Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilNuméros38Domestic ruptures: French emigran...

Domestic ruptures: French emigrants to the Channel Island of Jersey and the gendering of exile, 1789-1802

Les foyers éclatés : Les émigrés français à l’île de Jersey et le facteur genre de l’exil
Sydney Watts
p. 21-43

Résumés

Cet article s’intéresse à l’installation temporaire de réfugiés dans l’île de Jersey pendant la Révolution française et analyse cette communauté frontalière au prisme du genre. Jusque récemment, les historiens français présentaient l’émigration comme une réponse aux lois et à la rhétorique anti-émigrés en France et en Grande-Bretagne, chaque nouvelle vague faisant suite aux évolutions du climat politique en France. Cette perspective omet cependant une part importante de la complexité de la position de Jersey, île francophone voisine de la côte normande marquée par la présence militaire britannique. Une analyse sociale de l’émigration depuis l’ouest et le nord de la France vers Jersey révèle la diversité des motifs de la migration familiale et les réalités de l’exil temporaire dans un monde fracturé. Les foyers des émigrants français étaient confrontés à la double réponse du pays hôte (la Grande-Bretagne) et des autorités locales qui les accueillaient. Face à ce qu’ils avaient perdu, les émigrés traversaient une crise de la masculinité, appelant une réponse humanitaire qui mettait en relief la fragilité des femmes.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

  • 1Après le renversement du trône en 1792, lorsque le règne de la terreur a commencé, nous avons tou (...)

“After the overthrow of the crown in 1792, and the commencement of the Reign of Terror, we all emigrated to escape the dangers with which everyone was threatened. It was not the least crimes of the government of that day, to have considered as culpable those who left their homes only to escape assassination at the hands of the people or of the tribunal; and to comprise in their proscriptive edicts, not only men able to bear arms, but the aged, the women, even the children. The emigration of 1791 on the other hand, being caused by no other kind of danger, should be considered as an act of party; and under this point of view, we can form an opinion on it according to political principles.”1

Madame de Staël, Considerations on Revolution in France

  • 2 For studies of the migration along the borders and in the Atlantic World, see Mary Ashburn Miller, (...)

1Regime change places an indelible mark on the political timeline; it elicits a new consciousness within agents of rebellion and forces of reaction. Germaine de Stael’s depiction of the political climate during the height of the Terror articulates the commonly held perception of “waves” of emigration during the French Revolution of 1789. Underlying this temporal conception is the contingent nature of events that propelled the emigration. Recent scholarship has shown how the movement of French people occurred haphazardly across the permeable borders of France, families and their household members were separated, propelled into foreign lands under a variety of conditions at different moments. Some emigrants sought refuge from war, others planned their counter-attack from military outposts. The resourceful took flight finding new opportunities abroad.2 This essay focuses on the temporary settlement of refugees on the Channel Island of Jersey, analyzing this borderland community with a gendered lens. Domestic ruptures among these French emigrants were met with a mixed response from the host country (Britain) and the local authorities who managed these refugees, viewing their losses evoked a crisis of masculinity and demanded a humanitarian response that highlighted female fragility.

Fig. 1. Map of Western France

Fig. 1. Map of Western France

Cassini Map, 1754. David Rumsey Collection (The Island of Jersey indicated above)

  • 3 Donald Greer, « Table 1. General table of the emigration », in The Incidence of the Emigration dur (...)

2For the French revolutionaries of 1792, the attack on the King’s palace at the Tuileries and the subsequent execution of the Louis XVI would establish Year I of a new regime. This demarcation was not without its trials and contingencies, just as 1789 began with fiscal reform under a constitutional settlement, soon thereafter saw a series of intractable moments of defiance, revolt, and regeneration to shake off the old and establish the new. The royal household, courtiers, and military officers bereft of Old Regime privilege were reportedly among the first to depart. After this first flight of hundreds of aristocratic elites, the emigration swelled into an exodus of tens of thousands of people from all social ranks: military officers, people from the urban elite, skilled trades, and peasant classes.3 While status and wealth afforded the illustrious daughter of a wealthy Swiss banker and hero of the pre-Revolution, Jacques Necker, the ease of movement across borders, she was not the only noble émigrée separated from her husband or lover, accompanied by her servants and infant children. Moreover, de Staël distinguishes herself as part of the second emigration, made not by choice but by the life-threatening circumstances that forced her to leave. She relays the travails of female solo travelers, not unlike herself, who were pushed out of France as fears of counter-revolutionary suspects grew. While the first wave of emigrants was characterized by the “merry” departure of court aristocrats during the chaos of the October Days, and the confidence of royalist armies who planned their victorious return. The next wave of emigrants that left after the fall of the monarchy, by contrast, included people of all ranks and classes. They fled an oppressive political climate and the threat of Revolutionary Tribunals, seeking to escape civil conflicts, uncertain when, if ever, their return would come.

  • 4Loin que l’émigration ait maintenu la considération de la noblesse, elle y a porté la plus forte (...)
  • 5 François-René de Chateaubriand, Essai historique, politique et moral sur les révolutions anciennes (...)
  • 6 Historians Lynn Hunt and Joan Landes have drawn out the “gender drama” that focused on an emascula (...)

3More than simply serving as a chronological marker of regime change, these two successive waves of migration underscore the way in which the emigration have been inscribed in the imaginations of revolutionaries and the political culture of the Revolution: in the first instance is the shaming of France’s own male leadership, including parlement judges, military officers, sword nobles in the earlier wave of departure; and the second appears as the domestic peril of the most vulnerable social groups, in this case, single women, mothers and their young children, and the elderly. De Staël’s partisan view of the first wave shows her bitter disappointment in the voluntary flight of elites whose blind conceit gave “the greatest blow” to the ancient rank of sword nobles and the future of a constitutional monarchy.4 René de Chateaubriand, who came from a long lineage of Breton noblemen, once a moderate constitutionalist, soon grew melancholy in his depiction of the emigration. In his view, this group’s defunct privilege and hapless defeats were evidence of the last stage of decline from a dominant warrior caste into an effete nobility.5 Both contemporaries provide a retrospective opinion about the failures of the nobility, further evidenced in the blunders of wildly ineffectual counter-revolutionary campaigns. Historians of revolutionary political culture have focused on the gendering of court nobles and the new family romance that had killed the great patriarch, Louis XVI. Histories of Britain’s view of the exiled aristocracy in Britain, while replete with political consequences, have yet consider their vain attempts at reconquest and subsequent humiliation in gendered terms.6

  • 7 The Law of Suspects included former nobles and any emigrant family member or servant residing in a (...)
  • 8 Greer study of the emigration is based on national archives of published lists of émigrés and loca (...)

4Germaine de Staël’s description of the second wave of terror-induced migration underscores the gendered nature of the Terror’s fallout. Her implicit critique points to the worst political extremism that at its height targeted the family relations of any royalist or suspected aristocrat, specifically women, children, and elderly relatives, suspected of counter-revolutionary activity.7 From what we know of the actual emigrant population who quit France over a ten year period, this population included not only its male leadership, military and liberal elites, but also their household members, many of whom left independently of their fathers, husbands and brothers. Boats with hundreds of emigrants landed on British shores. Among these arrivals were those who defied liberal reforms and acts of de-Christianization, namely clerics who refused the oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (“non-juring priests”), peasants and townspeople from across the staunchly Catholic regions of northern and western France, as well as others displaced by counter-revolutionary insurrections in Brittany, Normandy and the Vendée. These emigrants were first termed by Edmund Burke as “refugees” of the French Revolution.8

  • 9 « An Act for Establishing Regulations Respecting Aliens arriving in this Kingdom, or resident ther (...)
  • 10 Caroline Shaw, Britannia’s Embrace: Modern Humanitarianism and the Imperial Origins of Refugee Rel (...)
  • 11 Studies of the emigration continue to draw on Donald Greer’s demographic profile that draws heavil (...)

5Britain’s response to the “great and unusual number of persons, not being natural born subjects of His Majesty, or Denizens, or persons naturalized by Act of Parliament” was the Aliens Act of 1793.9 Their management of refugees demonstrated more than the Christian charity of “Britannia’s embrace;”10 it contended with this sudden influx of emigrants as a domestic crisis. This unwieldly population posed a threat to Britain’s own political stability. Under the Aliens Act, the British Home Office sought to control the political threat of Jacobinism while managing the refugee settlements in port cities and the Channel Island. The policing of Jersey emigrants, which included passport requirements and detailed information about each household member, dates of entry and points of embarkation, reflects these multiple directives of the newly established Alien Office, a branch of the Home Office. This study draws on the documentation of over 800 individual aliens, a rare source that provides a more granular view of the emigration than the French sources that other historians have relied upon.11

6Until recently, French historians have depicted the emigration as a direct response to French and British anti-émigré legislation and rhetoric, each wave contingent upon the political climate in France. This perspective, however, misses much of the complexity of Jersey’s unique place in the emigration as a French-speaking island along the Brittany coast with a British military presence. Jersey served as an emigrant way station and a military launch; its geopolitics inflected how the British handled the French living in Jersey. As this essay will show, the make-shift refugee settlements along the borderlands, like the one in the Channel Island of Jersey, complicates the motives of emigrants and the realities of their displacement for the host country. De Staël’s experience quitting France as an unaccompanied female is akin to the lives of many French emigrants who traveled to and through Jersey. The documentation of emigrants reveals many women, like de Staël, pregnant and raising children; many others like her spent a decade abroad in relative independence.

