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Italians in the Americas
Experiences in South and North Americas

La Famiglia Modotti: Transnational Family

La famille Modotti, une famille transnationale
Ashley Marie Zampogna-Krug
p. 100-107

Résumés

Cet article montre comment la famille Modotti, bien que rarement rassemblée, entretient une identité commune fondée sur des espaces qu’elle partage et élaborée à partir d’une correspondance et d’un engagement en politique internationale. L’histoire quotidienne de cette famille défie le paradigme traditionnel de l’assimilation et révèle comment les liens familiaux favorisent l’activisme. Pendant la période de restriction de l’immigration et d’intensification de la surveillance, les Modotti donnent un exemple de la façon dont la famiglia transcende les frontières.

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Texte intégral

  • 1 All translations from Italian to English are the author’s unless otherwise noted. Gianfranco Ellero (...)
  • 2 Letizia Argenteri, Tina Modotti Between Art and Revolution, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003, (...)

1In June 1913, accompanied by her mother, brothers, and sister, Tina Saltarini Modotti went to the Udine station to join her father in San Francisco. She took the train from Venetia to Milan then to Genoa, and sat with a suitcase in hand and a hundred dollars in her pocket to get through Ellis Island. She was only 17 years old. Once in San Francisco Tina remembers, «I went immediately to work in a man’s shirt factory. There I worked two years, and after I went to work in a hat-factory and millinery shop. I worked in this profession until 1921 or 1922.»1 Other members of the Modotti family followed in Tina’s path. Tina’s mother, Assunta, with two sons and another daughter joined the family in San Francisco in 1919.2 However, in 1923, Tina left California for Mexico, and thereafter the family rarely resided together. Each of the Modotti children pursued their own geographic destinations; some returned to Italy while others chose alternate locations in the Americas. Though they all seemed to go their separate ways, their migrations were intrinsically motivated by the needs of the family. They remained bonded by their similar political ideologies and common experience as workers in an exploitative capitalist system.

  • 3 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880‑1930, Urbana: U (...)
  • 4 Anthony M. Graziano, La Bell’ America from la Rivoluzione to the Great Depression: An Italian Immig (...)

2Understanding la famiglia is central to understanding Italian immigration history, but scholars have disagreed on the relationship between family and immigration. Though Oscar Handlin interpreted immigration as an extremely disruptive process on family life, subsequent historians such as Virginia Yans-McLaughlin and John Bodnar challenged Handlin by highlighting the remarkable strength and adaptability of immigrant families.3 For many Italians unification was too recent and too turbulent to inspire a common identity as Italian citizens. Therefore, Italians identified themselves according to their local region and family lineage. Anthony M. Graziano, a second generation Italian immigrant, recalled the importance of la famiglia in his memoirs. He explains, «Southern Italians also held a conflicting parochial view, campanilismo, a small-world attachment to a locale, a group, and codes of behavior. They are contradictory attitudes, cosmopolitanism and campanilismo, both linked to la famiglia, which is the core idea around which the others revolve.»4 Scholars have used the terms campanilismo and la famiglia to describe how Italian families remained united when men went away for work, how they established familial and kin based chains of migration, and how the family, once reunited in their country of adoption, worked towards creating a sense of belonging in a new place. This article explores la famiglia in a different context, one where the nuclear family never reunited in one place and where the members were under the Italian government’s surveillance for subversive activity. Though the Modottis exemplify a different Italian migrant family, la famiglia was nonetheless the central component that motivated their actions and kept them united no matter where they traveled.

  • 5 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 58.

3The story of Guiseppe Saltarini Modotti’s family challenges several commonly held notions of Italian immigrant families in the United States. First, Guiseppe Modotti was from the city of Udine within the Friuli region of North-East Italy. Though most U.S. immigration historians focus on the push factors for southern Italian families, this northern family faced similar challenges such as malnutrition, high infant mortality, and lack of work. Second, unlike the traditional chain migration framework often utilized to describe southern Italian migration,5 members of the Modotti family expanded their transnational ties into a broad network of correspondence and movement, better understood as an international web rather than a chain. Finally, the entire Modotti family never fully assimilated into the United States like many other immigrant families. While some members remained, others left and never returned. Their family identity developed from shared spaces crafted from correspondence, art, and international political involvement.

