granted a 75% discount on the Italian railways to migrants traveling with at least four companions, and a second 40 to 60% discount from the Italian border to the port of departure to groups of at least ten people, the migrants, who almost always embarked in Le Havre, tended to get together and travel through Europe and across the Atlantic in the company of other migrants from the region, whom they did not necessarily know, and whose final destinations in the United States were different: surprisingly enough, the Ellis Island ship manifests show that large numbers of migrants from the area who had traveled together all the way from Umbria to Ellis Island finally split and went each their own way, sometimes heading for as many as five distinct states, and an even greater number of cities.

  • 19 For a detailed study of the distinct migration flows from the Eugubinogualdese Appennines to the Un (...)

18As the interactions between the migrants from the four corners of the Eugubinogualdese Apennines increased, their distinct migration chains, which had first developed on a village (or even a hamlet) basis, rapidly interconnected, giving way to region-based migration chains, though each town retained some of its specific migration patterns, as a significantly greater proportion of migrants still chose Kansas in Gualdo Tadino, Michigan or Minnesota in Costacciaro, Pennsylvania in Nocera Umbra and in Scheggia, etc19. Owing to their town’s central position, both geographically and in the local road and railway networks, the migrants from Fossato di Vico probably had more opportunities than their neighbors to make new contacts in the region, which certainly proved most valuable in a period of mass migration. This would explain why, contrary to fellow Eugubinogualdesi, the migrants from Fossato di Vico migrated, in almost equal proportions, to each of the five American states most favored in the region (Kansas, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota and Pennsylvania). Arguably, such region-based migration networks further reinforced the migrants’ feeling of a common destiny.

  • 20 On the migrants’ associations, see: Il Lavoratore Italiano, Pittsburg (Kansas), December 28, 1906 a (...)

19Abroad, the growing interconnectedness of the distinct town-based migration chains naturally led to a concentration of the region’s migrants in just a few streets (three adjacent streets in the southern part of Esch-sur-Alzette, Luxembourg) or a few wards (ward 1 in La Salle, Illinois). In the American cities where they were not numerous enough, the migrants from the Eugubinogualdese Apennines founded their associations and institutions with other Italians, preferably from the central regions of the Peninsula: there was an Umbria association in Franklin (Kansas), a Società Umbro Marchigiana in Iron Mountain (Michigan), a Società di Mutuo Soccorso Marche Umbria in Eveleth (Minnesota). But when they were in sufficient numbers, they got organized along narrower lines. In Plains, Pennsylvania, for instance, the migrants from Nocera Umbra created their own mutual benefit society, which they named after their patron saint, San Rinaldo. From 1909 onwards in Jessup, another of Pennsylvania’s small mining towns, migrants from the whole Eugubinogualdese area celebrated the memory of their native region during the annual Corsa dei Ceri, which is still traditionally held in Gubbio on the day of San Ubaldo (May 15), but which was, at the time in Jessup, open to migrants from other Umbrian towns20.

20Within the time frame under scrutiny in this study (1900‑1914), in other words before such major historical turning points as World War I and the rise of fascism which helped develop a national feeling amongst Italians in the United States, it may seem irrelevant to even discuss the emergence of a sense of national identity amongst migrants who had just arrived from Umbria and were more often than not determined to return home soon. And yet, in those small mining towns where people had come from all over Europe (not to mention Frontenac’s Mexicans, Iron Mountain’s Chinese and Syrians), some voices could already be heard which expressed the pride of being Italian, and the necessity to overcome regional antagonisms. In the notes he wrote just a few days after celebrations were organized in Hibbing (Minnesota) on August 14 1914, on the occasion of the 21st anniversary of the founding of the city, Efrem Bartoletti said:21

«Satisfaction prevailed as we saw the Italians rush all together to celebrate the 21st anniversary of this town, which was good enough to receive us and of which, let’s put it bluntly, we are one of the essential elements, as we have devoted all of our forces, the energy of our race, to its social and economic development. For our colony, the night of August 14 is impossible to forget, it was a night of triumph and noble enthusiasm, which the other foreign colonies inevitably admired.»