7The Terror’s heightened rhetoric and draconian decrees against suspects may have brought the legal death of the émigré, but from the point of view of the emigrants themselves, a temporary life could be found while waiting for peace and “normalcy” to return. Unmarried noblewomen and their households, along with wealthy and enterprising independent women, managed to secure their own resources from extended family or found ways to make money. Other women who had secured positions as governesses, nurses, and domestics sought employment abroad, pursued new trades and invested in commercial enterprises. The most vulnerable populations drew from the generosity and hospitality of their host country. In effect, their resettlement on Jersey reveals a complex set of circumstances, often without the stability of households and, in some instances, the rule of the father. The British public’s response to this immigrant population recognized their moral obligation to help widows and orphans, as much as the needs of other unaccompanied female travelers who landed on their shores.

8The gendering of this exile, I argue, occurred as a result of a series of domestic ruptures in the midst of war whose visible and hidden effects were multiple: The travails of the emigration drew attention to those who required temporary refuge and relief, particularly the married women with young children, widows and the elderly. This image of vulnerability also provoked a humanitarian response from wealthy residents and political leaders in the host country who sought aid for these populations for a limited period and under clear restrictions. As this essay will show, Jersey’s refugee settlement was heightened by the military failings of men, particularly in the Quiberon invasion of 1795, and the economic insecurities of the Revolution’s female refugees. In the absence of male heads of household, Jersey’s revolutionary exiles recalled for the British the fragility of the feminine and the failure of the old order of nobility. Even during this period of dislocation, and with the uncertainty of return, men and women pursued new, sometimes unorthodox strategies to preserve the traditional social order and financial stability of their households. The migration of household members to and through the Channel Island required new strategies for women and domestics as they sought to secure their livelihood.

  • 12 Furetière’s Dictionnaire defines familles as “a household composed of a head and his domestiques, (...)

9Under the Old Regime, the cultural notion of family longevity was built through property and kinship. The “household” (ménage) and “family” (famille) were synonymous terms, and little distinction was made between kin and outsiders.12 The servants of a master’s house could include domestic workers, agricultural laborers, or any other client who serves in the master’s household. Whether seen within a patriarchal lens or as a demonstration of status and hierarchy, the master’s household becomes, on a conceptual level, an expression of power and authority that mirrored the state. Up close, the familial ties between the master of the house and his dependents that included his spouse, children and servants, were construed and re-inscribed through daily interactions and unwritten rules that governed one above and over the other. While the conception of the head of state as the great patriarch of Louis XVI would be challenged and eventually eliminated during the Revolution, the politics of the household remained much the same for women and domestic servants living under the rule of male heads of household.

10The rule of the father would continue under the Revolution’s liberal decrees of 1789 and 1791. When, for example, the Constituent Assembly decided on the qualifications for “active” citizenship, three groups were immediately excluded: the poor and propertyless, domestic servants, and women. Political rights for women, even the moral benefits of expanding citizenship to include propertied women, were largely ignored in these debates. Women were considered “passive citizens,” apolitical beings. Following Rousseau’s own domestic ideal, their role was to give birth and raise future citizens. Like the servant, who was under the authority of the master, women were to remain out of public life and the household patriarch was to represent them as the general will.

  • 13 Dominique Godineau, The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution, translated by Katherine Streip (...)
  • 14 Olwen H. Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution, Toronto, University (...)
  • 15 Michel Vovelle, Serge Bonin, La Révolution contre l’Église. De la raison à l’être suprême, Bruxell (...)
  • 16 See Olwen H. Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship…, op. cit., p. 116-127.

11To see women solely as “passive” citizens, limited to the domestic sphere, however, is to overlook much of their public activism throughout the Revolution. Public protests, petitions, and club activity which included female revolutionaries as citoyennes, in as much as it demonstrates their public participation in an emerging democracy, underscore what was a women’s revolutionary movement.13 Across France, women were politicized by changes to Old Regime institutions. For communities in the north and western parts of the country, their discontent began with the nationalization of Church property and the reconfiguring of parishes and bishoprics. The final blow came with the requirement that all parish priests take an oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy or face deportation. Emigration of non-juring priests ensued. This action fueled many loyal Catholics, including women, to take up arms against the Revolution, particularly in Brittany and the Vendée where many counter-revolutionary armies banded together.14 French officials who went into the provinces (representants en mission) and local patriots who struggled against popular Catholicism posited that “superstitious” priests manipulated the “weak minds” of women to their own ends. The gendered notion of a counterrevolutionary woman, controlled by non-juring priests to further their own ends, added to the masculinist rhetoric of revolutionaries who saw the overthrow of the Catholic faith in gendered terms.15 Olwen Hufton speaks of a second “emasculated” terror, a “war of attrition” led by women who resisted the de-Christianization campaigns of 1793-94.16

  • 17 The divorce law was official passed on September 20, 1792. Married couples could separate by mutua (...)
  • 18 Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France, Berkeley, CA, University of California (...)

12The liberal revolution that brought together members of the privileged orders with the educated classes of lawyers succeeded in establishing principles of equality that, while not directly ushering in reforms for women’s citizenship, did bring changes to civil rights that affected patriarchal structures within the household. Most important were the changes to inheritance laws and the rights of children as legally independent adults, to be free of the tyranny of their fathers in matters of marriage. Divorce laws introduced in 1791 were passed just as the second phase of the revolution, following the fall of the monarchy, took place. Grounds for divorce included long-term absence and emigration.17 Soon thereafter, the émigré decrees, once vetoed by Louis XVI, were passed into law. The response to this threat required more than seizure of property, it called for “civil death” (the loss of citizenship) first of individuals, and at its most far-reaching measure, for entire households.18

  • 19 Jennifer Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789-18 (...)
  • 20 See Joseph Boulard, Douze femmes d’émigrés divorcées à Limoges sous la Terreur, Limoges, 1913; Gen (...)
  • 21 Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial…, op. cit., p. 260.

13The combination of these legislations had a profound effect on the status of women and family property. As Jennifer Heuer describes it, anti-émigré legislation was at once “designed to exclude [émigrés] from the exercise of political citizenship, to keep them from ‘corrupting’ the army, and in general to make them more vulnerable to laws aimed at potential counter-revolutionaries.”19 Seen together, divorce and equitable inheritance provided an important loophole for wives and children of emigrants to protect their property if they chose loyalty to la patrie over their spouse. Studies suggest that more women than men sought divorce in France for reasons of their spouse’s emigration.20 Such an action speaks less about revolutionary egalitarianism than the importance of property to secure socially defined positions. Suzanne Desan’s extensive study of divorce and inheritance argues how radical changes in family law during the revolutionary swung back after Thermidor to counter “the disruption of family strategies, property allocation and mutual obligation.”21 Arguably, divorce provided a temporary shelter to protect the patrimony. For some women who were not considered natives of France, however, neither their safety or their citizenship was guaranteed. Any strategy to protect their property or their patrimony, especially for wealthy female elites, was at risk of raising suspicion with the new regime. For many, keeping a low profile was a better option. For so many emigrants, their choice of safety was along the borders of France, particularly near militarized areas where they could be assured protection from the revolutionary armies. Movement to and through Jersey was a temporary option and a more manageable solution than permanent relocation in a faraway colony, with the French court exiled in Turin, or in military bases such as Koblenz, along the Rhine.

  • 22 See Renaud Morieux’s 2006 thesis, La Manche au xviiie siècle. La construction d’une frontière fran (...)
  • 23 Jersey and its history of French immigration first drew the attention of nineteenth-century schola (...)

14Jersey, in many ways provided an ideal location for temporary exile. An island of forty-six square miles, located only fourteen miles from the Cherbourg peninsula, it had long been a chosen site for both English and French people seeking refuge from war and persecution. This French-speaking island under British control was a haven for writers, political leaders and religious communities such as the Huguenots and Methodists, mainly because of its remoteness. Jersey also operated as a zone of contact in the Channel migration for naval officers and shipmen, traders in contraband, and emigrants who moved through this fluid borderland.22 The largest of the Channel Islands, with fortifications dating from the Middle Ages, Jersey, along with its sister island, Guernsey, provided strategic British naval posts during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. After successfully fending off a French invasion in 1781, the British bolstered Jersey’s weak defenses with a flotilla of war ships, taking advantage of its geopolitical base to police Channel smugglers who trafficked in guns, ammunition, and French currency (assignats). It was a hub for espionage, a transfer point for émigrés, prisoners, and the military. The sparsely populated island surrounded by rocky shallows made entry into the natural harbors difficult, and during the winter months, treacherous.23

  • 24 This total number of emigrants comes as close to the real number as historian Donald Greer (The In (...)
  • 25 The total population of Jersey in 1788 is estimated to 20,000; Mark Boléat, Jersey’s Population: A (...)
  • 26 Letters dated January 31, 1791, Sûreté publique to the Directoire du Département in St. Malo conce (...)

