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“Good Christians, Good Citizens, Good Patriots”.Young Italy and the Atlantic struggle for the Nation, 1835-1848

« Good Christians, Good Citizens, Good Patriots ». Jeune Italie et la lutte atlantique pour la Nation, 1835-1848
Alessandro Bonvini
p. 65-78

Résumés

Entre le milieu des années 1830 et celui des années1840, des centaines d’agents de Jeune Italie quittèrent les côtes italiennes pour soutenir la lutte anti-absolutiste depuis l’étranger. De Montevideo à New York, ils créèrent des associations, fondèrent des journaux, formèrent des légions militaires et établirent des communautés nationales. Ces révolutionnaires – qui peuvent être considérés comme des vecteurs humains de la cause unitaire – conduisirent à la naissance d’une internationale républicaine des patriotes. L’exil américain poussa la génération mazzinienne à vivre une expérience collective de politisation, faisant de l’Atlantique un laboratoire de la diaspora du Risorgimento.

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  • 1 Young Italy was a political movement founded by Giuseppe Mazzini, in 1831, to work for the independ (...)
  • 2 Giuseppe Lamberti, « A Mazzini », Protocollo della Giovine Italia (Congrega centrale di Francia). A (...)

1At the beginning of 1841, from Paris, Giuseppe Lamberti – the secretary of Young Italy’s circle in France1 – solemnly stated: “Whoever wants to see Italy, go to America2.” This claim, published in the official Protocollo della Giovine Italia, sounded like a warning, a finding, and a call all at once. It is no wonder that hundreds of émigrés, patriots, and subversives were voluntarily or coercively expatriating in weeks to come.

  • 3 Franco Della Peruta, Mazzini e i rivoluzionari italiani. Il partito d’azione, 1830-1845, Milano, Fe (...)

2Young Italy was a political organization on a nearly global scale. Organized through a multipolar structure of associations, set up both in Europe and in the Americas but run by a single leadership, it managed for more than two decades to educate a generation of revolutionaries, lead an intense propaganda campaign, and join together foreign republican movements. In full compliance with respect for the national rights of “oppressed peoples”, the Mazzinian movement represented the most innovative vanguard against the Holy Alliance3. After the defeats of 1833 to 1834, many conspirators linked to Young Italy abandoned the Italian peninsula – haunted by political repression or looking for new opportunities – to move abroad, from Western Europe to the Southern Cone and to North America. Renowned leaders, such as Giovanni Battista Cuneo, Eleuterio Felice Foresti or Giuseppe Garibaldi, but also little-known agents such as Giovanni Albinola, Paolo Antonini, or Alessandro Bargnani acted as human transfers of the association, contributing to its rootedness as well as to its development abroad. The Americas became a political platform for Italian patriots. In the River Plate area and in the United States they started newspapers, founded new branches, established political alliances, as well as developed innovative programs of Atlantic cooperation. This turned the movement of Italian emancipation into a global project. American democratic movements, then, supported Young Italy abroad. The Colorados’ faction, in Uruguay, or the Republican Party, in the United States, for instance, shared Mazzinian convictions, offered assistance and promoted their activities in the host societies. As a result, Young Italy gained unprecedented success in the Atlantic world, which lasted at least until the 1848 revolutions.

  • 4 Maurizio Isabella, Émigrés and the Liberal International in the Post-Napoleonic Era, Oxford, Oxford (...)
  • 5 Chiara Pulvirenti, Risorgimento cosmopolita. Esuli in Spagna tra rivoluzione e controrivoluzione, 1 (...)
  • 6 Grégoire Bron, « The exiles of the Risorgimento: Italian volunteers in the Portuguese Civil War (18 (...)
  • 7 Lucy Riall, Garibaldi. Invention of a Hero, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2007.

3Over recent years, thanks to the influence of trends in world history, the global – or rather Atlantic – projection of Italian patriotism in exile has been acknowledged, overcoming old historiographical paradigms. Maurizio Isabella, for example, has explained how, during the 1820s, liberal exiles contributed to the foundation of a “liberal international”, thus shaping an Italian national identity from abroad4. Chiara Pulvirenti has studied the participation of Italian republican émigrés during the First Carlist War, showing the existence of global solidarity towards Spanish liberalism5. Grégoire Bron, instead, has analysed the trajectories of Italian volunteers in the Portuguese civil war, in support of the Liberal Army6. Finally, Lucy Riall has shown how the birth of an international Garibaldi cult was the result of an intentional strategy of democratic émigrés7.

  • 8 Cit. by Gennaro Merolla, in Emilio Franzina, Gli italiani al Nuovo Mondo: l’emigrazione italiana in (...)

4This essay seeks to demonstrate the Atlantic dimensions of Young Italy. Its aim, by comparing republican exile in Uruguay and in the United States, is to interpret Italian patriotism as a fundamental component of the Atlantic network of anti-absolutist movements between the mid-1830s and the mid-1840s. Mazzinianism, I argue, is not only characterized by the formation of a national sentiment, but also by a network of revolutionaries who shook the system of the Restoration system, spreading original projects to give birth to a new universal order – to the extent that the Baron de Daiser, the Austrian Minister Plenipotentiary in Latin America, bluntly described Young Italy as “the most dangerous association for all governments, as well as the social order in the two worlds8”.

The Americas: A promised land for Republican endeavours?

  • 9 Brasile, Foglio di notizie, Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Consolati napoletani all’estero, f. 2472.

5On 19 December 1833, Gennaro Merolla – General Consul of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in Brazil – wrote an alarming missive, denouncing the formation of a secret sect settled in Rio de Janeiro, “gl’Invisibili”, composed of almost “18,000 affiliates” ready to go back to Europe and to fight for the “independence of the Peninsula9”. Even though there was no further proof, the threat was real and the diplomatic apparatus carefully supervised them.

  • 10 Salvo Mastellone, Il progetto politico di Mazzini (Italia-Europa), Firenze, Olschki, 1994, p. 234.

6During the Risorgimento, political emigration towards the Americas was a mass phenomenon: craftsmen, journalists, soldiers, and students succeeded in pursuing political activities despite the thorough surveillance by police forces on the Italian peninsula. Consequently, Giuseppe Mazzini became extremely sensible to possibilities of crossing state borders and expanding the structure of his organization. The Mazzinian Atlantic turn came together with the birth of Young Europe, in April 1834. Made up of a number of societies, it had been driven by a central committee in Switzerland from which, through a tight secret correspondence, émigrés were coordinated. As Salvo Mastellone has explained, the creation of an international platform of anti-absolutist associations did not come about as Mazzini’s “sudden inspiration” but, on the contrary, was a rational project shaped by deep awareness of the opportunities of exile10.