  • 6 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ibid, p. 47‑50; Mark I. Choate, Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abro (...)
  • 7 Samuel L. Baily, Immigrants in the Land of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 187 (...)
  • 8 Samuel Baily, op. cit., p. 14.
  • 9 Alicia Schmidt Camacho, Migrant Imaginaries: Latino Cultural Politics in the U.S.-Mexico Borderland (...)

4Though most of the Modottis resided in California at one time in their lives, their transnational experiences make it difficult to situate them within the traditional Italian-American narrative of transnationalism that has been described as correspondence, travel, and remittances primarily between the United States and Italy.6 In his comparative study on Italian immigrants, historian Samuel Baily contends that «place» was not as important as migrant networks in influencing migrants’ decisions. Enhancing this point he states, «once established, the migrant networks became important social structures in their own right, significantly influencing the lives of migrants.»7 Members of the Modotti family were dispersed all over, in Mexico, Italy, South America, California, New York, and throughout Europe. They were as Baily states, «individuals embedded in social networks that linked them to one another.»8 In order to get at the essence of what made the Modottis a family, this article combines Baily’s notion of migrant networks with Cornelius Castoriadis’s concept of the social imaginary, a model also used by Alicia Schmidt Camacho in her analysis of the political narratives constructed by Mexican border crossers, to understand how the Modotti family maintained family identity despite great distances.9 In analyzing the personal correspondence among the members of the Modotti family it is possible to determine the social imaginaries, or symbolic fields, they constructed to create a sense of identity as a family of transmigrants.

5An analysis of the Modotti family would not be complete without acknowledging their involvement in global affairs. Their participation in anti-imperialist, Communist, and anti-Fascist movements constituted a significant part of their identity. While the global economy of the nineteenth century motivated the parents’ migrations, it was the international politics of the twentieth century that inspired their children’s migrations. Tina Modotti has by far garnered the most attention for her international political activity, but that attention has cast a shadow on the remaining members of her family who also accomplished remarkable feats. Records from the Italian Interior Ministry’s Casellario Politico Centrale include repeated references among Italian Consulates, the Interior Ministry, and the Prefects of Udine and Trieste to «la famiglia Modotti». Tina was not the only Modotti under the Italian government’s radar for subversive activity abroad. Through the Italian government’s records on the Modotti family, it is possible to place the infamous Tina Modotti within the context of her Friulian migrant family. Doing so not only further demystifies Tina but also provides an example of a transnational working-class migrant family actively superseding national boundaries, regulations, and consciousness.

  • 10 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., vii, 11, p. 14; Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 2‑8.

6The Modotti family experienced many migrations well before Giuseppe’s cross- Atlantic voyage in 1905. At only 24 years old, Giuseppe left Udine for Genoa, known as «the door of hope,» and while it is unknown what he did there, he returned to Udine two years later to marry Assunta Mondini, a seamstress. They married in October 1892, and had their first child, Mercedes Margherita, one month later. Tina, whose full first name was Assunta, was born in Udine in 1896, four years after Mercedes, just as the Socialist Party was gaining momentum in northern Italy. Guiseppe and Assunta ended up having seven children in all, not all of whom were born in Italy. In 1897, Guiseppe, in response to a notice or an invitation from a friend, decided to go to Klagenfurt, Austria, in search of an employer in need of his mechanic skills. He, his wife Assunta, and their three children moved to Klagenfurt where they remained until 1904. During that time, the couple had three more children: Gioconda, Iolanda Luisa, and Pasquale Benvenuto. Their last child was born in 1905 in Udine where the family returned to reside.10

7The Modotti family was not a peasant family, as many southern Italian migrants have been described. However, their working-class background does not negate the fact that economic pressures, similar to those pushing migrants in the South, motivated their early travels. As Tina Modotti described in her 1932 interrogation by the Communist Party in Moscow:

  • 11 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 31.