15The vast majority of the estimated 150,000 emigrants who crossed the French borders into foreign lands chose the British Isles.24 At its height, the emigration brought 25,000 French emigrants to Britain in a single year. Jersey took in as many as 4,000 estimated emigrants during the Revolutionary era, increasing the population by twenty percent.25 Jersey was a stopping point for the emigration, a first landing and, for some, final destination for those without the means to pay passage to Britain. According to the 1798 Declaration of Aliens, nearly half of the listed emigrants registered as solo travelers which suggests its easy access. For many, it became the threshold of the emigration, bringing thousands of men, women, and children, with and without passports, from the shores of Brittany and Normandy to major English ports by way of the Channel Islands. Letters from Jersey intercepted by French police along the ports give some detail as to the confusion and excitement of those who were seeking passage to the island. Bretons, whose movements were being closely watched by local authorities, sought Jersey as a temporary station within easy reach. Some local merchants and residents of coastal towns who regularly came and went between the Channel Islands and the mainland, were caught off guard when questioned, wondering why their movements were considered illegal emigration at all.26 One resident, Olivier d’Argens, a Jersey émigré from Brittany, described the scene in Jersey this way:

  • 27Le pays que je continue d’habiter est un tableau mouvant. C’est ici que l’on arrive de partout ; (...)

“The country where I live is a moving picture. It’s here where everyone arrives from everywhere. It’s from here where everyone leaves. It’s also here where one comes back and leaves again. You learn about it as soon as you arrive. You know about it in detail, and if someone asks me anything about it, I would be able to answer them right away!”27

  • 28 The Bouillon Papers, a manuscript collection housed at the National Archives in Kew Gardens contai (...)
  • 29 Among the many “host” countries across Europe who took in French émigrés, Britain provided the mos (...)
  • 30 Letters from Madame d’Orvilliers to her cousin, Charles Alexandre Bidé de Maurville, le comte de M (...)
  • 31 Charles Hettier, Relations de la Normandie…, op. cit., p. 34.

16Many of Jersey’s emigrants relied on this emergency relief, which after years spent in exile, the sale of their own moveable property, and the depletion of cash reserves, became their only source of income. The emigrant relief funds, under the direction of the Wilmot Committee in London, were locally managed by a group of French military men, many of them emigrants to Jersey. This local committee kept careful records submitted to the island’s military commander, Philippe d’Auvergne, dispensing monthly stipends to exiled non-juring priests and bishops as well as the needs of noble and commoner households.28 The well-managed support systems on the Island of Jersey (which included a hospital and schools for their children) encouraged long-term settlement and the relocation of other emigrants to the Channel Island.29 Madame d’Orvilliers wrote to her cousin, the Comte de Maurville, of the comfort and simplicity of Jersey, as well as the monetary relief that refugees were provided. The news brought him and his family to Jersey in April 1795.30 Other émigrés found their way to Jersey after exhausting their savings in expensive cities along the south coast of England. Olivier d’Argens described a Jersey pilot who came to Southampton with a former officer who offered to take him and twenty other émigrés to Jersey. The officer had arrived in Southampton in November 1792 with 1,200 livres, and was now down to 130 to sustain him. In Jersey, he found a modest home with a poor farmer in St. Helier, receiving a shilling a day until the conditions were better to return to France.31

Table 1.

Table 1.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

  • 32 Kirsty Carpenter provides a snapshot of the influx of “all lay émigrés,” drawing on a “collection (...)
  • 33 Since 1780, the British Parliament had been debating the establishment of a central policing agenc (...)
  • 34 The Act gave royal authority by proclamation, order in council, or order under the Crown’s sign ma (...)

17The influx of French refugees to Britain began slowly in 1789 and then numbers rose exponentially beginning mid-1791 (see Table 1 above), after the Louis XVI’s attempted escape and eventual capture in Varennes.32 Members of British Parliament reacted to the growing French resettlement with a certain level of caution at first. The mass mobilization of French revolutionary army and their unlikely victory over the Prussians at Valmy the following year heightened the domestic threat of Jacobinism. The political activities of London’s Corresponding Societies, and republican rhetoric of liberating the people from the tyranny of monarchies put William Pitt’s government in a defensive posture. With the declaration of war in 1793, Foreign Secretary William Windham, Lord Grenville, appointed William Wickham as a “stipendiary magistrate” charged as a type of police commissioner to undertake secret work for the government.33 Pitt and his administration anticipated a French invasion and saw the sway of Jacobinism among English radicals as a direct result of open borders. In 1793, the Aliens Act was the first emergency measure to ensure domestic security by regulating the residency requirements of foreigners, namely the French, and allowing officials to deport any alien with suspension of habeas corpus by order of the Crown. It did not prohibit immigration, but it did attempt to contain it with greater surveillance at the border and required all resident aliens to register with local officials.34 By 1794, the Alien Office, now well established under Wickham, became the central bureau for intelligence gathering. On the island, Philippe d’Auvergne, Prince of Bouillon, who was a French-speaking native of Jersey and experienced officer in the British Navy, took charge over the island’s espionage operations while managing its emigrant population.

  • 35 BNA, Records of the Foreign Office, FO 95/608.

18The Bouillon Papers, located in the British Archives, provide a rich source about the refugees of Jersey as much as the Channel Correspondence. While records of registered aliens are spotty, one fairly complete register generated in November of 1798 provides an important sample of the migration. From the 326 households registered, we find most of the Jersey émigrés were born in Normandy or Brittany and left their country just before the fall of the monarchy. The high points of entries for all registered aliens in Jersey occurred in the second quarter of 1791 and again in the third quarter of 1792, when anti-émigré legislation began. Few if any of Jersey’s waves of emigrant arrivals correspond directly with the events associated with the Terror of Year II. As Table 1 shows, the vast numbers arriving on the island in the period between 1791 and 1794, the migration to Jersey happened steadily through the last decade of the eighteenth century.35

Table 2.

Table 2.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

Table 3.

Table 3.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

Table 4.

Table 4.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

Table 5.

Table 5.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

  • 36 R. de l’Estourbeillon, Les familles françaises à Jersey…, op. cit., p. 5.

19This documented population represented all ranks of society, noble and non-noble. Of all those represented in the alien registry, only a quarter were of the nobility, the vast majority sword nobles. Prominent residents included lords from Brittany and Normandy such as Chateaubriand, de la Houssaye, de Beauvoir, de la Tour d’Auvergne, de l’Estourbeillon, de Chauvigny. All left civil records of baptisms, marriages and deaths in the Catholic parish records. The same records also include the names of several sailors and naval officers, legal professionals and robe nobles, including two presidents of Brittany’s parlement, Monsieur le Nepvou and Monsieur de Catuelan, as well as seven, office-holding conseilleurs of the same provincial parlement.36 The youngest registered aliens were infants, the eldest was 85 years of age (see Table 2). Nearly a tenth of the registered population were over age 60 (77 out of 805). The number of children under age 18 who arrived on the island account for nearly a fifth of the total population (157 out of 805), almost two thirds of these children (97 of 157) were born after 1792 (see Table 3). Most of these emigrants came from Normandy and Brittany and remained on the island as early as 1789 through 1802. Roughly two thirds of these individuals returned to France by 1804. A small portion (26 out of the 805) died on the island. For the remainder, there is no record of their return or their death.

20The total number of women who declared themselves head of household (either as widows, solo women travelers, or women with children and no male head) is striking. Of the 326 households recorded in the alien registry, 72 were headed by women (see Table 5). Nearly have of these female household heads were made up of female emigrants who declared themselves married, with children, but no name of a spouse. Nearly a quarter of all households who were receiving relief aid, included married women and their household members without a male head. The registry also includes a significant population of (female) emigrants traveling alone (21 out of 137 solo travelers, or about 15%). These included wives without husbands (some widows, some separated), and young professional women; domestic servants, governesses, cooks, laundresses and seamstresses. Madame de Rosmordens, a noble woman from Britanny’s Côtes d’Armor, arrived in Jersey pregnant with the first of her three children who would be born on the island. In 1798, when registering with the British authorities, she was given extraordinary funds to support her, her three children – ages 2, 3, and 7 –, and two domestic servants. Like many of the French émigrés in Jersey, this family remained temporary British residents until the mass departures for France took place in May and June of 1802.

  • 37 BNA, FO 95 603; Société Jersiaise, « French emigrants, 1789-1810 ».
  • 38 Madame Vailliant had five children with no male head of household. I also count twelve other famil (...)

21Madame de Rosmordens, like several other emigrant families headed by women, included her domestic servants as members of her household, totaling six in all. The alien registry does not specify which role these two female servants played, whether as chambermaids, cooks, nurses or governesses, but we can suppose for this Brittany household, those who kept the family together, also ensured their survival.37 One would suppose that Madame de Rosmordens rejoined her husband in Jersey where her four younger children were born, although he is never mentioned in the alien registry. Perhaps he held a military assignment and would not be eligible for relief funds. The historical record leaves out this information. Several other registered families follow a similar profile.38 It was not uncommon for noblewomen to live apart from their spouses and male siblings, especially as many went off to war or trade with the colonies. But as widows or single-mothers with few resources, they faced precarious financial conditions for themselves and their children.