7After the unfortunate uprisings in Savoy and in Genoa, a large flow of exiles came to European and American cities. This created a polycentric space of mobility based on a new conjunction among traditional centres and peripheries of subversion. The spatial expansion moulded republican forces that were locally rooted, but horizontally inter-connected by carrying out a shared program. In a few years, associations, journals, but also military communities, legions, and schools bloomed in Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo, Boston, Geneva, and New York, as well as in Genoa and Livorno. These dynamics, from a micro to a macro scale, marked the development of world radicalism against the Restoration system, renewing old Masonic attitudes and anticipating the internationalism of 20th century political parties.

  • 11 Maurizio Isabella, « Émigré communities. Italian exiles and British politics before and after 1848  (...)
  • 12 Arianna Arisi Rota, « World History, società internazionale e Ottocento: la prospettiva di Mazzini  (...)

8Consequently, the Atlantic space was filled with a multitude of Italian, and European, patriots who threatened the conservative order established by the Congress of Vienna11. In spite of a pervasive cult about the teleological mission for the madrepatria, universal brotherhood and cosmopolitan solidarity were essential features of Young Italy: heir, from one side, to the Bonapartist universal vision of struggle, and precursor, from the other side, of the internationalism of nations. The Italian republican diaspora in the Americas shaped a new patriotic generation12.

  • 13 Stéphane Dufoix, Diasporas, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2008, p. 4-35.
  • 14 Maurizio Isabella, Konstantina Zanou, « The sea, its people and their ideas in the long nineteenth (...)
  • 15 Shmuel Eisenstadt, Giovine Europa: From Generation to Generation. Age Groups and Social Structure, (...)
  • 16 Catherine Brice, « Introduction », in id., Sylvie Aprile (dir.), Exil et fraternité en Europe au xi (...)

9Traditionally, scholarship has applied the concept of diasporas to categorize phenomena of dispersion, in relation to a national or regional centre, and privileged its religious connotation13. Nevertheless, recent historiographical trends prefer to interpret diasporas not as an extension of own homeland, but rather as an experience during which national or political consciousness were created14. From this point of view, I argue, Mazzinian diaspora forged a peculiar figure of patriot in exile. If the militancy in the Young Italy on the Italian peninsula had delineated a specific archetype of the revolutionary, who was completely involved in the “political realm” and expressed a new “consciousness […] of citizenship15”, political emigration came as a renewal of the patriot’s prototype. Being a “good patriot”, now, did not only come with a repertoire of individual values, such as heroism, honour, or sacrifice, and just neither to a spiritual dimension. It also fuelled a new spirit of collective, providing an opportunity of success to the Italian struggle. Leaving one’s own homeland to drive forward a political agenda suited to a concrete project of patriotism abroad. These displacement’s experiences, caused by exile, gave birth to a new model of transnational brotherhoods, which took soon hold as benchmark for the configuration of political practices within Atlantic public arena16.

  • 17 Angelo Brofferio, Storia del Risorgimento Italiano, Torino, Tipografia di Giuseppe Cassone, 1848, p (...)
  • 18 James E. Sanders, The Vanguard of the Atlantic World: Creating Modernity, Nation, and Democracy in (...)
  • 19 Hilda Sabato, Republics of the New World: The Revolutionary Political Experiment in Nineteenth-Cent (...)

10But why did these exiles decide to leave for the Americas? And what were the reasons of their choice? If the Americas were seen as a continent of economic opportunities, a peculiar leitmotif of the Romantic imagination was considering the New World as a “promised land” of freedom, progress, and individual rights. The United States’ declaration of independence and later the anti-Spanish independence movements successfully affected the Risorgimento. In 1848, Angelo Brofferio wondered whether Italy needed “virtues” to match the “free and independent […] America17”. Beliefs of a dualism between the Old Continent and the New World nourished these convictions. Contrary to an Old Continent dominated by conservative monarchies, the Americas embodied the ideals of political modernity. As James Sanders has argued, the New World represented “the future” to European patriots because it had adopted “republicanism”, while Europe, still under the tyrants’ control, “dwelled in the past18”. Despite institutional, political and social differences between the North and the South, the Americas seemed to share a coherent set of values, starting from their republican governments. As early as 1809, the Jacobin Carlo Botta, in his successful Storia della guerra d’indipendenza degli Stati Uniti d’America, lauded the Thirteen Colonies’ revolution and the birth of the federation. Decades later, the “political experiment” of some Latin American states – using Hilda Sabato’s definition – drew Mazzinians’ attentions19.

  • 20 Catherine Brice, « Mobilités créatrices ? », Diasporas, 2017, n° 29, p. 9-15.

11These perceptions enhanced entanglements between Italian revolutionaries in exile and local elites in the Americas. The exiles ideologically contributed and politically supported American movements, and vice versa, thus generating a process of mutual influence, which regarded their reflections on institutional models, social reforms, and cultural paradigms. In many cases, even if they did not reject Mazzinian dogmatism, they proved able in adapting their original creeds to foreign contexts, embracing, for example, federalism or local autonomism. Nevertheless, patriots did not limit their action to the political sphere. Overseas, they also organized commercial enterprises, explored unknown regions, were involved in the development of scientific travels, and created utopian agricultural-colonies, transforming their expatriation into an experience of “creative mobility20”.

12Between the mid-1830s and the mid-1840s, Italian patriots played an important role in the international political scene. Whilst in the Old Continent monarchism ruled, in the New World republicanism percolated. Thanks to a well-coordinated strategy, Young Italy signed a decisive turning point for the Risorgimento struggle, making of Mazzinianism a powerful agency for the promotion of the republican cause in the Atlantic world.

Building the nation abroad: The River Plate laboratory

  • 21 Circolare per la costituzione della Congrega in America del Sud, Biblioteca nazionale dei Lincei (B (...)
  • 22 Pierre-Luc Abramson, Las utopías sociales en América Latina en el siglo XIX, México D.F., Fondo de (...)

13On 1 March 1842, Giuseppe Mazzini – from London – officially confirmed the birth of a new branch of Young Italy in Uruguay. The Genoese leader appointed Giovanni Battista Cuneo the “general chief of the Americas” and authorized him to designate “secondary and local assistants”, in order to expand the society21. This was the first American outpost of the Italian nationalist movement, in addition to those already established in London and Paris. At the time, the region was the centre of intense politicization. Montevideo, in particular, became the refuge of hundreds of émigrés, escaping from Argentina after Rosas’ banishment, following the dictatorial turn of his government, or on the flight from Habsburg persecution. These encounters of different pro-republican groups turned the River Plate into a hub for the struggle against “barbarity and obscurantism22”.

  • 23 Arianna Arisi Rota, Piccoli cospiratori: politica ed emozioni nei primi mazziniani, Bologna, Il Mul (...)