My parents are workers. My father (now dead) was a machine mechanic; my mother’s profession was as a hatmaker. Both came from working families and were very poor. The economic conditions of my family have always been precarious. My mother had seven children and my father was rarely at home because he was always searching for work. After nine years my father immigrated to the United States to search for work. For longer periods of many months he did not leave notices and he did not send money for lack of work. It is significant that we practically lived off charity.11

  • 12 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p.6; Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 6 and 11.
  • 13 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 31and 55.

8As Tina recounted, her father left for the United States in 1905, just after the family returned to Udine from Austria. Giuseppe first went to Turtle Creek, Pennsylvania, and then traveled across the country to San Francisco. He arrived there in 1907.12 The Modotti family continued to struggle financially after Giuseppe’s migration. He was not able to send remittances to the family and consequently the children became workers early on. Tina quit school in 1909 to work in a silk spinning mill and then in a textile factory. During the winter season, she assisted her family financially by taking on other occupations, including working in her Uncle Pietro’s photography studio. As Tina recounts, «at the age of 13, I began to work and have worked for my living ever since. I went to work in a Silk-Filature factory in Udine. The working day was 10 hours. Later, I worked in a textile factory until 1913.»13

  • 14 Il Prefetto di Udine to Ministero Interno, 29 Maggio 1931, transcript in the hand of Il Prefetto di (...)
  • 15 Il Prefetto di Udine to Ministero Interno, 7 Agosto 1929, transcript in the hand of Il Prefetto di (...)

9Only one member of Tina’s immediate family, her sister Valentina Saltarini Modotti, did not internationally migrate.14 According to correspondence between the Prefect of Udine and the Interior Ministry dated 1929, Valentina had a son who was «the product of illicit loves», and it was because of him that she decided not to emigrate like the rest of her family members.15 However, her decision not to emigrate did not exclude her from the rest of the family. There were two significant ways for Valentina to remain tied to the Modotti family though they were all living abroad. First, the Modotti children always made sure to send remittances to Valentina. These remittances provided a transnational economic link between Valentina and the rest of her family. Second, the Italian Interior Ministry utilized Valentina as a local source for updates on the whereabouts of her siblings, particularly Tina, Benvenuto, and Iolanda.

10All siblings did their part to financially assist Valentina, though letters between Benvenuto and Tina reveal more about Tina’s contributions. Nonetheless, the remittance, no matter who contributed it, was a family effort for it involved transnational communication among all the siblings. Due to their constantly mobile lifestyle, the remittance did not always originate from San Francisco, but also New York, Mexico City, and Berlin. To maintain efficient and frequent communication the siblings sent messages through each other. Instead of writing individual letters to each family member, the Modottis created a web of communication both concrete and imperceptible. For example, in December 1928 Benvenuto wrote to Tina:

  • 16 Benvenuto to Tina, 29 December 1928, transcript in Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 121.

Yesterday we received 15 dollars from you. Much thanks and Mom will write to you at length within days. Gioconda writes in a way optimistic enough in these latter times and always sends thanks and warm greetings. In a letter to me she wrote that ‘you will have many occasions to see Tina, so thank her and greet her for me, so I save myself the stamps.’ She must think of that distance that separates us as if between Udine and Cividale!16

11Little did Valentina know that Pasadena and Mexico City were not as close as Udine and Cividale, both cities in the Friuli region, and Benvenuto rarely saw Tina in person, though they maintained frequent written communication. Each letter that Benvenuto wrote to Tina was not only an update on his own personal affairs but also a chance to convey messages to Tina from other family members and keep her informed on family events. It was this network of economic transactions and written correspondence that created a home-like space for the members of the Modotti family that transcended geographic borders and oceans. Geographically the siblings were significantly separated, yet emotionally as connected as a family that experienced daily face-to-face interaction. Returning to Baily’s notion, it was the network rather than the place that influenced the decisions of Tina, Benvenuto, and their family.