  • 39 Of the 587 persons with ages listed in the alien registry of 1798, 77 or about 13% of them are 60  (...)
  • 40 Donald Sutherland, France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution, London, Oxford University (...)

22The vast majority of the older male population held military titles denoting service in the royal army, or as honorific “chevaliers” and “anciens officiers”).39 The latter group, as members of the sword nobility of Brittany, include a number of poor families who, like René de Chateaubriand, had fallen into poverty but still clung to their honorific titles. Several men in this group of “retired” military leaders served in a local committee that managed and administered charity relief from London. Others enlisted volunteers and former military officers to launch an invasion of France. The call for recruits to join the counter-revolutionary attack on the Brittany coast, several years in the planning, included 3,500 “boys” from Jersey led by senior officers retired from posts in the French army.40

  • 41 See Alfred Cobban, « British Secret Service in France », English Historical Review, 69, 1954, n° 5 (...)

23Jersey’s location as the launching site for a counter-revolutionary invasion in Brittany was no secret. Given what we know about the British Foreign Office’s investment in French spy networks and the swell of counter-revolutionary operations out of London,41 Jersey had already become a well-known site for espionage and counter-revolutionary recruitment to the north. Philippe d’Auvergne, assigned to keep a flotilla of cutters outside of the Saint-Helier Bay, was charged with policing the traffic in guns and assignats smuggled into France. Suspect emigrants travelled to the Brittany coast to make the crossing from St. Malo to British-held territory.

  • 42 Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860. Première série, 1787-1799, séance de l’Assemblée nationale (...)
  • 43C’est qu’il passe pour être considérable au point que la ville ne pouvant plus en contenir, la ga (...)

24Delegates from the Assembly received regular reports from these cities on the number of citizens departing the country. Several districts in the department de la Manche show the extent to which the revolutionaries feared a British invasion as early as September 1792. A Coutances missive addressed to the War Minister on the sixth of the month described the military readiness that included five battalions and all available gendarmes at the border.42 Other reports from Granville and Cherbourg seemed to downplay the threat of invasion, focusing instead on the emigration of hundreds of French, “the vast majority women and priests.” One estimate included as many as 800 who had sailed for the island which was overrun with emigrants, so much so that “the city could no longer house them, forcing the chateaux to move its garrison into tents.”43

  • 44 See 1795 list of the “Corps de noblesse” with 225 recruits from Brittany, stationed on the island (...)
  • 45 James Roberts, The Counter-Revolution in France, 1787-1830, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1990, p. (...)

25The build-up of troops on Jersey was part of a larger British strategy to support the French counterrevolutionary forces on the continent with addition of British arms and ships. The British regarded western France, particularly the Vendée, where civil war was overcoming republican troops in 1793, as the center of popular royalism and the most likely area from which a restoration would take place. Their scheme was to subvert the Republic by internal revolt aided the arrival of an émigré armies. At that time, Jersey emigrants had formed their own units under the leadership of senior French officers salaried by the British government.44 In 1795, Jersey prepared to join the British fleet in a major initiative that included the counterrevolutionary forces under the Comte de Puisaye. The British and French sailed in June for the Quiberon peninsula. They were held off by contrary winds and those who managed to land were sealed off by Republican forces. The counter-revolutionary chouans, many of them Breton civilians who assembled to greet their liberators, were instead abandoned as “rats” according to Hoche, the republican general. The invasion was, for historian James Roberts, “a disastrous failure.” Donald Sutherland calls it “the greatest single disaster the emigration suffered.” Those who were unable to get away surrendered to the Republican forces under General Hoche. Nearly 750 men were assassinated, a clear message to other émigré armies planning any attack. None of the Jersey forces returned.45

  • 46 The Annual Register, 1795. Charlotte-Jeanne: A Forgotten Episode of the French Revolution, London, (...)
  • 47 The Morning Post (London, 1795), as quoted in Margery Weiner, The French Exiles…, op. cit., p. 103
  • 48 The Annual Register, 1789-1815; BNA, T93 as cited in Margery Weiner, The French Exiles…, op. cit., (...)
  • 49 Juliette Reboul, French Emigration to Great Britain…, op. cit., p. 93.

26After Quiberon, the news in British press turned more to the influx of French women in distress, particularly in the cramped, poor quarters of St. George’s Fields. These stories focused on the desperate circumstances of women who they clearly identified with. Hearing of “such misery,” the women of Britain were “heartsick” where “so many persons of the same sex and rank as ourselves have been so innocently involved.”46 British public opinion focused on the trauma of aristocratic emigrant women as casualties of war. One news story featured a destitute woman who, in a panic, fled from conflicts in Holland, leaving behind her five children, the eldest only seven years old. Another aristocratic lady, malnourished and indigent, died leaving her paralyzed husband and three sick and ragged children. Finally, a story about an unnamed woman in the last stages of consumption, with a husband completely immobilized from wounds received in the Prince’s service, was unable to help herself or him, and in want of every necessity.47 As in 1792 with the Wilmot Committee, public opinion supported the victims of war, but in this case, their benevolence was clearly directed toward aristocratic households. Taking the 1798 register of aliens as an example, nobles and officers of noble rank were ten times more likely than commoners to receive “supplements” to their monthly stipends for refugee assistance. The ladies of Britain raised an additional 2,500 pounds via subscription, three years later, allocating an annual sum of ten pounds for each of the Quiberon widows.48 As Juliette Reboul has argued, this humanitarian relief, which had now turned into a state enterprise, drew on a “a widespread and renewed sense of political loyalism and social conservatism.”49 The British view of refugees as made up of traumatized and impoverished noblewomen – far from the social realities of the emigration – benefitted the aristocratic lobby for the Relief Committee as well as the French emigrants involved in military operations with the support of Britain.

  • 50 Cissie Fairchilds study of domestics examines the capitation rolls in Toulouse over the course of (...)
  • 51 Correspondance to Philippe d’Auvergne, Bouillon Papers, BNA, PC 1/115.

27Given the climate of conservatism among those in power, perhaps it is not surprising that the management of Jersey’s refugees favored French elites. Yet even as the Jersey’s local Relief Committee favored the privileged classes, they focused on the needs of specific groups: those over the age of 70, the infirm between ages 65 and 70, and daughters who cared for elderly parents (defined as over the age of 70), as well as paralytics, the blind, and the mentally ill. Extraordinary support was given to domestic servants caring for the elderly. Domestics figure prominently among the registered aliens, ranging from one to as many as five per household, up about a third of the total number of registered aliens. The female domestics slightly outnumbered male, which follows the late-eighteenth century feminization of the profession.50 To be sure, emigrant families depended upon servants to manage their most basic needs of food preparation, dressing, and child care; many émigré households would find it impossible to embark on any long journey without a few servants to assist them. The governance of refugee funds aimed to limit the number of domestic servants per household to three. Most households, if they had any servants, traveled with one or two. The thirteen households on the relief rolls with three or more domestics were noble families with at least two children. But not all households are represented in the register. One example comes from a letter written by Madame le Fruglays, the wife of the late Vincent le Fruglays, “gentilhomme de Bretagne.” She petitioned Jersey’s Commander, Philippe d’Auvergne, for relief funds for her four domestics, appealing to the leader’s “sense of justice.”51 This emigrant saw the importance of maintaining a household with a full staff of household servants; it was not just an expectation, but a moral issue.

Table 6.

Table 6.

Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608

  • 52 Donald Greer, The Incidence of the Emigration…, op. cit., p. 132-138.
  • 53 In addition to Greer’s comprehensive studies of emigration, there is his study of executions under (...)
  • 54 Memoirs of Madame de La Tour du Pin, translated by Felice Harcourt, New York, McCall Publishing, 1 (...)
  • 55 See Laure Junot, Duchesse d’Abrantes, The Home and Court Life of the Emperor Napoleon and His Fami (...)

28Jersey supported a large number of domestic servants, out of proportion with the overall number of domestics who emigrated. According to Greer’s numbers, a total of 16,431 nobles emigrated and 1,699 servants along with them, a ratio of roughly 10 to 1.52 In Jersey, the domestics represented 27% of the non-noble population.53 So why did so many more domestics come to Jersey? One explanation is the affective bonds that held the master-servant relationship together in times of adversity. Émigré memoirs are filled with dramatic tales of the loyal servant who helped their mistress escape at the eleventh hour,54 ones who saved their master from the guillotine, or sustained a family while living in exile.55 We may never know the actual numbers or motives of domestic servants who sheltered, aided or even took flight with émigré households compared with those who stayed behind. Clearly, the choice was theirs to make.

  • 56 The term “domestique” itself is misleading for it could imply any position in a household (secreta (...)