14The presence of fugitives was well known to the Italian consulates. In official dispatches, diplomatic agents accurately reported their dangerous aims, stigmatizing their inclination for political schemes. Likewise, the Catholic Church feared for the maintenance of social peace in the area. Young Italy’s patriots in Uruguay belonged to a generation of “small conspirators” who participated in the failed uprisings of the biennium 1833-183423. Following an initiation in secret lodges, such as the Adelfi, the Federati or the Carboneria, some had become interested in the republican cause after having attended Piedmontese and Lombard colleges during the first Restoration period. This environment had provided them with a coherent political formation, teaching the new languages of Mazzinian doctrine, educating them in the spiritual dimensions of republican brotherhood, and instructing them in the practices and strategies of insurrection.

  • 24 Documento della Giovine Europa, BNdL, FC, c. 2, f. 3, n. 25.
  • 25 Los Sansimonianos, ibid., c. 3, f. 6, n. 38.
  • 26 Documenti Giovine Italia, ibid., c. 3, f. 6, n. 39.
  • 27 Lettera di Felice Foresti, ibid., c. 2, f. 3, n. 31.
  • 28 L’Italiano, 3 luglio 1841.

15Italian exiles at the Southern Cone soon launched political actions: in Montevideo, the Antonini brothers, benefiting from their own professional status, financed the purchase of ships, and interceded with the local government for the concession of passports. The combatants Francesco Anzani and Giuseppe Garibaldi started a military career in the Uruguayan Marine. Cuneo, instead, published a translation of Young Europe’s manifesto in Polish, French and German24, circulated a long essay promoting Saintsimonian theories25 and recopied in Spanish the general instructions of Young Italy’s statute26. Meanwhile, some exiles used Montevideo as a free port for printing and shipping Italian books, journals, and pamphlets to the United States, where the Emilian Eleuterio Felice Foresti was establishing another Mazzinian branch27. Finally, with the aim of improving fraternization with local communities, Cuneo created an official periodical: L’Italiano was the first journalistic product of republican exile in the Americas. Published in Italian, from May 1841 to September 1842, it achieved a circulation of some 400 copies. On its pages, Cuneo debated geopolitical questions regarding Italian unification and its potential role in the Mediterranean, historical features of revolutionary traditions, such as those of Masaniello or Silvio Pellico, and political matters concerning the effects of European insurrections against the Restoration order. Newspapers, in resuming traditional themes of democratic culture, were an important tool for the politicization of the expatriated communities. Used to divulge myths, symbols, and projects, they represented the primary channel for republican propaganda. After all, the same Cuneo was wondering: “How much love for own patria can Italians have, if they are not instructed to unite their efforts to those of their brothers in exile28?”

  • 29 Jorge Myers, « La revolución en las ideas: la generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la po (...)
  • 30 May revolution was the first successful revolution in South America. Started on 18 May, when a grou (...)
  • 31 Horacio Tarcus, El socialismo romántico en el Río de la Plata, 1837-1852, Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cu (...)

16In a few years, Uruguay became an adoptive homeland for the Risorgimento diaspora. The local association played a leading role, gaining the trust of the central committee in London and Paris, and laying the foundations for a long run political activism. Montevideo’s experience served also as an example for other diaspora communities. A group of Argentinian intellectuals – the so-called Generación del’37 – was reaching Uruguayan capital in that period, seeking shelter from Rosas’ oppression. Patriots such as Juan Bautista Alberdi, Miguel Cané, and Esteban Echeverría personified the most influential Romantic elite in Latin America, striving for liberal constitutionalism and republican government. Both in theory and in practice, this movement was influenced by Mazzini’s thought, taking Young Italy as a model. Through contacts with Italian émigrés an intense exchange of ideas came into place, characterizing discussions about the national question in the River Plate region29. Newspapers and journals, such as El Iniciador, La Moda or La Revista del Plata, dedicated several articles to Italian patriotism, focusing especially on Mazzini. Italian republicans propagandized principles of democracy, self-government, and unity, promoting themselves as attractive allies for Argentine republicans. The Generación del’37 not only recognized Mazzinianism’s pre-eminence, but also tried to apply some Mazzinian arguments to the Argentinian context. According to the Porteños patriots, the mission of the group – as a historical consequence of the May 1810 revolution30 – was to educate people and to found a Republic, turning Argentina into a democratic, independent, and modern nation-state31.

  • 32 El Iniciador, 15 de mayo 1838.
  • 33 Mercedes Betria, « Para una nueva lectura sobre la Generación del’37. Mazzinismo y sociabilidades c (...)
  • 34 Susanne Lachenicht, Kirsten Heinsohn (eds.), Diaspora Identities: Exile, Nationalism and Cosmopolit (...)

17Thus, in spite of different historical and institutional conditions, the two movements agreed on the necessity of the “people’s rebellion” to achieve national unity and to create a nation-state, which would have pushed the two states “at the head of progress32”. On the whole, the opposition against Rosas’ regime, on the one hand, and the fight for emancipation and independence from the Habsburg domination, on the other hand, were interpreted as parallel experiences of a broader trans-Atlantic struggle for freedom. Moreover, Italian exiles in Uruguay had also invited their “brothers” to unite with Young Italy: Cuneo gave to the Argentinian revolutionaries Giovine Europa’s instructions, supplying thus guidelines and the official covenant, and elected Cané as affiliate of the Italian association in Montevideo33. Beginning with the commonality of same political principles, entanglement from below between two movements attested the deep conviction by republicanisms of being transnational forces. In this sense, Susanne Lachenicht and Kirsten Heinsohn have explained that cosmopolitanism and nationalism should not be considered as “antagonist concepts”, but as an indissoluble dyad at the core of modern patriotisms34.

  • 35 Guerra Grande broke out 1839 in Uruguay. Caused by a regional dispute between Colorado party, a lib (...)
  • 36 José Pedro Barrán, Apogeo y crisis del Uruguay pastoril y caudillesco: 1839-1875, Montevideo, Edici (...)
  • 37 J. Oddone, « La politica e le immagini dell’immigrazione italiana in Uruguay, 1830-1930 », in F. De (...)

18In 1843, the resurgence of the Guerra Grande definitively helped forge the Mazzinian diaspora in Uruguay35. Starting as a local conflict between Colorados – the faction led by Fructuoso Rivera – and Blancos – the group guided by Manuel Oribe and allied of Rosas –, it soon turned into an international war, because of the intervention of the French and British navies, and the participation of foreign volunteers in arms36. Italian exiles soon sympathized with the Colorados, identifying their own ideals with those of Rivera’s group, which was fighting against the conservative alliance between Oribe and Rosas. As explained by Juan Oddone, Mazzinian patriots blended their political ambitions with the claims of the Colorados, thus offering a broader vision of the Risorgimento as a piece in the emerging patchwork of modern republics37. Therefore, when it was assumed that the country’s capital would fall to the combined forces of Blancos and Argentinians, they decided on engaging them in the conflict:

  • 38 Proclama, BNdL, FC, c. 1, f. 12, n. 21.