21To exhibit the unity of the visibly heterogeneous Italian colony, to have its existence acknowledged by the other communities, to highlight the Italian contribution to the development of the town: all of this was to be achieved, in Efrem Bartoletti’s view, through a process of identification with the Italian nation. It was probably a question of visibility and survival in a context of pronounced ethnic diversity and competition. In a scribbled passage of his notes, Efrem Bartoletti alluded to the fear and respect Italians would elicit in foreigners, and even in Americans, if they were united: «Still more feared and respected by the other foreigners and the Americans themselves». Further down, Efrem Bartoletti clearly stated what he believed was at stake in the unification of Hibbing’s many Italian federations: «If we were unified, we’d certainly be the strongest component in Hibbing’s population, we might then gain crushing majorities in the local political and administrative struggles, and our candidates might prevail in the different administrative positions.» Consequently, Efrem Bartoletti could only bemoan the fact that Italians in Hibbing were divided along ideological and, above all, regional lines, which usually prevented them from coming together as they had during the recent celebrations:

«This is only the second time in the short history of Hibbing’s Italian colony that we have all come together regardless of our political affiliations or ideological beliefs, not to mention our so-called regionalism, which has long separated us and kept us apart, as though the sixteen regions of which our fatherland, Italy, is composed were viewed (are we really so blind?) as just as many foreign nations, and the refugees from the North should look down on the emigrants from the Mezzogiorno and the exiles from the Centre.»

22Many migrants from Fossato di Vico and the Eugubinogualdese Apennines eventually put down roots in the United States. They often did so knowingly, after they had had some similar experience in the mines of Europe, in France, Germany or Luxembourg, a situation which certainly affected their subsequent evolution within American society. The study of the migrants’ complex and multipolar trajectories may first cast some new light on the so-called « birds of passage», too often reduced to their most visible characteristic, instability, even though they too sometimes became hyphenated Americans. As for those who really only were in transit on American soil, their sheer presence certainly had some incidence on the process of ethnic identity formation within the communities who received them, even most temporarily. In order to convincingly read and interpret the traces they have undoubtedly left, the gap between the study of Italian communities and the study of mobility needs to be bridged.

  • 22 The expression appears in Donna Gabaccia and Franca Iacovetta (ed.), Women, Gender and Transnationa (...)

23Migration networks, whose impact on the formation of migrant communities has often been underlined, are a natural link between mobility studies and community studies. In Fossato di Vico, the migrants’ town-based or hamlet-based networks soon developed into broader networks, as the migrants relied upon contacts with people from the entire Eugubinogualdese area. Even though the paese did retain a central place in the «mental map»22 of migrants whose fellow-townsmen, friends and relatives were living in several distinct places of migration abroad, those broader networks thus contributed to strengthening their sense of belonging to a larger community, of sharing a regional identity. Simultaneously, some signs of the emergence of a national feeling could already be detected before 1914 amongst the migrants of the region who had settled in the small mining towns of the United States.

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Notes

1 American Population Census Schedules, 1910, http://www.ancestry.com (accessed from September 2007 to August 2008); Ellis Island Ship Manifests, 1900‑1914, http://ellisisland.org (accessed from September 2006 to August 2008); Registre d’arrivée des étrangers, 1900‑1914, Archives communales, Esch-sur-Alzette, Luxembourg; Registri anagrafici, 1901‑1995, Archivio comunale, Fossato di Vico; Registri della popolazione, 1871‑1901, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico; Registri di domande di nulla osta, 1901‑1946, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico; For a complete description of all the sources used in the work, see Thierry Rinaldetti, Mobilité et modalités migratoires au sein des économies atlantiques. L’exemple des habitants de l’Apennin eugubinogualdais en Ombrie (1900‑1914), Ph. D. Dissertation, Université Paris , 2010. The area referred to as the Eugubinogualdese Apennines includes Fossato di Vico, Costacciaro, Gualdo Tadino, Gubbio, Nocera Umbra, Scheggia and Sigillo.

2 Dirk Hoerder, Labor Migration in the Atlantic Economies: The European and North-American Working Classes During the Period of Industrialization, Westport: Greenwood Press, 1985; Samuel L. Baily, «The Village-Outward Approach to Italian Migration: A Case Study of Agnonesi Migration Abroad, 1885‑1989», Studi Emigrazione, 29, 105, 1992, p. 43‑68.