29Another explanation points to the number of male and female “domestiques”56 who emigrated to Jersey on their own in the service of a single person. While the social profiles of domestics as part of household alien records are absent, the Alien Registry includes twenty-five households of such domestics, only a little more than half of them were men (see Table 6). The female domestics, including chambermaids, cooks, and at least one governess who registered with the Alien Office, most often travelled alone. Other evidence points to the economic migration of female labor to Jersey whereby some domestics secured employment at the border of France. Police surveilled the port cities of St. Malo and Caen where large crowds of emigrants waited for passage to the island. One anonymous letter sent from Jersey, intercepted by the police, was written by a young girl to her mother in Switzerland describing her embarkation from the coast of Brittany:

  • 57J’étois si fatigué ma chère maman à mon arrivée à Saint-Helier que je prie Madame Catuelan de vou (...)

“I am so tired my dear mother now having arrived in St Helier that I have asked Madame Catuelan to write to you. She would have pleaded over all the annoyances that we have faced in our travels, not only in the city of Saint Malo that was struck by coastal winds that forced us to go back twice from where we left. After having been really sea sick on the sea, finally our ships’ partner took us to St Helier which is the capital of the island of Jersey.”57

  • 58Nous avions amenne [sic] deux domestiques une femme de chambre que je pris avant de partir de Bre (...)

30This young émigrée goes on to say how she and her female companion (an older relative or governess, perhaps?) had seen over 700 Bretons and many more people from Normandy on the passage. She adds how they had been able to hire two domestic servants while in St. Malo, one a femme de chambre, and the other a cook.58 The daughter, having been so pleased with finding a skilled cook, seemed to be annoyed by the fact that they now were forced to manage with only one servant (as the cook spilled hot water on her foot!). Even in the chaos of their departure, these women saw the necessity of engaging household servants. One imagines St. Malo bristling with travelers and others seeking a post with émigré families. In this case, a young girl and her older guardian, seeking the employment of servants to manage their temporary homes abroad.

31Seen from the other perspective, single working women used the emigration as a way to find opportunity. As barriers to work came down, as private property took the place of land tenure and the rights of the seigneur, and as the needs of subsistence became more acute, the importance of such marketable skills multiplied. For many women, whether separated from their households or from the military men who headed the household, enterprise was paramount to survival. The displacement of hundreds of people, many from the same localities in Brittany and Normandy, spurred a migration of workers and domestics eager to find economic opportunities in a burgeoning island community.

  • 59 See George Balleine, A History of The Island of Jersey…, op. cit., p. 215-230.

32Local histories of Jersey describe the revolutionary decade of the emigration in terms of its population surge that stimulated their economy. Before the emigration, Jersey was sparsely populated with at most 20,000 inhabitants – a number which would double by the mid-nineteenth century with improvements to the port of St. Aubin. With the flood of émigrés seeking to cross the Channel, many boatmen made their living by ferrying people from St. Malo and other fishing villages that dot the Brittany coast to Jersey’s shores. During this time, the Jersey Estates established its first postal service and two, local newspapers, written for the French-speaking population: the Gazette de l’Île de Jersey and Soleil de Jersey which included “petites annonces” and other local events as well as news from France.59

  • 60 Joan Stevens, Old Jersey Houses and Those Who Lived in Them, London, Phillimore, 1980, 4th edition

33It is hardly surprising that the economy grew, given evidence of the speculative housing boom in Jersey that was supported by a large working population, and the influx of hard currency from wealthy émigrés. Businesses began to flourish on the island, beginning with construction of two and three-story homes, as well as new roads, bulwarks, and a large pier along the southern shore. The size of the town, St. Helier, doubled, granite houses were replaced with blocks of apartments and offices for local officials such as the Jersey States and the Housing Committee. There was also a growing demand for private rooms in boarding houses.60 This home-building industry employed masons, carpenters, and large number of laborers needed for the enormous projects from both sides of the Channel. The names of emigrant workers (laboureurs, journaliers, as well as skilled masons and carpenters) appear in the alien registries of Jersey, as well as a number of seamstresses and washing women (blanchisseuses) who arrived between 1791 and 1794, a fact that furthers the argument for economic migration to the island. As one local described it:

  • 61 Balleine’s History of Jersey, revised and enlarged by Marguerite Syvret and Joan Stevens, Andover, (...)

“There is much buying and selling of property and land, as builders and speculators take advantage of the rapid expansion of the town. In 1790 Mr. Seaton offers for sale his house on the sand dunes in the area now known as Seaton Place. He also describes a large house built in what is now Hill Street. It had a courtyard, several cellars, a good pump, two gardens, while the land behind the cellar and one of the gardens runs up to the top of the Town Hill. The cellars of such houses were used for storing wine and later as vaults for local banks.”61

  • 62 Gazette de l’Île de Jersey, June 2, 1792. “Un étranger, depuis peu arrivé dans cette île se propos (...)
  • 63 Gazette, March 31, 1792. “Mme Wooldridge informe le public, qu’elle va commencer à garder une écol (...)
  • 64 Gazette, January 1794.
  • 65 Gazette, June 18, 1791. “Ceux qui auront besoin d’une jeune fille, de l’âge de neuf à dix ans, pou (...)

34Advertisements for goods and services in the local Gazette also attest to the industrious and enterprising initiatives of the island’s immigrant population. One ad, published in the summer of 1792, listed “a ‘foreigner lately arrived in the island’ who proposes to teach elementary French, writing, vocal and instrumental music,” noting those interested should contact Mademoiselle Dorey.62 The same edition included an announcement about a new bilingual trade school for women interested in learning how to sew. The school director, Mrs. Wooldridge, included her address on Castel Lane where she resided at the home of M. Louis Garreau.63 Needlework and other domestic chores appeared to be a marketable skill. An advertisement put forth by Sieur Le Rond, maître de musique du bataillon de Saint-Helier, offering private lessons on a variety of instruments, also mentioned his wife who “takes in washing, mends cotton, silk and woolen stockings and is prepared to take on any sewing in linen.”64 Numerous ads included other services seeking posts as governesses, nursemaids, and cooks, and at least one young girl seeking indentured service.65

  • 66 Gazette, April 15, 1790.
  • 67 Gazette, March 31, 1792. “Peter Thoreau begs leave to inform the ladies, that he has lately receiv (...)

35The influx of French immigrants, particularly those who brought moveable property with them, also stimulated Jersey’s economy through the sale of luxury items and other personal effects. In April 1790, a Mr. Gallichan advertised that he would shortly sell by auction at Madame Le Tubelin’s lodging a great quantity of silver, including six pairs of candlesticks in silver, thirty pairs in silver-gilt and six coffee pots.66 Auctions of books and clothing were frequent listings in the weekly journal. One English merchant promoted the sale of embroidered silk shoes for the ladies of the island, clearly not an item for the working classes.67 While this evidence points to a range of enterprises, a more comprehensive look at the emigrant population according to social rank and profession highlights the diversity of economic and social life. Women and men sought various professions in the building trades, liberal professions as music and language teachers, as well as skilled and domestic trades as dressmakers, washerwomen, cooks, governesses, and nurses.

  • 68 BNA, FO 96-5/605, folio 56.
  • 69 Letter dated October 23, 1795. BNA, FO 95/606, folio 7.
  • 70 According to the 1798 Declarations, BNA, FO 95/608, nearly three-quarters of the émigrés families (...)

36This social profile of the Channel Migration during the revolutionary era reveals a diverse group of men and women, many of whom left their homes in search of refuge and security. Others came to pursue economic and political strategies for themselves, their families, and even the future of France. Of course, not all of these plans succeeded. Perhaps the biggest tragedy were the physical and psychological losses incurred in the Quiberon expedition. Philippe d’Auvergne’s first report of the failed invasion to Secretary Windham in a letter dated August 11th echoes the shock: “It appears that all the prisoners made at Quiberon were shot the preceding evening at Aurai, the barbarity of these horrid monsters makes human nature shudder.”68 What remained of any hope for a coordinated invasion was lost. The British only saw the weakness and ineffectiveness of military émigrés whose disorganized, counter-revolutionary foray not only decimated the resolve of the emigrants, but exposed their vain conceit. The result was a waning of British military and humanitarian support. Two months later, d’Auvergne voiced his frustration with the noble refugees who remained; their pleas for assistance went well beyond what was allotted to them. “Although I have made it a rule to allow none under these circumstances to share in the [additional] secours allowed by government,” wrote d’Auvergne, ”there is a degeneracy in these people that I cannot comprehend, perhaps some fatal influence appertaining to their revolution.”69 His characterization of this group as “degenerate” suggests a reprobate nobility, if not an emasculated one. The counter-revolutionary spirit after 1795 was clearly demoralized, and Jersey would lose its place as the northern post of the counter-revolution. All that seem to remain was a remnant of Brittany’s sword nobles and their widows, aging quietly in the refuge of Jersey. Many of the elderly would choose not to return to France after 1802.70 What limited evidence we have about the lives of emigrants to Jersey shows the vulnerability of war widows, single mothers with infants, the elderly and invalids as much as the resilience of this refugee community of solo travelers and working women.

37During this extended absence, female emigrants who sought their own opportunities to support themselves did so in ways appropriate to conventions of their gender and class. For women of property, it meant turning heirlooms and their personal effects into cash and seeking support for their servants. For women with trade skills, it meant pursuing employment abroad. For other women seeking greater social standing, it could mean finding inventive ways to seek an income through feminized professions such as music and language instruction, needle and laundry work, nursing and childcare. The Jersey records show how domestic servants, largely female, were more apt to relocate with families than male servants, or take the initiative to seek employment abroad. In each of these cases, we see the resilience and agency of women within the structured nature of class, status, and gender. Women pursued enterprising strategies in a revolutionary present that operated within allowable cultural boundaries.