“Italians! In this war of the [Colorados] against the enemy, we also fight for humanity. […] Let us seal the pact of unity, which some day will tie our Nation to Uruguay, and swear with me: ‘Victory or death’. Hooray for Italy38.”

19Almost six hundred Italian volunteers – under the command of Young Italy – formed a military legion, enrolled in the Colorado Army by Rivera. It was the first Italian corps organized on a national base, representing a model for legions which later took part in the independence wars on the Italian peninsula. During the first phase of the conflict, the Legione Italiana was employed in Montevideo for operations of counterinsurgency. During the second phase, it was divided into two different battalions: one moved towards the internal zones of the country for infantry assaults and the defence of rural area, the other integrated into the Escuadrilla Nacional, under the command of Giuseppe Garibaldi.

  • 39 « Apostolato popolare », 25 Novembre 1842.
  • 40 Comisión encargada de la Legión Italiana. Documentos de la Comisión, Archivo General de la Nación d (...)
  • 41 A Cuneo, BNdL, FC, c. 1, f. 1, n. 5.
  • 42 Lucy Riall, « Eroi maschili, virilità e forme della guerra », in Alberto Mario Banti, Paul Ginsborg (...)
  • 43 Redshirts was the name of the volunteers who followed Giuseppe Garibaldi during the expedition of t (...)

20Overseas, Young Italy’s central committee paid attention to the Legione Italiana’s activities. From London, Mazzini spoke about a “novitiate for the Italian war39, and intended to entrust the control of the national struggle on the Italian peninsula to the legion. From Montevideo, Cuneo – who realised the symbolic potential of the Uruguayan experience – encouraged a promotional campaign within the émigrés communities. He founded a new periodical and a committee for financial support40. Meanwhile, across Europe, journals, novels, and conventions were celebrating Garibaldi. Not by chance, Anita Garibaldi, during her stay in Genoa in March 1848, reported exhibitions of “popular and generalized enthusiasm” about the Legione Italiana’s feats41. Indeed, fighting for the Colorado cause served the politicization of Italian exiles and helped forge the republican patriotism of the Risorgimento. It also shaped political brotherhoods and defined a national identity abroad. Many exiles turned into patriots struggling for a foreign cause, sharing a precise set of individual and collective aspirations and identifications with other Italians. Volunteerism, then, intersected with regional republicanism, feeding an intense diffusion of political projects, national symbols and virtues in the Atlantic world. Men-at-arms connected the ongoing nation-state-building processes, from the Mediterranean Sea to the River Plate, underlining the transnational character of republican political practices. However, in spite of its Atlantic dimension, Latin American battles directly affected the national identification of its protagonists. As highlighted by Lucy Riall, militarism was fundamental in defining strategies for republican patriots and turned Risorgimento volunteerism into a “history of foundation42”. The Redshirts’ myth emerged from Latin American battlefields, becoming fixed in the memory of Risorgimento veterans until the end of the nineteenth century43.

  • 44 Rapporto di Gaetano Gavazzo al Signor Conte della Margarita del 24 dicembre 1847, Archivio di Stato (...)

21In the meantime, echoes of Italian political news had crossed the ocean. The election of Pope Pius IX roused great hopes everywhere and many patriots, following the outbreak of several local disturbances, viewed the possibility of a national uprising/revolution. Mazzini personally asked for a general return of the exiles. In December 1847, after spontaneous demonstrations celebrating the latest “political events” on the Italian peninsula, patriots in Montevideo answered his call and started managing their repatriation44. Cuneo, in particular, worked closely with Giacomo Medici to prepare the landing of the Legione Italiana in Tuscany. The imminent independence war, in their views, would come as a reward for their overseas’ exile. Accordingly, some months later, a first group of patriots left the port of Montevideo to reach the Italian coasts.
Between 1835 and 1848, Mazzinianism represented in the River Plate area one of the most prolific currents of Italian exile. The mobilization by the local Young Italy association clearly marked an effective experience of political diaspora, which trained a new ruling force for the national movement. The coalition with the Colorado party and the
Generación del’37 reinforced the vision of republicanism as a successful force for human progress and forged, at the same time, a coherent national identity, especially thanks to the involvement of an Italian legion in the Guerra Grande. Furthermore, this background deeply affected River Plate republicanism, leaving long-term traces within Italian emigrant communities in the Southern Cone. Uruguayan exile, I argue, was innovative in its political practices and put into place new hierarchies within the Risorgimento movement. Both from the political, as in the case of Cuneo, and military point of view, as in that of Garibaldi, the group played a key role for at least three decades, even surviving Mazzini’s decline and guiding the republican faction until the birth of the Kingdom of Italy.

The United States: A leading nation for the Republican movement?

  • 45 Giuseppe Mazzini, « Alla madre », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Epistolario(...)

22On 17 February 1842, in a letter sent to his mother, Giuseppe Mazzini wrote that “Italian emigration to France or to England”, if compared to the American, “does shame”. In his opinion, Italian exiles in the New World would usefully support the national cause, “sowing the germs of a political training that will be useful someday45”. However, Mazzini was not only thinking about the River Plate’s case, but also about the United States of America. Since the end of 1835, in fact, dozens of émigrés – such as Giovanni Albinola, Felice Argenti, and Eleuterio Foresti – settled in the United States, establishing political associations in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.

  • 46 Axel Körner, America in Italy: The United States in the Political Thought and Imagination of the Ri (...)
  • 47 Enrico dal Lago, « Radicalism and nationalism: Northern “Liberators” and Southern Laborers in the U (...)

23Historiography has extensively analysed how Risorgimento actors perceived the United States’ culture, institutions, and society. Even if, according to Axel Körner, Italian patriots expressed some critique disapproving, for example, the slavery system, the United States republicanism of the United States of America had a remarkable influence on Italian patriotism46. The relationship between Mazzinianism and North American republicanism was the product of a long and complex relationship. Despite rejecting the federal model, Mazzini gradually became acquainted with the United States’ system, up to shaping the project of an Atlantic commitment for the development of republicanism, during the Sixties, through the Alleanza Repubblicana Universale47.

  • 48 Giuseppe Stefani, I prigionieri dello Spielberg sulla via dell’esilio, Udine, Del Bianco, 1963.
  • 49 Lettera di Felice Foresti, BNdL, FC, c. 2, f. 3, n. 30.
  • 50 Roland Sarti, « La democrazia radicale: uno sguardo reciproco tra Stati Uniti e Italia », in M. Rid (...)