  • 17 R. Console Generale L. Sillitti to Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 15 June 1928, transcript in the h (...)
  • 18 R. Console Generale of New York (name illegible) to Ministero dell’Interno, 18 June 1928, transcrip (...)

12As outspoken opponents of fascism, it was not long before the Italian Interior Ministry began launching investigations into the activities and whereabouts of the Modotti family. These investigations began at least as early as 1928 with inquiries from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Italian Consul in San Francisco regarding anti-Fascist demonstrations in San Francisco. For the next decade, Italian officials engaged in concerted efforts to locate all members of the Modotti family by intercepting correspondence and contacting the only immediate relative still residing in Italy, Valentina. L. Sillitti, Regional Consul General of Italy in San Francisco, wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the location and activities of Benvenuto, who they discovered was the secretary of the anti-Fascist club «Rivendicazione» and resident of San Francisco. Authorities became aware of Benvenuto after he signed an anti-Fascist manifesto during a celebration held in September of 1927 by the «Rivendicazione» club. Sillitti promised «that Modotti’s activity is carefully followed by this General Consulate and by executives of the local fascist section», and «I will not neglect to report any noteworthy news on his account.»17 A few days later the Ministry of the Interior received a note from the Italian General Consul of New York indicating that Benvenuto Modotti identified himself as an anarchist.18

  • 19 Ministero dell’Interno to Prefetto di Udine, 4 October 1935, transcript in the hand of the Minister (...)
  • 20 Fiorenzo Iannino, «Antonini, un antifascista in America», Corriere (Irpinia), 15 February 2011.
  • 21 Michael R. Ebner, Ordinary Violence in Mussolini’s Italy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 20 (...)

13What began as an investigation into Benvenuto and «Rivendicazione» expanded into an exploration of the entire Modotti family, particularly Iolanda, Benvenuto, and Tina. Once Italian authorities established the link between the Modotti siblings, governmental reports with the subject «la famiglia Modotti» followed. The Modotti family’s political activities in San Francisco drew attention from the Italian government after a report from the Interior Ministry revealed that the family was very active in the conference tour of known ex-deputy, Socialist, and anti-Fascist Emanuele Modigliani.19 Italian-American Luigi Antonini, known leader of the syndicalist movement in the United States, financed and encouraged the transfer of Modigliani to the United States. Upon Modigliani’s arrival, 500 anti- Fascists met him at the port in New York to welcome him. Modigliani was a symbol of the international anti-Fascist struggle.20 Being that Mussolini maintained extensive and specific files on Fascist opponents,21 it is not surprising that the Modottis’ support for Modigliani placed them on the Italian government’s radar.

  • 22 Ministero dell’Interno to Prefetto di Udine, 4 October 1935.
  • 23 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 146‑147.

14As early as 1930, the Interior Ministry sent a report to the General Consul at New York with the subject: Famiglia Modotti. The report included information for tracking the location of family members, detailed news about the family’s political activities, and biographical information.22 The surname Modotti was officially one of great significance to the Italian government and one that it would track for roughly a decade through a web of transnational correspondence and travel records. As a result of the Modottis’ extensive geographic mobility, the Italian Interior Ministry was not the only governmental agency tracking the Modottis. The United States and Mexican governments were also aware of the «subversive» family. For example, when Tina Modotti underwent deportation proceedings by the Mexican government, the United States refused her a U.S. passport while the Italian Interior Ministry maintained strict surveillance to track her destination.23 Thus, the transnational network that connected this Italian working-class family of subversives eventually became a subject of national importance that made the name Modotti one known by authorities in the United States, Mexico, and Italy. The fact that a working-class migrant family became known by authorities of several nations indicates the kind of influence migrant families possessed.