 

38Whether it was the choice of exile or forced displacement, the emigration was shaped by domestic conflict and political instability with the end of the monarchy, sequestering of abandoned property, and the counter-revolution “chouannerie” in western France. The decision to resettle abroad was propelled by the need for security. Clearly, the Revolution upended the lives of many households rupturing traditional domestic relations between wives and husbands, servants and their masters and mistresses. The extraordinary conditions of war and heightened political climate forced many women to pick up and leave their homes with children and domestics in tow. The Revolution’s social and political fissures that broke apart domestic ties also shifted the possibilities and limitations about a family or individual’s means of subsistence. They spurred women, whether as solo travelers or heads of households, in search of a livelihood in new ways through uncharted waters.

39Drawing together the varied experiences of the emigration puts into relief a nation in flux. Chroniclers of the emigration have presented this within the dual migration: on one side is the old regime military who sought Jersey’s proximity to France as a launch pad for invasion and failed dramatically; and on the second, the female emigrant community in Jersey that included a large number of war widows, single mothers of military families, and female domestics. This study suggests a much more complex emigration, with its surges of refugees struggling to maintain a household, and its working classes seeking opportunities abroad. The emigration was markedly different for specific groups of men and women. For the military, Jersey became a zone of contact. Their exile served as a meeting ground to amass troops, plan the attack, and fight to recapture their nation. After the losses at Quiberon, these hopes of assailing the revolution’s ruptures to a nation built upon God, King, and Country were dashed. Women’s exile was marked by other domestic ruptures, namely separation from their hearth and home and death of male family members. The large population of female emigrants included women who had left the protection of their home, solo travelers without spouses, young women traveling with guardians, others waiting for their spouse’s return. All were faced with the challenge of securing a livelihood in a period of uncertainty.

40While I argue, on the one hand, that this female migration drew attention to cultural notions about the fragility of the feminine, I also contend that these female emigrants confronted the material necessities of work in ways that display their agency. Nowhere is this seen more clearly than in the profiles of enterprising women whose period of exile compelled them to secure their own resources. Women on the island forged economic opportunities as business entrepreneurs, and female migrants came to the island in search of domestic work. Similarly, the British community included women who acting as mediators in the humanitarian response, identified the needs of the French emigrants and sought solutions that required their leadership. Thus, in bringing together the rich diversity of the emigrant life in Jersey, a community that highlights the female emigration experience alongside (and apart from) male emigrants, we see how these gendered relations of power operated in this unique environment.

  • 71 Memoirs of Madame de La Tour du Pin…, op. cit., p. 189.
  • 72 Margaret Darrow, « French noblewomen and the new domesticity », Feminist Studies, 5, Spring 1979, (...)

41The Revolution challenged men and women to re-think their position in traditional households and their relationship to the nation. In the reconfiguration of the political field where noble and commoner families abandoned their homes, if not their homeland, and, in some cases, took up arms against the state, the loyalties and relations of power were called into question. Domestic ruptures that displaced households required many women to pursue new strategies in order to survive and find security in a period of instability. Their living conditions as emigrants challenged the social order even as others tried to sustain it. Their response required self-determination in the absence of male rule. The ways in which some women responded to their conditions shows resilience, in other cases their losses were traumatic. The emotional effect of these dramatic ruptures to home life, however temporary, could easily accompany their re-entry into France. The returning émigrée, Marquise de La Tour du Pin, whose rural life on a farm in Upstate New York surprised many fellow countrymen, recognized this shift: “From that day forward, my life was different my moral outlook transformed.”71 What for some noblewomen was a return to a new form of domesticity, for others was a heightened awareness of a generation’s lost moral bearings.72

Haut de page

Notes

1Après le renversement du trône en 1792, lorsque le règne de la terreur a commencé, nous avons tous émigré pour nous soustraire aux périls dont chacun étoit menacé. Ce n’est pas un des moindres crimes du gouvernement d’alors, que d’avoir considéré comme coupables ceux qui ne s’éloignoient de leurs foyers que pour échapper à l’assassinat populaire ou juridique, et d’avoir compris dans leurs proscriptions non seulement les hommes en état de porter des armes, mais les vieillards, les femmes, les enfants même. L’émigration de 1791, au contraire, n’étant provoquée par aucun genre de danger, doit être considérée comme une résolution de parti, et sous ce rapport, on peut la juger d’après les principes de la politique. Germaine de Staël, Considérations sur les principaux événements de la Révolution française, Paris, Delaunay, 1818, tome 2, p. 1-2.

2 For studies of the migration along the borders and in the Atlantic World, see Mary Ashburn Miller, « The impossible émigré: Moving people and moving borders in the annexed territories of revolutionary France » and for the transnational view of the emigration, see Friedmann Pestel, « The Age of emigration: French émigrés and global entanglements in political exile », both appear in the collection French Emigrants in Revolutionized Europe: Connected Histories, edited by Juliette Reboul and Laure Philippe, London, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2019, p. 29-44, 205-232.

3 Donald Greer, « Table 1. General table of the emigration », in The Incidence of the Emigration during the French Revolution, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1951, p. 110-112.

4Loin que l’émigration ait maintenu la considération de la noblesse, elle y a porté la plus forte atteinte.” Germaine de Staël, Considérations…, op. cit., p. 6.

5 François-René de Chateaubriand, Essai historique, politique et moral sur les révolutions anciennes et modernes, considérées dans leurs rapports avec la Révolution française, London, 1814, p. 427-428.

6 Historians Lynn Hunt and Joan Landes have drawn out the “gender drama” that focused on an emasculated aristocracy in the last days of the Old Regime, only to be overcome by the hegemonic masculinity and brutal transparency of Jacobin rule. Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and Class in the French Revolution, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1984. Joan Landes, Visualizing the Nation: Gender, Representation, and Revolution in Eighteenth-Century France, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 2001. Kirsty Carpenter’s pathbreaking book provides an important corrective to historiography of French emigrants in Britain that previously characterized all émigrés, particularly those involved in counter-revolutionary activities, as ultra-royalists. Juliette Reboul monograph offers a close look at the British loyalist response to the emigration that shaped their contentious domestic politics and burdensome refugee policies. Kirsty Carpenter, Refugees of the French Revolution: Émigrés in London, 1789-1802, London, Macmillan Press, 1999. Juliette Reboul, French Emigration to Great Britain in Response to the French Revolution, London, Palgrave, 2017.

7 The Law of Suspects included former nobles and any emigrant family member or servant residing in an emigrant household. The Law of 27 Germinal Year II (April 16, 1794) prohibited nobles from residing in Paris, anywhere on the coast or in fortified cities. The same law prohibited these ex-nobles (who by law had forfeited their titles by the law of June 19, 1790) from participating in aspects of civic life.

8 Greer study of the emigration is based on national archives of published lists of émigrés and local records of the same. He posits the total number of emigrants at 150,000 emigrants; more than half of all emigrants come from the “Third Estate” or commoner status, a group that represents ninety-eight percent of the population. His thorough examination of emigrant lists, broken down by localities (départements), provides the only demographic study of the emigration to date. While acknowledging the inconsistencies and errors in documentation of this population, his findings remain unchallenged. See Donald Greer, The Incidence of the Emigration…, op. cit. The term “refugee” first appeared in a pamphlet published by British conservative, Edmund Burke, who used it to describe the French refractory clergy driven to exile. Edmund Burke, Case of the Suffering Clergy of France, Refugees in British Dominions, London (s.n.), 1792.

9 « An Act for Establishing Regulations Respecting Aliens arriving in this Kingdom, or resident therein, in certain cases » presented by George III to Parliament on December 13, 1792, later ratified as the Alien Act of 1793. The British National Archives (herein BNA), Foreign Office, FO 83/294, n° 8.

10 Caroline Shaw, Britannia’s Embrace: Modern Humanitarianism and the Imperial Origins of Refugee Relief, New York, University of Oxford Press, 2015.

11 Studies of the emigration continue to draw on Donald Greer’s demographic profile that draws heavily on the Revolution’s published émigré lists (notoriously full of errors) and departmental lists (spotty and inconsistent). While the British records are not comprehensive, the Jersey Declaration of Aliens provides details on the geography, social profile and temporal aspects of the emigration not found in French sources. See the 1798 Register of Aliens housed in the BNA, Records of the Foreign Office, FO 95/608. For a digital map of these datapoints, see Sydney Watts, « French Refugees to the Isle of Jersey, 1789-1804 » at http://dsl.richmond.edu/frenchrefugees/. This project was completed with a team of undergraduate researchers and the support of the School of Arts and Sciences. Many thanks to Rob Nelson Director of the Digital Scholarship Lab, and my team of undergraduate researchers for their help on this project.

12 Furetière’s Dictionnaire defines familles as “a household composed of a head and his domestiques, be they wives, children, or servants (serviteurs)”; Antoine Furetière, Dictionnaire universel, t. 1, Paris, 1690.