24The foundations of this entanglement were laid on 6 June 1841, when Foresti announced the birth of a branch of Young Italy in New York. Felice Argenti, Giuseppe Avezzana, Alessandro Bargnani, and four other deportees from the Spielberg prisonwere part of it, while Giovanni Albinola took on the role of General Secretary48. Subordinate associations rose in Boston, Philadelphia, Richmond, Charleston and New Haven, with ramifications for Mexico and Cuba. Another headquarters was set up in Toronto, by Giovanni Maria Bonacina49. Thanks to their cultural backgrounds, these men were perfectly integrated into the host society and, in parallel to political activities, also undertook successful professional careers. In order to draw in as many immigrants as possible, Italian exiles also launched mutualist and cultural projects, arranging music lessons, history classes, and reading groups of the works by Carlo Cattaneo and Alessandro Manzoni. On the whole, these activities went beyond pure political purposes and served, for almost two decades, as a model apprenticeship for the acculturation of the Italian communities abroad50.

  • 51 Bénédicte Deschamps, « Dal fiele al miele: La stampa esule italiana di New York e il Regno di Sarde (...)
  • 52 David Berthold, American Risorgimento: Herman Melville and the Cultural Politics of Italy, Columbus (...)

25United States republicans eagerly welcomed Risorgimento patriotism. In September 1841, The Democratic Review published a long piece, entitled “Encouragements to the Apostolato”, which endorsed Mazzinianism as the hope for the republican movements. Some weeks later, the writer Catharine Maria Sedgwick, a popular American novelist, – in the second volume of Letters from Abroad to Kindred at Home – dedicated some of her considerations to the Italian political situation, followed by in-depth reflections on the political programme of Young Italy51. More in general, the Risorgimento cause was conceived not only as an institutional question, but also as a decisive influence on the modernization of Southern Europe, concerning in particular the full achievement of liberal rights and the development of capitalistic economy52.

  • 53 Giuseppe Mazzini, « A Giuseppe Lamberti », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Ep (...)
  • 54 Paola Gemme, Domesticating Foreign Struggles: The Italian Risorgimento and Antebellum, Athens, The (...)
  • 55 Joseph Rossi, The Image of America in Mazzini’s Writings, Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1 (...)

26Whilst Young Italy was growing in the River Plate region, Mazzini grasped the chance to open a new front in the United States, emphasizing their shared anti-papist discourse. He envisaged U.S. economic and military assistance in a possible revolt in the Papal States. After all, many American observers believed the Catholic Church’s power to be an obstacle for Italian unification. Therefore, on September 1842, Mazzini proposed to Giuseppe Lamberti to form “a secret alliance between Young Italy and the Protestant clubs of the United States” with the aim of “overthrow the temporal power of the Pope” and promote the “Unity, Independence, and Freedom of Italy53”. Especially Christian Alliance, an emerging protestant association close to American nativist groups, almost in the first phase, assisted the Mazzinians by smuggling translations of the Bible and offering financial donations54. It also founded a joint committee, headed by Giovanni Albinola who, at the beginning of 1843, went on a long trip through the United States, visiting émigrés communities and handing out copies of L’Apostolato Popolare. However, the cooperation between evangelical Protestantism and Italian nationalism in the United States produced an ambiguous alliance that soon clashed with Mazzinian plans for insurrection. Christian Alliance members rejected Italian radicalism and armed riots in order to safeguard their status in American society. Nevertheless, as Joseph Rossi explained, this transatlantic encounter produced two important results: the circulation of Mazzini’s ideas in the United States and the ideological mobilization for the Italian cause by North-American spokesmen55.

  • 56 Emanuele M. Barsotti, « Un cospiratore repubblicano e la “Nazione-guida”. Giuseppe Mazzini e gli St (...)
  • 57 Edward L. Widmer, Young America: The Flowering of Democracy in New York City, Oxford, Oxford Univer (...)
  • 58 Chiara Dall’Osso, Voglia d’America: il mito americano in Italia tra Otto e Novecento, Roma, Donzell (...)

27Republican exiles, in the meantime, continued to search for new alliances overseas. In the summer of 1843, Foresti met the leaders of the London and Paris branches, to make them officially recognize his American branch of Young Italy. The successive creation of Young America confirmed his expectations56. Founded by John O’Sullivan, journalist and advocate for the Democratic Party, in 1845, the association welcomed the activities of Italian patriots and put pressure on the United States government with the aim of support republicanism on the other side of the Atlantic. Most of its affiliates interpreted overseas revolutions as a propagation of the long insurrectionary process having originated in the United States, in 1776. Especially among intellectuals and in urban clubs, America’s “manifest destiny” came with a specific set of political virtues – such as constitutionalism, republicanism, and individual freedoms, – that, according to Edward Widmer, would have pledged an “Americanization of the world57”. U.S. American elites saw their country as the vanguard of republicanism in the nineteenth century world, even making the American myth attractive to an Italian audience, stressing the performative stereotypes of national modernity, political emancipation, and social development58.

  • 59 Thomas H. Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History, New York, Hill & Wang, (...)
  • 60 Eugenio Biagini, « Abraham Lincoln in Germany and Italy, 1859-1865 », in Richard Carwardine, Jay Se (...)

28This rhetoric, mixing nativist ideals with more cosmopolitan leanings, grabbed the attention of some Mazzinians. In defiance of the Monroe Doctrine, patriots hoped that Young America would cooperate with them and would not rule out the possibility of concrete U.S. American intervention in Italian affairs. Mazzinians also believed that the “Italian question” could overlap with Washington’s geopolitical aims. Not only the intervention in Texas, but a new attitude towards “the Atlantic” was emerging in U.S. politics. Simultaneously, in fact, corporate groups and political movements were lobbying for a military incursion into Cuba, connecting economic ambitions with the anti-Bourbon cause. Some U.S. politicians might also have had commercial and financial interests in the Mediterranean area, not only political59. By doing so, Italian patriots proved to be particularly careful to respond to geopolitical questions, putting the Risorgimento cause in the middle of the main debates of the decade. Opening a diaspora front in the United States did not only answer to the need to find new allies, but especially to create an alternative order to that established by the Holy Alliance. Then, these entanglements were enhanced during the period of the American Civil war, when many Italian patriots decided to voluntarily enlist in the Union Army or endorsed Lincoln’s front, identifying the fight against secession with their own ideals60.

  • 61 Proceedings of the Public Demonstration of Sympathy with Pope Pius IX, and with Italy, New York, Wi (...)
  • 62 Daniele Fiorentino, Gli Stati Uniti e il Risorgimento d’Italia: 1848-1901, Roma, Gangemi, 2013, p.  (...)
  • 63 Charles Capper, Margaret Fuller: An American Romantic Life, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007, (...)