  • 24 Gianfranco Cresciani, «Refractory Migrants. Fascist Survellance on Italians in Australia 1922‑1943» (...)
  • 25 Benvenuto to Mercedes, 23 November 1936, Police Information and Censored Letters, 1929‑1939, transc (...)
  • 26 Tina (signed Mercedes to throw off authorities) to Mercedes, 13 January 1937, Police Information an (...)

15Italian surveillance of Iolanda, Tina, and Benvenuto increased throughout the 1930s. The Italian government registered both Iolanda and Benvenuto on the Rubrica di Frontiera, a list of the most dangerous Italian migrants with orders to search for and detain registered migrants upon re-entering Italy.24 The risk of any of them returning to Italy was so great that when their mother, Assunta, died in Trieste in 1936, they could only express their sorrow through a web of correspondence. From New York, Benvenuto and Iolanda wrote to Mercedes, who had returned to Italy with their mother in 1930, about creating a memorial for their mother of «a small pine, with a tag.» Both Benvenuto and Iolanda chose the pine for its green color writing, «hope for the best is always our motto, and green is the symbol of hope.»25 Tina was devastated by her mother’s death, but her dedication to the Communist Party made it impossible for her to travel from Paris to Trieste for the funeral. In her letter to Mercedes, she expressed guilt for being so distant from her family as well as a desire to be with her brothers and sisters.26

  • 27 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 144‑145, and 182.
  • 28 Patrick Ettinger, Imaginary Lines: Border Enforcement and the Origins of Undocumented Immigration, (...)

16The late 1930s and early 1940s brought new challenges not only to the Modotti family but to many immigrant families. The Italian government continued its surveillance on la famiglia Modotti which made it impossible for Tina Modotti to ever return to Italy or the United States. In search of refuge after the Spanish Civil War, Tina surreptitiously reentered Mexico, the country that expelled her for communist activity in 1929, as an illegal immigrant.27 Intensified monitoring of immigration and subversive activity became common protocol, particularly in immigrant receiving nations like the United States and nations deeply influenced by the United States’ power such as Mexico. In the United States immigration restrictions and the racially driven ideology that being foreign was a prerequisite for being a radical, prevented the reunification of immigrant families forcing many to either utilize illegal methods for reunification or suffer through decades of separation.28 The act of labeling all foreigners as suspects meant that the difficulties immigrants faced were similar whether they were on a governmental list of subversives or not.

17The experiences of the Modotti family uphold the assertions offered by Virginia Yans-McLaughlin and John Bodnar, that immigrant families were strong, adaptable, and able to preserve continuity despite the upheavals of the immigration process. Though many of them rarely saw each other, the Modotti siblings maintained a tight network based on correspondence and cooperative political participation. They provided each other with emotional and financial support, both key elements of a functioning family. However, the Modottis also challenge historians to reconsider the Italian-American family. Though most members immigrated to the Americas, the Modotti family cannot be adequately described through the narrative of adaptation and Americanization. Theirs does not mirror the stories of Italian-American entrepreneurs and politicians. Though influenced by their countries of adoption, the Modottis formulated their identity not through a sense of place but through a shared space based on international politics, written communication, and a strong family bond.

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Notes

1 All translations from Italian to English are the author’s unless otherwise noted. Gianfranco Ellero, Tina Modotti in Carinzia e Friuli, Pordenone, Italy: Cinemazero, 1996, p. 56‑58.

2 Letizia Argenteri, Tina Modotti Between Art and Revolution, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003, p. 14.

3 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880‑1930, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982, p. 18‑24; John Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985, p. 213.

4 Anthony M. Graziano, La Bell’ America from la Rivoluzione to the Great Depression: An Italian Immigrant Family Remembered, Teaticket, Mass.: Leapfrog Press, 2009, p. 10.

5 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, op. cit., p. 58.

6 Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ibid, p. 47‑50; Mark I. Choate, Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008, p. 8 and 18‑19.

7 Samuel L. Baily, Immigrants in the Land of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870‑1914, in George Fredrickson and Theda Skocpol (eds.), Cornell Studies in Comparative History, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 2‑7 and 13.