13 Dominique Godineau, The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution, translated by Katherine Streip, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1998.

14 Olwen H. Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1992.

15 Michel Vovelle, Serge Bonin, La Révolution contre l’Église. De la raison à l’être suprême, Bruxelles, Éditions Complexe, 1988, p. 221-226.

16 See Olwen H. Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship…, op. cit., p. 116-127.

17 The divorce law was official passed on September 20, 1792. Married couples could separate by mutual consent, for incompatibility of character or temperament or for seven specific grounds, which included abandonment for two years, absence without news for five years, and emigration. In Paris, 71% of the divorces came from women. Dominique Godineau, The Women of Paris…, op. cit., p. 39-40.

18 Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 2004.

19 Jennifer Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789-1830, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2005, p. 51.

20 See Joseph Boulard, Douze femmes d’émigrés divorcées à Limoges sous la Terreur, Limoges, 1913; Geneviève Ducrocq-Mathieu, « Le divorce dans le district de Nancy de 1792 à l’an III », Annales de l’Est, 1955, p. 223-224; Laperche-Fournel, « Les divorcés de l’an II », Annales de l’Est, 1993, p. 253-255; Jean Lhote, Le divorce à Metz sous la Révolution et l’Empire, mémoire de DES histoire, Nancy, 1949, p. 12-13; Roderick Philips, Family Breakdown in the late Eighteenth-Century France: Divorces in Rouen, New York, Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1980, p. 148-150.

21 Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial…, op. cit., p. 260.

22 See Renaud Morieux’s 2006 thesis, La Manche au xviiie siècle. La construction d’une frontière franco-anglaise, recently published in English, The Channel: England, France and the Construction of a Maritime Border in the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge, University of Cambridge Press, 2016.

23 Jersey and its history of French immigration first drew the attention of nineteenth-century scholars Comte Régis de l’Estourbeillon de la Grenache, Les familles françaises à Jersey pendant la Révolution, Nantes, Imprimerie Vincente Forest et Émile Grimaud, 1886, and C. Hettier, Relations de la Normandie et de la Bretagne avec les îles de la Manche pendant l’émigration, Paris, 1885. The island is mentioned in several scholarly studies of Britain’s nascent intelligence network, “the Channel Correspondence” as well as the management of refugees under British naval commander, Philippe d’Auvergne, and his dealings with the British Foreign Office. See George Balleine, The Tragedy of Philippe d’Auvergne, London, Phillimore, 1973; Alfred Cobban, « The beginning of the Channel Island Correspondence, 1789-94 », English Historical Review, 77, January 1962, n° 102, p. 38-51; J. R. Dinwiddy, « The use of the Crown’s power under the Aliens Act », Historical Research, 41, November 1968, n° 104, p. 193-211; Elizabeth Sparrow, Secret Service: British Agents in France, 1792-1815, Boydell Press, 1999. The island’s local history has been carefully recorded by native, George Balleine, in A History of The Island of Jersey, New York, Staples Press, 1950.

24 This total number of emigrants comes as close to the real number as historian Donald Greer (The Incidence of the Emigration…, op. cit.) has been able to determine. See also John Dunne, « Quantifier l’émigration des nobles pendant la Révolution française. Problèmes et perspectives », in Jean-Clément Martin (dir.), La Contre-Révolution en Europe, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2001, p. 133-141.

25 The total population of Jersey in 1788 is estimated to 20,000; Mark Boléat, Jersey’s Population: A History, St. Helier, Société Jersiaise, 2015. Estimates of the emigrant population in Jersey vary. Donald Greer claims that there were anywhere from 3,500 to 4,000 who took refuge on the island, citing an earlier study of parish records on Jersey that compiled over 1,200 families. Donald Greer, The Incidence of the Emigration…, op. cit., p. 93-94. See Régis de l’Estourbeillon, Les familles françaises à Jersey pendant la Révolution, Nantes et Mayenne, Éditions régionales de l’Ouest (1880), 2000, p. 2, 4-5, 268-480.

26 Letters dated January 31, 1791, Sûreté publique to the Directoire du Département in St. Malo concern the former privileged who are now in Jersey. The local official explains that many are old and are female and asks what shall they do. There is another letter from Rennes, and the responses from Paris saying not to worry, and that it’s causing a false alarm. Archives départementales d’Ille-et-Vilaine (Rennes), Série L. Military commissions, administration and tribunals. See AD L392. See also L393, Letter dated November 1, 1792 from the Citoyens administrateurs et procureurs syndics du District de Saint-Malo to the Département d’Ille-et-Vilaine à Rennes. Explains the problem of émigrées who want to enter the city of St. Malo. The district questions the decision to expel these women from the republic, and wonders if they are really going to leave. They ask to find “un lieu de sûreté où ils ne pourront faire aucun mal”.

27Le pays que je continue d’habiter est un tableau mouvant. C’est ici que l’on arrive de partout ; c’est d’ici que l’on part. C’est encore ici que l’on revient pour repartir encore. On y est instruit de ce qui arrive ; on le sera exactement, et si l’on me demandait quelque part, je pourrais m’y rendre promptement !” Charles Hettier, Relations de la Normandie et de la Bretagne avec les îles de la Manche pendant l’émigration, Caen, Imprimerie Le Blanc-Hardel, 1885, p. 491.

28 The Bouillon Papers, a manuscript collection housed at the National Archives in Kew Gardens contains extensive correspondence from Philippe d’Auvergne, Prince of Bouillon to Superintendent of Aliens, William Wickham. For detailed reports of the relief funds and reports of the emigrant refugee committee, see BNA, Records of the Foreign Office, FO 95/607, Entry Book to Treasury, Administrative Letters, March 1, 1795 to January 1, 1810.

29 Among the many “host” countries across Europe who took in French émigrés, Britain provided the most generous settlement that included continual financial support. Britain’s national campaign of 1793, spurred on by Edmund Burke’s outrage and Fanny Burney’s call for aid raised 38,000 pounds in the first six months, an amount that doubled by October of that year. Donations from private citizen committees joined with funds raised by émigré Jean François de la Marche, bishop of Saint-Pol-de-Léon and John Eardley Wilmot to form a single bureau, the Wilmot Committee for the relief of French priests (and later, for the émigré laity). Caroline Shaw, Britannia’s Embrace…, op. cit., p. 32.

30 Letters from Madame d’Orvilliers to her cousin, Charles Alexandre Bidé de Maurville, le comte de Maurville, December 1794 to April 1795; R. de l’Estourbeillon, Les familles françaises à Jersey…, op. cit., p. 481-495 ; BNA, FO 95/608.

31 Charles Hettier, Relations de la Normandie…, op. cit., p. 34.

32 Kirsty Carpenter provides a snapshot of the influx of “all lay émigrés,” drawing on a “collection of records” from the British Archives, primarily the Bouillon Papers from the Home Office for the period 1789-1794. Of the total number of entries, 9% arrived between 1789-1790, 55% arrived in 1791, 24% in 1792, 10% in 1793, and 2% in 1794. Kirsty Carpenter, Refugees of the French Revolution…, op. cit., p. 195. My research, focused on the island of Jersey and their declarations for the period 1789-1798, shows a similar spike in 1791 with sustained numbers of households entering Jersey through 1792, and a more gradual falling off in 1793-1794. See Table 1.

33 Since 1780, the British Parliament had been debating the establishment of a central policing agency, similar to the French Lieutenant General of Police and his commissaires. In June 1792, in the wake of Jacobin activity in London, the Police Bill passed. The Act, debated as the Westminster Police Act but ratified as the Middlesex and Surrey Justices Act, created the “stipendary magistrates” of which William Wickham was one, answerable directly to the Crown and his ministers, not the Parliament. Elizabeth Sparrow, Secret Service…, op. cit., p. 6-7.

34 The Act gave royal authority by proclamation, order in council, or order under the Crown’s sign manual, the power to forcibly remove any alien from realm. Vigorously debated in the Parliament over four days, the Aliens Act became law in January of 1793. The handful of MPs who opposed it saw the erosion of English liberties and the fear of implementing a police state reminiscent of France. Charles James Fox, member of the House of Commons, contended that the political opinions from abroad posed no domestic threat. Lloyd’s Evening Post, vol. LXXII, Friday January 4 to Monday January 7, 1793, n° 5543. See also Carpenter, Refugees of the French Revolution…, op. cit., p. 35-37.

35 BNA, Records of the Foreign Office, FO 95/608.

36 R. de l’Estourbeillon, Les familles françaises à Jersey…, op. cit., p. 5.

37 BNA, FO 95 603; Société Jersiaise, « French emigrants, 1789-1810 ».

38 Madame Vailliant had five children with no male head of household. I also count twelve other families among the charity rolls; BNA, FO 96 603.

39 Of the 587 persons with ages listed in the alien registry of 1798, 77 or about 13% of them are 60 years or older, 24 people in this group, or 4% are over 70 years old. Only 6 in this group are female. The eldest emigrant registered is an 85-year-old male, M. de la Reigneray, gentilhomme, from Dinan who arrived on the island in September 25, 1791 and died there in February of 1801; BNA, FO 95 603.