29Parallel to events in the River Plate area in the same months, the solidarity with the Risorgimento cause intensified, involving political movements, well-known thinkers, as well as sectors of civil society. Since 1846, Foresti had been invited to write for O’Sullivan’s periodical, while proclamations and essays by Mazzini had been translated for the most influential newspapers in the United States. In January 1847, a demonstration in New Orleans celebrated Italian patriots in exile, receiving council sponsorship by the mayor. Some months later, in November, American republicans organized a public event in New York requesting the “social progress and popular liberty” of the Italian peninsula61. Further demonstrations of solidarity came from the diplomatic apparatus. In Rome the liberal, abolitionist, and anti-papist consul Nicholas Brown expressed his support for the Italian cause, to the point of asking for the official recognition of the Roman Republic in 184962. Finally, also some intellectuals who had become highly interested in Italian situation. Amongst all, Margaret Fuller – a journalist, campaigner of social reforms and advocate of women rights – reached an original notion of Italophilia, merging her ideas concerning American social progress with the Risorgimento’s aspirations for a “cosmopolitan Italian nation63”.

  • 64 Circolare di Mazzini, Museo Centrale del Risorgimento di Roma, Fondo Zambianchi, f. 107, n. 18.
  • 65 Giuseppe Mazzini, « A Filippo De Boni », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Epis (...)

30Mazzinianism’s popularity in the United States, in addition to the River Plate experience, sealed the “Atlanticization” of Young Italy. After a long period of political delegitimization and suppression, the organization was reborn and achieved international prestige. Not only were old exiles again in the news, but also a new group of patriots educated abroad, as well as American supporters, pledged their own contribution to the Risorgimento. Trying to capitalise on these favourable circumstances, on 1 August 1847, Mazzini announced the creation of a “National Italian fund” to collect “financial donations by Italians and foreigners” in order to finance the patriotic movement64. In a few weeks, enthusiastic replies arrived from New York, Montevideo and Buenos Aires. According to Mazzini, the period of Italians in exile was drawing to a close. It was time to return to the Italian peninsula, to arrange alliances, forces and troops. While constitutional reforms in some states on the Italian peninsula pointed to the possibility of a national revolution, American political solidarity increased optimism about a radical transformation of Italian institutions. It was a common belief that a “huge insurrection” by republican revolutionaries would soon ensure a “guaranteed victory” for the national movement65.

Conclusions

31On 9 February 1849, when the birth of the Roman Republic had been made official, Mazzini was at the height of his success. All over the Atlantic world, republicans celebrated his triumph, judging it the beginning of a shining era of the rights of “oppressed nations”. However, despite the victory of this anti-papal insurrection, its political success was ephemeral. In a few months, with the French intervention, the Republic was overthrown and Pope Pius IX restored to his powers; Mazzini and many patriots went back into exile. Nevertheless, Italian patriotism was still alive. Riots and revolts continued up to Cavour’s arrival on the European stage. Mazzini’s influence, however, was deep and long-lasting. Even if his authority became dim after the collapse of the Roman Republic, a generation of revolutionaries born on the Italian peninsula, grown up in exile, initiated to the Risorgimento cause under Mazzini’s aegis, came into leading positions until the 1870s.

  • 66 Donna R. Gabaccia, Italy’s Many Diasporas, New York, Routledge, 2005, p. 35-57.
  • 67 Christopher A. Bayly, Eugenio Biagini (eds.), Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic (...)

32Republican patriotism, I argue, was the result of a cosmopolitan republican culture which had developed since the mid-1830s. Recent historiography has re-introduced the category of cosmopolitanism, applying it to research on nationalism during the modern era. The Mazzinian diaspora offers a privileged case study to test the worth of this concept and it sheds new light on our understanding of nineteenth century republicanism66. As shown by the diaspora activities in the Americas, many members of Young Italy worked for the education of Italian emigrants, using a common political language, and transmitting a specific series of values. The pervasiveness of their discourse, offering a universal repertoire of ideals, went geographically and temporally beyond Italy’s boundaries, affecting the imaginary of modern transnational republicanism67. Not by chance, Mazzinian thought continued to have a significant influence a long time affecting, for instance, political visions by Gandhi or Woodrow Wilson.

  • 68 Stefano Recchia, Nadia Urbinati (eds.), A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini’s Writings o (...)

33However, Young Italy’s cosmopolitanism did not affect only the social aspects of Risorgimento emigration, it also had direct political implications on the advancement of Atlantic republican organizations. First, Mazzinianism took the initiative in creating a new confederate platform, based on an inter-connected net of clubs between the Old Continent and the New World. Breaking state or imperial borders and acting in a wider political space, it assembled an informal but polycentric national Italian network, articulated from the center to the peripheries. A widespread arrangement of small clubs and societies corresponded with the exiles’ headquarters in London and Paris. This pattern, Nadia Urbinati has suggested, disturbed decisively the old sectarian structures, making of “equality and associations” two cardinal principles for nineteenth and twentieth century politics68.

34Second, Young Italy’s patriots transformed the subjective condition of exile into a collective and transnational experience of politicization. If, from one side, being a “good patriot”, intended as a mission for the political apostolate, required a strong individual activism, from the other it gave birth to original international brotherhoods.

  • 69 Giuseppe Mazzini, « Intorno alla questione dei negri in America », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti (...)

35Overall, Mazzinians transformed the Risorgimento cause into an international phenomenon. Catching the attention of foreign governments or parties, distinguished thinkers, and politicians sympathetic to their demands, they put the patriotic struggle for the emancipation and unity of the Italian peninsula at the centre of the great claims of the time. Censoring the despotism of the Habsburg monarchy and the backwardness of oriental empires, Young Italy’s patriots conceived the Risorgimento as a longer and larger process which sprang after the Euro-American wave of revolutions, at the end of the 18th century. According to their view, Italian independence was not only a national or European matter, it was related to a well-defined universal vision of the world order and concerned a precise conception of Western modernization. It was not by chance, in the mid-1850s, that Mazzini described the Atlantic as the epicentre of the “great struggle”, which would inevitably draw the line among “good and bad, Republic and Monarchy, God and idols69”.

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Notes

1 Young Italy was a political movement founded by Giuseppe Mazzini, in 1831, to work for the independence of Italy. Based on republican principles, it plotted several insurrections’ attempts against existing governments. The association, composed of patriots living on and outside Italian peninsula, led the Risorgimento struggle until the biennium 1848-1849.

2 Giuseppe Lamberti, « A Mazzini », Protocollo della Giovine Italia (Congrega centrale di Francia). Appendice agli scritti editi ed inediti. Politica, vol. I, Imola, Cooperativa tipografica P. Galeati, 1916, p. 179.