3 Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

4 Registri di domande di nulla osta and Registri della popolazione, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

5 Letter from Filippo to Efrem Bartoletti, Apr. 13, 1910, http://romanoguerra.it/efrem.php (accessed September 5, 2011).

6 Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

7 Registri anagrafici and Registri di domande di nulla osta, Archivio storico, Fossato di Vico.

8 Quoted by Mark Wyman, Round Trip to America: The Immigrants Return to Europe, 1880‑1930, Ithaca: Cornwell University Press, 1993, p. 86.

9 Luciano Tosi (ed), La terra delle promesse. Immagini e documenti dell’emigrazione umbra all’estero, Foligno, Electa – Editori Umbri Associati, 1989, p. 41.

10 «L’emigrazione italiana della R. Agenzia Consolare in Scranton, Pensilvania», Bollettini dell’emigrazione, Rome: Centro Studi Emigrazione, 1913, 13, p. 1445‑1461.

11 The Morning Sun, Pittsburg (Kansas), December 6, 1998.

12 Estimate based on all data base migrants who indicated Iron Mountain (MI), Frontenac (KS), LaSalle (IL), Bessemer (MI) or Hibbing (MN) as their final destinations.

13 A prominent migrant from Costacciaro, Efrem Bartoletti spent years working in the mines of Minnesota. In 1916 he was appointed as organizer and camp delegate for Hibbing’s local section of the Metal Mine Workers Industrial Union. He returned home in 1919 and was elected mayor of Costacciaro the following year, before resigning from his office under Fascism and going back to the United States (in Scranton, PA) in 1930. A large collection of his poems and of the letters he received from American and Italian socialists is available at http://www.romanoguerra.it/efrem.php (accessed on September 5 2011).

14 Il Lavoratore Italiano, Pittsburg (Kansas), Jan. 16, 1906, Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota.

15 Letter from L. Como (first name unknown) to Efrem Bartoletti written in the 1910s (exact year undecipherable), http://romanoguerra.it/efrem.php

16 Letter dated November 19, 1909, Museo Regionale dell’Emigrazione Pietro Conti, Gualdo Tadino.

17 Catia Monacelli, Nicola Castellani, Storia e storie d’emigrazione. La comunità di Fossato di Vico, Perugia: Tipografia Artigiana, 2002, p. 5.

18 Letter dated June 28, 1900, Museo Regionale dell’Emigrazione Pietro Conti, Gualdo Tadino.

19 For a detailed study of the distinct migration flows from the Eugubinogualdese Appennines to the United States, see Thierry Rinaldetti, Mobilité et modalités migratoires au sein des économies atlantiques, op. cit., p. 181‑195.

20 On the migrants’ associations, see: Il Lavoratore Italiano, Pittsburg (Kansas), December 28, 1906 and July 5, 1907, Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota; The Morning Sun, Pittsburg (Kansas), December 13, 1998; Luciano Tosi, L’emigrazione italiana all’estero in età giolittiana. Il caso umbro, Firenze, Leo S. Olschki, 1983, p. 96‑97; Rudolph J. Vecoli, «Dalle Marche e dall’Umbria alle miniere del Lago Superiore» in Sori, Ercole (ed), Le Marche fuori dalle Marche : migrazioni interne ed emigrazione all’estero tra XVIII e XX secolo, Ancona, 1998, vol. 3, p. 685.

21 http://romanoguerra.it/efrem.php (accessed on September 5, 2011).

22 The expression appears in Donna Gabaccia and Franca Iacovetta (ed.), Women, Gender and Transnational Lives: Italian Workers of the World, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002, xi (foreword).

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Thierry Rinaldetti, « Mobility and the Shaping of Identity: Fossato di Vico and its Migrants (1900‑1914) »Diasporas, 19 | 2011, 82-90.

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Thierry Rinaldetti, « Mobility and the Shaping of Identity: Fossato di Vico and its Migrants (1900‑1914) »Diasporas [En ligne], 19 | 2011, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2019, consulté le 24 septembre 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/1828 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.1828

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Auteur

Thierry Rinaldetti

Thierry Rinaldetti teaches at the Université Paris 8. His Ph. D. dissertation is a case study of the multipolar labor migrations of a group of Umbrian migrants during the Grande Emigrazione. A book version of the work is soon to be published in Italian by the Museo Regionale dell’Emigrazione Pietro Conti.

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