40 Donald Sutherland, France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution, London, Oxford University Press, 1985, p. 271.

41 See Alfred Cobban, « British Secret Service in France », English Historical Review, 69, 1954, n° 54, p. 226-261; Elizabeth Sparrow, « Secret Service under the Pitt’s Administrations, 1792-1806 », History, 82, April 1998, n° 270, p.  280-294.

42 Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860. Première série, 1787-1799, séance de l’Assemblée nationale législative du dimanche 9 septembre 1792 au matin, Annexe 1, French Revolution Digital Archive, Stanford University, https://sul-philologic.stanford.edu/philologic/archparl/ (Accessed March 15, 2021).

43C’est qu’il passe pour être considérable au point que la ville ne pouvant plus en contenir, la garnison a dû quitter le château et se mettre sous des tentes, pour faire place aux Français ; ce ne sont en très grande partie que des prêtres et des femmes.” Archives parlementaires, Annexe 1, French Revolution Digital Archive, Stanford University, https://sul-philologic.stanford.edu/philologic/archparl/ (Accessed March 15, 2021).

44 See 1795 list of the “Corps de noblesse” with 225 recruits from Brittany, stationed on the island of Jersey; BNA, HO 65/15.

45 James Roberts, The Counter-Revolution in France, 1787-1830, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1990, p. 48-49; Donald Sutherland, France, 1789-1815…, op. cit., p. 271.

46 The Annual Register, 1795. Charlotte-Jeanne: A Forgotten Episode of the French Revolution, London, 1908, as cited in Margery Weiner, The French Exiles, 1789-1815, New York, Morrow & Co, 1961, p. 103-104.

47 The Morning Post (London, 1795), as quoted in Margery Weiner, The French Exiles…, op. cit., p. 103.

48 The Annual Register, 1789-1815; BNA, T93 as cited in Margery Weiner, The French Exiles…, op. cit., p. 104.

49 Juliette Reboul, French Emigration to Great Britain…, op. cit., p. 93.

50 Cissie Fairchilds study of domestics examines the capitation rolls in Toulouse over the course of the eighteenth century. She notes the feminization of domestic service accompanied a “bourgeoisification” of the trade. See Fairchilds, Domestic Enemies: Servants and Their Masters in Old Regime France, Baltimore and London, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1984, p. 15-16, 51, and 152.

51 Correspondance to Philippe d’Auvergne, Bouillon Papers, BNA, PC 1/115.

52 Donald Greer, The Incidence of the Emigration…, op. cit., p. 132-138.

53 In addition to Greer’s comprehensive studies of emigration, there is his study of executions under the Terror. His findings suggests that domestic servants were a small percentage (3%) of the whole. Given the low percentage of domestics who faced the Revolutionary Tribunal, one could contend they did not face the same threat as their former aristocratic masters. Donald Greer, The Incidence of the Terror during the French Revolution, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1935, p. 154-160.

54 Memoirs of Madame de La Tour du Pin, translated by Felice Harcourt, New York, McCall Publishing, 1971, p. 185-189.

55 See Laure Junot, Duchesse d’Abrantes, The Home and Court Life of the Emperor Napoleon and His Family, London, R. Bentley & Son, 1893, 1, p. 165-166; Marquise de La Rochejaquelein, Mémoires de Mme La Marquise de La Rochejaquelein, écrits par elle-même, Paris, L.C. Michaud 1816, p. 343-344; Louise-Élisabeth Vigée-Lebrun, Souvenirs de Madame Louise-Élisabeth Vigée-Lebrun, Paris, H. Fournier, 1835-1837, p. 187.

56 The term “domestique” itself is misleading for it could imply any position in a household (secretary, intendant, chaplain) or in the service of a master or a military officer. The title domestique was also used for female servants but more often corresponded to domestic workers such as chambermaids, cooks, nurses, and maids of all sorts. Some women registered under specific working roles such “femme de chambre” or “cuisinière”.

57J’étois si fatigué ma chère maman à mon arrivée à Saint-Helier que je prie Madame Catuelan de vous écrire ; elle vous aura mendié toutes les contrariétés que nous avons éprouvées dans notre voyage non par de la municipalité de Saint-Malo que est honnaitre [sic] mais du coté des vents qui nous ont obligé de rentre deux fois à se servant d’où nous étions partie après avoir été bien malade sur la mer enfin notre croisière compagne nous conduise à Saint-Helier qui est la capitale de l’Isle de Jersai [sic].” Archives nationales de France, D/XXIX bis/37. Archives du comité des recherches, dossier 382, pièce 9.

58Nous avions amenne [sic] deux domestiques une femme de chambre que je pris avant de partir de Bretagne et Saint-Louis notre femme de chambre devoit fair la cuisine et il c’est trouvé quelle la scais [sic] aisse [sic] bien en la faisant.” Archives nationales de France, D/XXIX bis/37. Archives du comité des recherches, dossier 382, pièce 9.

59 See George Balleine, A History of The Island of Jersey…, op. cit., p. 215-230.

60 Joan Stevens, Old Jersey Houses and Those Who Lived in Them, London, Phillimore, 1980, 4th edition.

61 Balleine’s History of Jersey, revised and enlarged by Marguerite Syvret and Joan Stevens, Andover, NH, Phillimore & Co, 1981, 1988; George Balleine, A History of The Island of Jersey…, op. cit., p. 212.

62 Gazette de l’Île de Jersey, June 2, 1792. “Un étranger, depuis peu arrivé dans cette île se propose d’enseigner les principes de la langue françoise, & de donner des leçons d’écriture, de musique vocale & instrumentale, ceux qui voudront l’honorer de leur confiance n’ont qu’à s’adresser à mademoiselle Dorey, au haut de la ville, où il demeure. Il ira donner des leçons chez ceux qui le requerront.”

63 Gazette, March 31, 1792. “Mme Wooldridge informe le public, qu’elle va commencer à garder une école, en anglais & en françois, où elle apprendra à coudre, son école ouvrira lundi prochain 2 avril ; elle demeure chez M. Louis Garreau, dans Castle-Lane.”

64 Gazette, January 1794.

65 Gazette, June 18, 1791. “Ceux qui auront besoin d’une jeune fille, de l’âge de neuf à dix ans, pour être louée jusqu’à l’âge de vingt ans, ils peuvent s’adresser au connetable [sic] de Sainte-Marie, qui pourra convenir des conditions avec eux.”

66 Gazette, April 15, 1790.

67 Gazette, March 31, 1792. “Peter Thoreau begs leave to inform the ladies, that he has lately received a very elegant assortment of imbroder’d silk shoes, of different colours & sizes, which he sells at his shop, in king-street, opposite Mrs. Mauger, milliner.”

68 BNA, FO 96-5/605, folio 56.

69 Letter dated October 23, 1795. BNA, FO 95/606, folio 7.

70 According to the 1798 Declarations, BNA, FO 95/608, nearly three-quarters of the émigrés families left in 1801, the remainder stayed at least until 1803, when the documentation ends, many may have stayed longer. Most of these remaining emigrants were elderly. In a letter dated March 8, 1802, Philippe d’Auvergne explained how the slow decline in aid pressured many emigrants to leave. Many complained about the shrinking pot of money for them. “I have reason to hope that heaviest articles on the lists will progressively return to their bounty, now particularly as the allowances of five months made them permanent to their Lordships Command assists them in their journey. The great majority of them are very old and infirm people, the rest mostly children, whose return at the Peace I would scarcely doubt.” [emphasis mine] BNA, FO 95/607.

71 Memoirs of Madame de La Tour du Pin…, op. cit., p. 189.

72 Margaret Darrow, « French noblewomen and the new domesticity », Feminist Studies, 5, Spring 1979, n° 1, p. 41-65; Ronan Steinberg, The Afterlives of the Terror: Facing the Legacies of Mass Violence in Postrevolutionary France, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2019.

Haut de page

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1. Map of Western France
Crédits Cassini Map, 1754. David Rumsey Collection (The Island of Jersey indicated above)
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 115k
Titre Table 1.
Crédits Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 111k
Titre Table 3.
Crédits Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 100k
Titre Table 4.
Crédits Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 83k
Titre Table 5.
Crédits Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 47k
Titre Table 6.
Crédits Register of Aliens, November 1798. BNA, FO 95/608
URL http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/docannexe/image/6789/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 83k
Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Sydney Watts, « Domestic ruptures: French emigrants to the Channel Island of Jersey and the gendering of exile, 1789-1802 »Diasporas, 38 | 2021, 21-43.

Référence électronique

Sydney Watts, « Domestic ruptures: French emigrants to the Channel Island of Jersey and the gendering of exile, 1789-1802 »Diasporas [En ligne], 38 | 2021, mis en ligne le 12 septembre 2022, consulté le 26 mai 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/6789 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.6789

Haut de page

Auteur

Sydney Watts

Sydney Watts holds a joint appointment as Associate Professor of History and Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies at the University of Richmond, Virginia. Her current project focuses on the migration of French refugees to and through the Channel Islands, and the resettlement of French emigrants during the period 1789 to 1815.

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

CC-BY-NC-ND-4.0

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

Haut de page
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search