3 Franco Della Peruta, Mazzini e i rivoluzionari italiani. Il partito d’azione, 1830-1845, Milano, Feltrinelli, 1974; Clara Lovett, The Democratic Movement in Italy, 1830-1876, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1982; Roland Sarti, Giuseppe Mazzini: la politica come religione civile, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 2000.

4 Maurizio Isabella, Émigrés and the Liberal International in the Post-Napoleonic Era, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009.

5 Chiara Pulvirenti, Risorgimento cosmopolita. Esuli in Spagna tra rivoluzione e controrivoluzione, 1833-1839, Milano, Franco Angeli, 2017.

6 Grégoire Bron, « The exiles of the Risorgimento: Italian volunteers in the Portuguese Civil War (1832-1834) », Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 14, 2009, n° 4, p. 427-444.

7 Lucy Riall, Garibaldi. Invention of a Hero, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2007.

8 Cit. by Gennaro Merolla, in Emilio Franzina, Gli italiani al Nuovo Mondo: l’emigrazione italiana in America, 1492-1942, Milano, Arnoldo Mondadori, 1995, p. 117.

9 Brasile, Foglio di notizie, Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Consolati napoletani all’estero, f. 2472.

10 Salvo Mastellone, Il progetto politico di Mazzini (Italia-Europa), Firenze, Olschki, 1994, p. 234.

11 Maurizio Isabella, « Émigré communities. Italian exiles and British politics before and after 1848 », in S. Freitag (ed.), Exiles from European Revolutions: Refugees in mid-Victorian England, New York, Berghahn Books, 2003, p. 59-87; Agostino Bistarelli, Gli esuli del Risorgimento, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2011, p. 251-297; Sylvie Aprile, « Exilé(e)s et migrant(e)s transatlantiques : histoires entremêlées, historiographies parallèles », in Delphine Diaz, Jeanne Moisand, Romy Sánchez Vilar, Juan Luis Simal (dir.), Exils entre les deux mondes. Migrations et espaces politiques atlantiques au xixe siècle, Mordelles, Éditions Les Perséides, 2015, p. 267-280.

12 Arianna Arisi Rota, « World History, società internazionale e Ottocento: la prospettiva di Mazzini », Memoria e Ricerca, 43, 2013, n° 2, p. 127-143.

13 Stéphane Dufoix, Diasporas, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2008, p. 4-35.

14 Maurizio Isabella, Konstantina Zanou, « The sea, its people and their ideas in the long nineteenth century », in id. (eds.), Mediterranean Diasporas: Politics and Ideas in the Long 19th Century, London, Bloomsbury, 2016, p. 3-7.

15 Shmuel Eisenstadt, Giovine Europa: From Generation to Generation. Age Groups and Social Structure, New York, Free Press, 1964, p. 171.

16 Catherine Brice, « Introduction », in id., Sylvie Aprile (dir.), Exil et fraternité en Europe au xixe siècle, Pompignac, Éditions Bière, 2013, p. 17.

17 Angelo Brofferio, Storia del Risorgimento Italiano, Torino, Tipografia di Giuseppe Cassone, 1848, p. 450.

18 James E. Sanders, The Vanguard of the Atlantic World: Creating Modernity, Nation, and Democracy in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, Durham, Duke University Press, 2014, p. 5.

19 Hilda Sabato, Republics of the New World: The Revolutionary Political Experiment in Nineteenth-Century Latin America, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2018, p. 169-199.

20 Catherine Brice, « Mobilités créatrices ? », Diasporas, 2017, n° 29, p. 9-15.

21 Circolare per la costituzione della Congrega in America del Sud, Biblioteca nazionale dei Lincei (BNdL), Fondo Cuneo (FC), c. 2, f. 3, n. 29.

22 Pierre-Luc Abramson, Las utopías sociales en América Latina en el siglo XIX, México D.F., Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999, p. 5.

23 Arianna Arisi Rota, Piccoli cospiratori: politica ed emozioni nei primi mazziniani, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2010, p. 119.

24 Documento della Giovine Europa, BNdL, FC, c. 2, f. 3, n. 25.

25 Los Sansimonianos, ibid., c. 3, f. 6, n. 38.

26 Documenti Giovine Italia, ibid., c. 3, f. 6, n. 39.

27 Lettera di Felice Foresti, ibid., c. 2, f. 3, n. 31.

28 L’Italiano, 3 luglio 1841.

29 Jorge Myers, « La revolución en las ideas: la generación romántica de 1837 en la cultura y en la política argentinas », in Noemi Goldman (ed.), Nueva historia argentina. Tomo III. Revolución, República, Confederación, 1806-1852, Buenos Aires, Editorial Sudamericana, 2005, p. 381-445.

30 May revolution was the first successful revolution in South America. Started on 18 May, when a group of criollos lawyers and officials organized an open cabildo to replace the Viceroy of the Viceroyalty of the River Plate, it culminated with the formation of an autonomous Junta on 25 May 1810. The event began the Argentine war of independence.

31 Horacio Tarcus, El socialismo romántico en el Río de la Plata, 1837-1852, Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2016, p. 164-176.

32 El Iniciador, 15 de mayo 1838.

33 Mercedes Betria, « Para una nueva lectura sobre la Generación del’37. Mazzinismo y sociabilidades compartidas en la construcción de la identidad nacional argentina », in Arrigo Amadori, Mariano Di Pascuale (dir.), Construcciones identitarias en el Río de la Plata, siglos XVIII-XIX, Rosario, Prohistoria, 2013, p. 149.

34 Susanne Lachenicht, Kirsten Heinsohn (eds.), Diaspora Identities: Exile, Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in Past and Present, Frankfurt, Campus Verlag, 2009, p. 9.

35 Guerra Grande broke out 1839 in Uruguay. Caused by a regional dispute between Colorado party, a liberal faction led by Fructuoso Rivera, and Blanco party, a conservative force led by Manuel Oribe, it involved foreign powers interested safeguard their business in the area. The war lasted until 1851, following the Anglo-French blockade of the River Plate and the end of the siege of Montevideo.

36 José Pedro Barrán, Apogeo y crisis del Uruguay pastoril y caudillesco: 1839-1875, Montevideo, Ediciones de la Banda Oriental, 2011.

37 J. Oddone, « La politica e le immagini dell’immigrazione italiana in Uruguay, 1830-1930 », in F. Devoto (ed.) L’emigrazione italiana e la formazione dell’Uruguay moderno, Torino, Edizioni della Fondazione Giovanni Agnelli, 1993, p. 101.

38 Proclama, BNdL, FC, c. 1, f. 12, n. 21.

39 « Apostolato popolare », 25 Novembre 1842.

40 Comisión encargada de la Legión Italiana. Documentos de la Comisión, Archivo General de la Nación de Uruguay, Fundo Guerra y Marina, c. 1379.