8 Samuel Baily, op. cit., p. 14.

9 Alicia Schmidt Camacho, Migrant Imaginaries: Latino Cultural Politics in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, in Matthew Jacobson and Werner Sollors (eds.), Nation of Newcomers Immigrant History as American History, New York: New York University Press, 2008, p. 5.

10 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., vii, 11, p. 14; Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 2‑8.

11 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 31.

12 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p.6; Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 6 and 11.

13 Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 31and 55.

14 Il Prefetto di Udine to Ministero Interno, 29 Maggio 1931, transcript in the hand of Il Prefetto di Udine, Saltarini Modotti Benvenuto Pasquale folder, busta 4540, Casellario Politico Centrale Records, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Rome, Italy.

15 Il Prefetto di Udine to Ministero Interno, 7 Agosto 1929, transcript in the hand of Il Prefetto di Udine, Saltarini Modotti Benvenuto Pasquale folder, busta 4540, Casellario Politico Centrale Records, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Rome, Italy.

16 Benvenuto to Tina, 29 December 1928, transcript in Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 121.

17 R. Console Generale L. Sillitti to Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 15 June 1928, transcript in the hand of Sillitti, Saltarini Modotti Benvenuto Pasquale folder, busta 4540, Casellario Politico Centrale Records, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Rome, Italy.

18 R. Console Generale of New York (name illegible) to Ministero dell’Interno, 18 June 1928, transcript in the hand of Console Generale, Saltarini Modotti Benvenuto Pasquale folder, busta 4540, Casellario Politico Centrale Records, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Rome, Italy.

19 Ministero dell’Interno to Prefetto di Udine, 4 October 1935, transcript in the hand of the Ministero dell’Interno, Iolanda Saltarini Modotti folder, busta 4540, Casellario Politico Centrale Records, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Rome, Italy.

20 Fiorenzo Iannino, «Antonini, un antifascista in America», Corriere (Irpinia), 15 February 2011.

21 Michael R. Ebner, Ordinary Violence in Mussolini’s Italy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, p. 13‑14.

22 Ministero dell’Interno to Prefetto di Udine, 4 October 1935.

23 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 146‑147.

24 Gianfranco Cresciani, «Refractory Migrants. Fascist Survellance on Italians in Australia 1922‑1943», Italian Historical Society Journal 15 (2007), 13; Prefettura di Udine to Ministero dell’Interno, 3 October 1938, transcript in the hand of the Prefect, Iolanda Saltarini Modotti folder, busta 4540.

25 Benvenuto to Mercedes, 23 November 1936, Police Information and Censored Letters, 1929‑1939, transcript in Gianfranco Ellero, op. cit., p. 125.

26 Tina (signed Mercedes to throw off authorities) to Mercedes, 13 January 1937, Police Information and Censored Letters, 1929‑1939, transcript in Gianfranco Ellero, ibid., p. 127.

27 Letizia Argenteri, op. cit., p. 144‑145, and 182.

28 Patrick Ettinger, Imaginary Lines: Border Enforcement and the Origins of Undocumented Immigration, 1882‑1930, Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009, p. 148‑151 and 159; William Preston, Jr., Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903‑1933, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963, p. 3 and 205.

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Ashley Marie Zampogna-Krug, « La Famiglia Modotti: Transnational Family »Diasporas, 19 | 2011, 100-107.

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Ashley Marie Zampogna-Krug, « La Famiglia Modotti: Transnational Family »Diasporas [En ligne], 19 | 2011, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2019, consulté le 27 octobre 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/1849 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.1849

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Auteur

Ashley Marie Zampogna-Krug

Ph. D. candidate in Global History at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Among her publications are «The Forgotten: Transnational Migrants and Deportees of the 1920s and 1930s» in Spaces and Flows an International Journal of Urban & ExtraUrban Studies (2011); and «Immigration vs. Emigration: The Internationality of U.S. Immigration Policy» in 49th Parallel (forthcoming). Her chapter in this volume is part of her dissertation project about Italian transnationalism in the interwar period.

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