41 A Cuneo, BNdL, FC, c. 1, f. 1, n. 5.

42 Lucy Riall, « Eroi maschili, virilità e forme della guerra », in Alberto Mario Banti, Paul Ginsborg (eds.), Storia d’Italia. Il Risorgimento, vol. 22, Torino, Einaudi, 2007, p. 253-288.

43 Redshirts was the name of the volunteers who followed Giuseppe Garibaldi during the expedition of the Thousands, in Southern Italy. The name originated during the Guerra Grande in Uruguay, when Italian legionnaires wore a red uniform bought by Uruguayan butchers.

44 Rapporto di Gaetano Gavazzo al Signor Conte della Margarita del 24 dicembre 1847, Archivio di Stato di Torino, Materie politiche per rapporto all’estero, Consolati nazionali, Montevideo, m. I, n. 83.

45 Giuseppe Mazzini, « Alla madre », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Epistolario, vol. XI, Imola, Cooperativa tipografica P. Galeati, 1915, p. 42.

46 Axel Körner, America in Italy: The United States in the Political Thought and Imagination of the Risorgimento, 1763-1865, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2017, p. 16.

47 Enrico dal Lago, « Radicalism and nationalism: Northern “Liberators” and Southern Laborers in the United States and Italy, 1830-1860 », in id., Rick Halpern (eds.), The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, p. 197.

48 Giuseppe Stefani, I prigionieri dello Spielberg sulla via dell’esilio, Udine, Del Bianco, 1963.

49 Lettera di Felice Foresti, BNdL, FC, c. 2, f. 3, n. 30.

50 Roland Sarti, « La democrazia radicale: uno sguardo reciproco tra Stati Uniti e Italia », in M. Ridolfi (ed.), La democrazia radicale nell’Ottocento europeo: forme della politica, modelli culturali, riforme sociali, Milano, Feltrinelli, 2005, p. 133-135.

51 Bénédicte Deschamps, « Dal fiele al miele: La stampa esule italiana di New York e il Regno di Sardegna (1849-1861) », Annali della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, 42, 2008, n° 1, p. 82-83.

52 David Berthold, American Risorgimento: Herman Melville and the Cultural Politics of Italy, Columbus, Ohio State University Press, 2009, p. 96-97.

53 Giuseppe Mazzini, « A Giuseppe Lamberti », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Epistolario, vol. XXIII, Imola, Cooperativa tipografico-editrice Paolo Galeati, 1926, p. 269-270.

54 Paola Gemme, Domesticating Foreign Struggles: The Italian Risorgimento and Antebellum, Athens, The University of Georgia Press, 2006, p. 144.

55 Joseph Rossi, The Image of America in Mazzini’s Writings, Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1954, p. 46-49.

56 Emanuele M. Barsotti, « Un cospiratore repubblicano e la “Nazione-guida”. Giuseppe Mazzini e gli Stati Uniti d’America », Società e Storia, 152, 2016, n° 2, p. 262-263.

57 Edward L. Widmer, Young America: The Flowering of Democracy in New York City, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 21.

58 Chiara Dall’Osso, Voglia d’America: il mito americano in Italia tra Otto e Novecento, Roma, Donzelli, 2007, p. 13-14.

59 Thomas H. Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History, New York, Hill & Wang, 2006, p. 116-181.

60 Eugenio Biagini, « Abraham Lincoln in Germany and Italy, 1859-1865 », in Richard Carwardine, Jay Sexton (eds.), The Global Lincoln, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 76-94; Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War, New York, Basic Books, 2015, p. 158-181.

61 Proceedings of the Public Demonstration of Sympathy with Pope Pius IX, and with Italy, New York, William Van Norden, 1847.

62 Daniele Fiorentino, Gli Stati Uniti e il Risorgimento d’Italia: 1848-1901, Roma, Gangemi, 2013, p. 61-64.

63 Charles Capper, Margaret Fuller: An American Romantic Life, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 323.

64 Circolare di Mazzini, Museo Centrale del Risorgimento di Roma, Fondo Zambianchi, f. 107, n. 18.

65 Giuseppe Mazzini, « A Filippo De Boni », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Epistolario, vol. XXX, Imola, Cooperativa tipografico-editrice Paolo Galeati, 1929, p. 221.

66 Donna R. Gabaccia, Italy’s Many Diasporas, New York, Routledge, 2005, p. 35-57.

67 Christopher A. Bayly, Eugenio Biagini (eds.), Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, 1830-1920, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 1-10.

68 Stefano Recchia, Nadia Urbinati (eds.), A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini’s Writings on Democracy, Nation Building and International Relations, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2009, p. 23.

69 Giuseppe Mazzini, « Intorno alla questione dei negri in America », in id., Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini. Politica, vol. XXVII, Imola, Cooperativa tipografico-editrice P. Galeati, 1940, p. 163-165.

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Alessandro Bonvini, « “Good Christians, Good Citizens, Good Patriots”.Young Italy and the Atlantic struggle for the Nation, 1835-1848 »Diasporas, 34 | 2019, 65-78.

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Alessandro Bonvini, « “Good Christians, Good Citizens, Good Patriots”.Young Italy and the Atlantic struggle for the Nation, 1835-1848 »Diasporas [En ligne], 34 | 2019, mis en ligne le 29 février 2020, consulté le 21 juin 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/4259 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.4259

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Alessandro Bonvini

Alessandro Bonvini est actuellement Max Weber Fellow à l’Institut universitaire européen de Florence. Il est docteur en histoire de l’université de Salerne, en co-tutelle avec la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Bogota. Il a notamment publié : « L’avventura nel Nuovo Mondo. Cospiratori, rivoluzionari e veterani napoleonici nell’indipendenza della Nuova Granada, 1810-1830 » (Contemporanea. Rivista di storia dell’ 800 e del ‘900, 21, 2018, n° 4 p. 3-26) ; « “La penna e il moschetto”. Mondo e para-mondo cospiratorio nei Caraibi rivoluzionari » (Spazi bianchi. Le espressioni letterarie, linguistiche e visive dell'assenza, Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, 2019, pp. 11-20).

Alessandro Bonvini is currently a Max Weber Fellow at the European University Institute in Florence. He obtained a PhD in History from the University of Salerno, in joint supervision with the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana of Bogotá. Among his publications are: « L’avventura nel Nuovo Mondo. Cospiratori, rivoluzionari e veterani napoleonici nell’indipendenza della Nuova Granada, 1810-1830 » (Contemporanea. Rivista di storia dell ’800 e del ‘900, 21, 2018, n° 4 p. 3-26); « “La penna e il moschetto”. Mondo e para-mondo cospiratorio nei Caraibi rivoluzionari » (Spazi bianchi. Le espressioni letterarie, linguistiche e visive dell'assenza, Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, 2019, pp. 11-20).

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